Share, , Google Plus, Pinterest,


Anglo-Irish Vice Ring. Chapters 19 – 24




The links between the key suppliers of children to the ring such as Eric Witchell at Williamson House and the trio of abusers at Kincora were strong. The Kincora trio consisted of Joe Mains (an MI6 and later MI5 agent); William McGrath (also an MI6 and MI5 agent); and Raymond Semple (who did what Mains told him). All of them were visitors to Williamson House. Mains sometimes stayed overnight. At one stage Mains ran Williamson House for a few weeks, presumably because Witchell or some other member of staff was on holiday or ill.

In 1975 a group of 14-year olds under the care of Witchell at Williamson House was transferred to Kincora. Up to this point, Kincora had normally housed 16 –18 year olds. Some, if not all, of the new influx from Williamson House had already been crushed and remoulded to the point where they were fearful and compliant sex drones; probably the very reason for their transfer. They were now earmarked as bait for an MI5 ‘honey trap’ operation based at a series of hotels in Belfast and at least one in Bangor. Over time, some of the boys, especially Richard Kerr, would begin to resist, but not at this stage.

Most, but not all, of the new boys installed at Kincora hailed from Williamson House. They included Richard Kerr who arrived in August 1975; ‘F’, who is still alive; ‘B’, who later shot himself, and ‘S’.

Steven Waring, who had not been in Williamson House, joined a few months after. He committed suicide in 1977.

The reinvigorated Belfast and Bangor hotel ‘honey trap’ operation recommenced in September 1975, a few weeks after Kerr’s arrival at Kincora.

Another young boy, ‘D’, would be consigned to the hell of this existence the following year.  He is still alive. Collectively, these boys will be referred to as the Hotel Victim Group.

Kerr, who has described what took place to Village, was the first of the Hotel Victim Group to arrive at Kincora. On the surface, there was no logical reason for the transfer of the new residents. Ian Cameron and MI5, however, were the beneficiaries of the new arrangement because it allowed them to replenish their ongoing “honey trap” blackmail operations in Belfast and Bangor with a fresh batch of younger teenagers who were sexually compliant. In addition, MI5 was in complete control of Kincora, a detached house which was smaller and more manageable from their perspective than Williamson House which consisted of two buildings. Kincora was also controlled by three men, all of whom were paedophiles. Witchell – as a paedophile – was very much on his own at Williamson House, at least at that point in time. In a nutshell, MI5 could remove the members of the Hotel Victim Group from Kincora at will.

Members of the Hotel Victim Group were also shipped to England and Scotland by Mains on the orders of Joss Cardwell, an influential Loyalist politician.


The account Richard Kerr has provided about the defilement of boys – including himself – at hotels in Belfast and Bangor is independently confirmed by contemporaneous British Army notes.

One of MI5’s darkest projects in Northern Ireland was entitled Operation Clockwork Orange. It went through a number of phases. It was primarily designed to counter Loyalist anti-State activities. It involved, inter alia, the collection of damaging information about DUP and other Loyalist politicians as well as paramilitaries.

Colin Wallace, a British Army PSYOPS officer, was asked by MI5 to assist Clockwork Orange. Towards this end, he was provided with information which he recorded in his notebook. Forensic examination has proven that his notes are authentic. In December 1974 Wallace recorded the following: “Joseph Mains may be extensively involved in a prostitution ring supplying boys to hotels in Belfast and Bangor. The hotels include: Girton Lodge, Park Avenue; Stormont; Europa and the Queen’s Court in Bangor. [John] McKeague is said to use the Royal Avenue Hotel for the same purposes. Bearing in mind that the East Belfast UDA leadership use the Girton Lodge and the Park Avenue for their meetings, it is simply [not] credible that they did not know what is going on there. Note: Mains has a brother in the RUC. He also has a questionable relationship with Belfast Corporation Welfare Chairman (Cardwell) and Legal Adviser (Young)”.

In September 1975 Wallace wrote a letter to his former boss at British Army HQ in Northern Ireland which referred to “homosexual prostitution at a children’s home in Belfast”.  The relevant extract reads as follows: “My concern now is that there may be an attempt by the Ministry [of Defence] to deny any form of official ‘dirty tricks’ organisation existed within the Security Forces. For example, in the Ministry’s summary of my oral representations made [at an employment tribunal] to John Groves and Mr Fairbairn on 10 May reference is made in paragraph 3 to ‘actions’ which I was asked to launch during the [Ulster Workers Council anti-power-sharing] strike. The word “actions” appears to have been used by MOD to conceal the fact that I referred to the attempts made by the Security Service [i.e. MI5] to discredit various Loyalist politicians, including the Rev Ian Paisley [of the DUP], by the use of forged documents and by linking the MPs with loyalist paramilitary figures involved in homosexual prostitution at a children’s home in Belfast”.

Wallace’s Clockwork Orange notes and his September 1975 letter were furnished to the Hart Inquiry which clearly did not appreciate the significance of either. On their own – and at a minimum – they confirm that MI5 knew about the existence of a paedophile network involving Joseph Mains and John McKeague in Belfast and Bangor five years before it was exposed in the Irish Independent, yet did nothing to interfere with it.


When Kerr’s social worker rang Kincora looking for him while he was out of the home being defiled, Joe Mains would brush her off by saying he had gone on some sort of an outing. She was not fooled and would eventually expose the scandal through the Irish Independent in the Republic of Ireland.

Others, beguiled by State lies, have not demonstrated the same penetrating insight as Kerr’s social worker. To cover his tracks, Joe Mains would enter false destinations for the boys into the Kincora logbook, or make no entry at all.  While Kerr refused to appear in person before the Hart Inquiry in 2016, it examined a written account he had provided concerning his trips to England. Hart ultimately decided to {i} accept the veracity of the Kincora logs maintained by Joe Mains at face value and {ii} use them to dismiss Kerr’s account of his trips to England and {iii} dispute his credibility.  Does it need to be stressed that the organisers of paedophile rings have never been known to {i} make accurate and incriminating records of their crimes, {ii} preserve them and {iii} ultimately furnish them to the police?



Alan Kerr was sexually abused by three men at Williamson House, a Belfast Corporation Welfare Department care home in Belfast. He was only six years of age when it started.  One of his abusers was Eric Witchell.

Alan is the younger brother of Richard Kerr. Alan did not realise he had a brother until he met Richard at Williamson House when he was six. He also met his sister at it and learned that he had another brother, and two other sisters; moreover, that both of his parents were still alive.

Later, he was moved to Shore House where he was abused by another two men, one of whom may have been Witchell’s friend, William McGrath.

Alan eventually fled from institutional care for a life on the streets of Belfast but it was no more than jumping out of the frying pan and into the fire. Having been neglected, groomed and abused throughout his childhood, and finding himself desperate for food and shelter while on the run, he fell into the hands of a network of calculating paedophiles who abused him. At one point in time he was manipulated into working for a while at a brothel off the Lisburn Road where boys as young as 13 were made available to Belfast’s paedophile community.

Later again, he was trafficked to Birmingham and thence to London by Billy ‘B’, one of his abusers. Out of desperation and with neither an education nor any sort of a qualification, he would end up being exploited as a ‘rent boy’ at Victoria Station;  as  a ‘Dilly boy’ on the ‘Meat Rack’ at Piccadilly Circus;  and for approximately a year in a brothel in Earl’s Court alongside other boys who were younger than him; possibly even as young as 13 or 14. He also had a bizarre encounter with two members of the Royal Family.


Alan Kerr was born on 8 May, 1968, and was taken into care at Breffni Nursery when he was only a few months old, sometime in late 1968 or early 1969.

There was a lot of sobbing at night time in Breffni, a care home which catered for infants and pre-school children. Alan recalls how, if a child in the dormitory began to cry out loudly at night, some of the more brutal member of the night staff would put the child in a boiler room, well out of earshot. They were often left for hours alone in the pitch black. Alan often found himself crying because he was surrounded by cold strangers; had no family ‘to love me’; and had to cope with the unrelenting stress of a threatening environment. He too ended up in the boiler room on a number of occasions. He recalls one particular night when two of the night staff marched into the dormitory, hauled him out of bed and carried him to it, then pushed him inside and left him alone in the darkness four hours.


Acaveat must be entered before we proceed any further: Alan Kerr does not have access to his institutional records from Belfast and therefore cannot provide precise dates. Instead, he has done his best from memory.

Alan left Breffni Nursery when he was about six, sometime in 1974, or thereabouts, and took up residence at Williamson House for the next two or three years. He describes it as being ‘worse’ than Breffni. ‘Things did happen there which I still can’t talk about.’

Alan would be abused by men who were not members of the staff at Williamson House; yet more proof of an organised child abuse ring operating in Northern Ireland at this time.

‘The abuse began on my first night at Williamson House when a man climbed into my bunk bed. I didn’t understand what was happening.’ The event was so traumatic, Alan manages to black it out most of the time and certainly prefers not to talk about it.

Alan’s brother Richard and his sister were at Williamson House. Prior to his arrival, he had no idea that he had any family. He also discovered he had two other sisters and a brother. Alan, Richard and his sister were together for about a year before Richard was shipped out to Kincora Boys Home, perhaps the most concentrated cesspit of child sex abuse in Ireland at that time. Alan’s sister remained with him at Williamson House. He received his first visit – or at least the first visit he can remember – from his parents at the home.

One of Alan’s abusers at Williamson House was Eric Witchell. He was a friend of Joe Mains, the Warden of Kincora, and William McGrath, the Housefather at Kincora. Although Witchell’s title was that of Officer-in-Charge, his responsibilities were confined to one of the two buildings at the institution, each of which was administered separately. Alan was not a resident on Witchell’s wing. Nonetheless, Witchell managed to lure him across to his attic room where he groped him sexually.

Witchell, he recalls, ‘always had a grin on his face’.

Alan hated the place from the word go. ‘Sometimes when things went wrong we were starved for no good reason.’ On more than one occasion, he was sent to bed without having been fed although he had done nothing wrong but someone else had  –  but had not owned up to it –  and everyone was punished. ‘It was very hard to be happy at Williamson House. There was no joy there. It was scary in these places’.

Williamson House was not investigated by the Hart Inquiry although a number of other care homes were.


Alan left Williamson House around 1977. He was about ten and took up residence at Shore House, also in Belfast. He stayed there until was 11, perhaps even 12. ‘It was not a nice place either. One of the staff, [NG], was very physical from the start. He would grab you by the throat, lock grab you; and drill march you up to the dorm and throw you into it. When you were in a lock, you couldn’t breathe properly’.

One lady beat the children with a wooden spoon on the legs and put soap and mustard in their mouths. “She was the worst female member of staff. If a child was making noise at night, she came upstairs and pulled the cover off and took your pyjamas down and beat you on the bum or the legs. It was pure physical hitting; hard-hitting. She could get furious.’

“One thing the staff had to do was to make you afraid of them. This was how they kept control. They couldn’t ever lose control”, Alan emphasises.

Sadly, a lot worse than this lay in store for Alan.

A man Alan refers to as ‘Joe Soap’ abused both him and another boy at Shore House. Village is withholding the second child’s name. Alan had known him earlier at Williamson House.

‘Soap’ was a man who ‘smelt and was dirty’. He materialised at Shore House one day out of the blue, a complete stranger to Alan. Yet, ‘Soap’ knew exactly who he was. At the time Alan’s parents were both alive. ‘Soap’ knew about them too. Clearly, someone must have furnished him with the relevant details about Alan, most likely someone with access to his welfare file. ‘Soap’s’ opening gambit involved telling the staff that he was a friend of Alan’s parents. This was accepted at face value. ‘One of them came in and told me that there was someone outside who was a friend of my family and I was brought outside to meet him. It was as simple as that.’

Many years later Alan was looking at a picture of William McGrath, the notorious Housefather at Kincora Boys’ Home, when he realised he knew him; and then it came to him: McGrath was ‘Joe Soap’. If his recollection is accurate, this would explain how ‘Soap’ knew so much about his background and where to find him. For a start, McGrath and Witchell were friends. Witchell even had his own nickname for McGrath, ‘Master McGrath’, after a then popular dog food. Witchell, of course, knew all about Alan’s background from his time at Williamson House. McGrath might also have picked up Alan’s trail from his visits to his brother Richard at Kincora. Richard had entered Kincora  in 1975 and stayed there until 1977.

McGrath was also known to abuse very young boys. One of his Kincora victims, James Miller, has described how he had an appetite for boys ‘with no hair between their legs’. Miller told the Hart Inquiry how the staff at Kincora ‘each had their favourites and they kept those boys for themselves. However, McGrath wasn’t that fussy about who he abused. He said himself he ‘liked’ all boys as long as they weren’t too old’.

Miller also stated that the abuse he suffered at Kincora ‘started within the first week. It continued over the entire two years I was there. I have thought about it and I would say McGrath abused me on 325 occasions, ranging from getting in to bed with me to buggery. He used to bring me downstairs behind Mains’ office and down to where the freezers were. It was quieter for him down there. The things he used to do to me were sick. He would try to get me to have an erection but I wasn’t old enough. I wasn’t even developed which was the way McGrath preferred it. He used to say he liked boys with no hair between the legs.’

Alan was about 10 or 11 at the time ‘Soap’, the man he believes was McGrath, began to abuse him.

McGrath occasionally wore glasses, just as ‘Soap’ did, although all the published photographs of him depict him in spectacles. McGrath did not always wear them while he working at Kincora according to Richard Kerr who saw him every day for nearly two years. In a similar fashion, ‘Soap’ did not always wear spectacles inside Shore House.

The defilement perpetrated by ‘Soap’ began after the second or third visit. ‘Soap’ could hardly have acted so confidently unless he knew that Alan had already been abused and had not complained.

‘Soap’ became a frequent visitor to Shore House. The early encounters involved Alan being raped in the upstairs toilets while the staff were downstairs in the living room unaware of what was going on. ‘I didn’t talk to them. You couldn’t talk to them. I was so scared of them. I thought I would get into trouble if I said anything to them.’

Later, ‘Soap’ took him to a derelict house to defile him.

The second boy was also abused in the upstairs toilets. Alan was instructed by ‘Soap’ to stand guard outside them while it took place. The other child was later rescued from the care system by a relative. Alan has neither seen nor spoken to him since.

One day ‘Soap’ disappeared never to turn up again at Shore House. Although Alan cannot be specific about dates, this may have been early in 1980 which is at the time the Kincora scandal erupted and McGrath’s reign of terror came shuddering to a halt.

Whether ‘Soap’ was McGrath or not, the essential point is that a paedophile was provided with confidential details about a boy at Shore House who had been broken and moulded into a sexual plaything at the age of six by Eric Witchell and others at Williamson House. Clearly, a paedophile network was operating in the shadows. Yet every State-sponsored probe into the Kincora scandal has concluded that an organised network of paedophiles did not exist in NI.

Shore House was not investigated by the Hart Inquiry either.


The staff at Shore House had access to a property in County Down where the children were occasionally taken on what should have been happy and memorable excursions. Alan went on one trip led by ‘G’, the man who was given to grabbing children by the throat. Alan was the only boy on the trip. That night the girls were shepherded into one of the bedrooms while Alan was instructed by G to join him in another room. When the doors were closed, G “took off his clothes and stood in front of me naked with his erection on display and began pleasuring himself’, Alan recalls. ‘Then he got into his own bed and continued. I told another boy about this and we were probably overheard and the story [eventually] leaked back’ to the other staff at Shore House.

Something similar happened during a subsequent visit to Portrush with G. On the second occasion, ‘he got into the shower with me erect. Then he masturbated himself in the bathroom. He was probably about 27-28 at the time”, Alan recalls.

Alan was attending a meeting of the Boys Brigade in a hall near to Shore House one day not long after these events had occurred when a member of staff called him out early and brought him back to see Miss Kavanagh, the woman who ran the institution. She was in her office with the Area Head social worker who was seated. She quizzed Alan about G’s behaviour. At first, he was afraid to talk but she persisted. She used hand gestures to depict what she understood had taken place. Alan was eventually able to confirm what had transpired. The RUC were then called in and took a statement from him. A prosecution was pursued in a court in County Down. The presiding magistrate was male in his 50s or 60s.

Alan, who was 10 or 11, recalls that he was ‘set upon by [G’s] lawyer and I started crying. The defence tore into me. I was accused of making it up. I denied I had lied. I was accused of being the one who had exposed myself to others on the trip’. That, of course, was a blatant and malicious lie.

On her way out of the court after Alan’s cross examination, Miss Kavanagh said that she was convinced that G was lying about Alan’s alleged behaviour because she was the person in authority to whom any such misbehaviour would have been reported and not a word of it had reached her ears.

Kerr was the only prosecution witness to testify about what had transpired inside the bedroom. In the event, her colleague was found not guilty by the magistrate. However, he soon lost his job at Shore House.

Alan never received any counselling after the trial. Shortly afterwards, he was fostered by a family in the community. The arrangement lasted approximately two years before the relationship broke down and he returned to Shore House, albeit for a brief spell only before he was moved on to Bernardo’s Sharonmore Project.


Alan stayed at Sharonmore for about two years, 1980-81, where he was not abused sexually. Nonetheless, the trauma of his childhood had caught up with him and he was now a troubled child. He was transferred to Rathgael Training School in Bangor, Co. Down, which catered for difficult children. So intense was his dislike of it, he absconded at any given opportunity, perhaps up to twenty times. His first break-out occurred shortly after his arrival. This began a pattern of traipsing ‘across fields that took me into Dundonald in East Belfast’. When he was caught and hauled back, he would be put into a lock up unit for absconders in ‘House 4’ which had shatterproof plastic windows. All told, he spent about a year at Rathgael before his final and permanent break for freedom.

When he was in Belfast the inevitable happened: he was preyed upon by predators on the lookout for ‘runaways’. ‘Two men  – Martin Cassidy and Davey Martin  – bumped into me and it started from there. They hung around the town centre a lot picking up boys, especially boys in school uniforms. They often went to the toilets in the city and other places. Cassidy had a beard in those days and wore an earring. He was dirty and badly dressed. Martin was more into suits, snappy suits’.

Alan recalls how Cassidy was ‘a monster’ who asked him to perform grotesque sexual acts on him.

Alan became something for them to show off, to dangle and pass around to other predators. Among those to whom he was circulated was ‘Fanny’ who was a ‘dirty pervert’, as a well as Roy, Hugo and Billy B ‘who all had their own kinks’. Roy is still alive and living in Belfast. Billy ‘B’ is dead as, it appears, is Hugo.

‘I slept with men because I had no choice. I needed food and a bed’, Alan explains. Suffice it to say, by this time his desperation had made him easy prey for Belfast’s calculating paedophiles. He was escorted around the paedophile haunts of the city such as the Whip & Saddle Bar in the Europa Hotel while it was run by Harper Brown, a friend of Joe Mains, the Warden of Kincora. The Europa was where Alan’s brother Richard had been abused by Enoch Powell MP while he had ‘worked’ there as a bell hop for Brown; in reality a flimsy cover for his role as a plaything for pederasts.

While Alan was in the Whip and Saddle, he met some English paedophiles. Some of them knew their depraved NI counterparts who drank in the hotel while the ‘Northern Ireland paedophiles definitely all knew each other. It was a close-knit group; really close.’ The members met in a series of pubs and often exchanged information about boys, especially new boys, ‘the fresh meat or chickens as they called us’. Alan Kerr was also taken to the Crow’s Nest on Skipper Street. It was quite close to the Albert Memorial which was then a ‘cruising ground’ for paedophiles.  It was later renamed the ‘Custom House’. He also went to the ‘The Red Barn’ on Rosemary Street which was opposite the Royal Avenue Hotel bar which was also frequented by paedophiles, notably the terrorist and MI5 agent John Dunlop McKeague.

The official line is that network of paedophile abusers did not exist in NI at this time.


During another foray from Rathgael, Cassidy and Martin brought Alan to a gay brothel on a street off the Lisburn Road. ‘From the outside it looked just like a house’, Alan recalls. ‘13 and 14-year-old boys were working in it as well as older boys. I knew one of them from Williamson House. He was sitting in the living room on a settee with some other lads when I walked in the first time’.

The existence of this brothel is a new revelation; and this despite countless police, local authority and state-sponsored enquiries into child sex abuse in Northern Ireland over the last four decades. The brothel was within walking distance of Belfast City Hall which was a meeting place for the members of paedophile network.

How did all the enquiries fail to uncover this child brothel?

How many other child brothels were open for business in Northern Ireland at this time?

Alan recalls that the brothel was ‘run by an ugly fat character. I sort of worked a bit in it. I met [name withheld] who was the same age as me. He was a Catholic. I’m Protestant. He lived with his family in the Divis flats.’ Alan disliked the fat man and soon decided to give the brothel a wide berth.

According to Alan, the brothel was frequented by a large number of Belfast’s ‘close-knit’ paedophile community. What are the chances that the men who were involved in the Kincora, Williamson House and Park Avenue Hotel branches of that community never once visited the boy brothel, nor knew of its existence? Did Mains, McGrath, McKeague and Alan Campbell – all British agents – never tell MI5 about it? Did Ian Cameron of MI5, the evil force who protected the ring, and his successors, never learn about it?

At the very least, the brothel enjoyed a measure of shelter from the protective wall built around NI’s paedophile community by the NIO, MI5, MI6 and the RUC Special Branch. In order for their overarching paedophile exploitation/blackmail operation to thrive, it was necessary for the NI paedophile community as a whole to flourish. If one child abuser was ever to be arrested, it was always likely that others would follow and the deprecations at Kincora, Williamson House and the Park Avenue Hotel would ultimately be exposed.

There is also a deeply disturbing – yet highly likely – possibility, namely that the brothel was a constituent element of the MI5-run operation that also permitted the abuse at Kincora, Williamson House, the Park Avenue Hotel and elsewhere to fester.


Alan went to stay with the Catholic boy from the Divis Flats he had befriended at the boy brothel. ‘I stayed with his family on and off. I slept on the floor of his bedroom. It was very small and stuffy. His brothers were very Republican. I don’t think they ever realised I was a Protestant.’

During an escapade with his newfound feral friends from the Divis flats, Alan found himself riding as a passenger in a stolen car one day. Suddenly, two jeeps with armed British soldiers started tearing after them. ‘The soldiers always had these large SLR rifles. Our car stopped and everyone jumped out. I didn’t know where to go. The rest went over a footbridge into Divis and got away. I knocked on the door of a house where an old couple lived. I brushed past them and hid inside. But someone saw me and a few police and soldiers came in. They brought me outside and threw me into the meat wagon and took me to a police station. I can’t really remember what I said but I may have admitted to being in the car. The staff at Rathgael were called and came to take me away. When we were going out, I bolted. I got past the barrier. They chased me but I got away. The police jumped into a car and caught up with me but I kept running backwards and forwards and turning around; they couldn’t get me in a corner as their car wasn’t able to turn as fast as I could. Then one of them pulled out his revolver and pointed it at my face and said he would shoot me. I was scared so I stopped. I was taken back to the police station but the staff from Rathgael had gone. They came back later and brought me back to it. At that stage, I just thought of [Rathgael] as somewhere to eat. I didn’t want to be in the system any more. I escaped again and returned to the Divis.’


Alan was not charged with an offence by the RUC, something that roused the suspicion of some of the Republicans in the Divis flats. They were also suspicious at the speed with which he had regained his freedom. ‘They wanted to know if I was an undercover agent’.

Ultimately, they accepted Alan’s friend’s assurance that he was simply an ‘orphan’ and things calmed down.


Alan remembers one particular individual who preyed on him and other urchins in Belfast, a man called Hugo who was fond of displaying his wealth. ‘He was known as the Money Man. He always wanted people to see that he had money. He would never take out a note; always a roll of banknotes. He drank in the pub opposite the Europa Hotel. He had grey hair and was middle-aged.’ Although he was from Northern Ireland, Alan believed he was living in Dublin. All the signs are that he is the same man as an individual who was the subject of a story in the Evening Herald on 6 November, 1986. It exposed the vile behaviour of a paedophile from Northern Ireland who was spending a lot of time in Dublin. It reported that:

‘Every weekend an affluent businessman from Northern Ireland travels to Dublin by train to hire young boys for sex.

‘Described as middle-aged and grey-haired, his favourite haunts are the public toilets on O’Connell Street and Burg Quay, where there is an alarming number of boys often as young as 10 or 11, who are available for sexual services.

‘Nicknamed ‘Moneybags,’ he uses an elderly Dubliner scout on his behalf procuring the boys and acting as a lookout while business is conducted in the cubicles.

‘In one particular case, a 12-year-old boy was paid £3 for 15 minutes with him.

‘In other cases, he will take boys back to Belfast and spent most of his time in a top hotel where he is well-known.

‘The boys, who are usually from a poor background or even homeless, receive as much food and drink as they can consume, sometimes new clothes and are even promised holidays abroad.

‘‘Moneybags’ comes to Dublin every weekend to indulge himself and he rarely uses the same boy twice’’

The ‘top hotel’ was most likely the Europa where Hugo often stayed.

Alan was later told by Roy, one of the abusers, whom he met by accident on the street that Hugo, had been murdered in Dublin.


Alan was abused by Billy ‘B’, a man he describes as a “toilet creeper”: “I met him out of the blue one time [in Belfast] while I was on the run from Rathgael [Training Centre]. He followed me into the toilet and smiled at me”, Alan recalls. B would prove to be one of Alan’s most prolific abusers.

When Alan was 15 or 16 B took him to London via the Belfast-Liverpool car ferry in his silver BMW. At the time Alan was subject to a care order which was not due to expire until he was 21. Alan stayed in London after B headed back to Belfast because he did not want to return to Ireland but this proved no more than jumping out of the Belfast frying pan and into a London hellfire. With no support, trade or qualification, he would spend his youth as a “rent boy” at such places as Victoria Station and on the ‘Meat Rack’ at Piccadilly Circus, also known as the “Dilly”. Over time, he would get to know boys from all over Ireland who were in the same dire straits as he was. The men who abused the young teenagers referred to them as ‘chickens’; the boys called their abusers ‘punters’. Alan would never return to live in NI again.

Victoria Train Station was an infamous hunting ground for paedophiles. “There were pubs inside the station in those days. Some of the men who went to them were only there to have sex with the boys. There was another pub nearby, the Shakespeare, which was similar. Soldiers used to go there a lot. At the weekends there would be a lot of military police outside it”.

The police knew perfectly well what was going on at Victoria Station. Not long after his arrival, Alan was approached by a British Transport Police (BTP) officer who asked him who he was and then went away to make inquiries about him. When he returned, he told Alan that since he wasn’t in trouble in NI, he wasn’t going to do anything about him. Clearly, the officer had been able to make enquiries with Belfast – presumably through the communication facilities in the BTP office in the station – and must surely have discovered that Alan was still under a care order. Nonetheless, he abandoned him to a life as a rent boy.

Finding somewhere to sleep was a priority for Alan, and the Victoria Station offered some shelter. “In those days, the station was open all night. It is unrecognisable now. I slept on trains that pulled into it for the night”. Sometimes he found himself drenched in so much sweat that his clothes would be wet, even in winter. Then, as the night and early morning crept in, he would begin to freeze while still damp if not actually wet. He recalls having to go to the toilets to try and warm himself up by using the hand dryer. ‘In the morning the police would come onto the trains and turf you off”.

One of the visitors to the toilets at Victoria Station was John Imrie, an MI5 officer named by Ken Livingstone in the House of Commons in connection with the Kincora scandal. Imrie was arrested at the station and convicted for exposing himself.


During his early years in London, Alan was assaulted by police officers on a number of occasions. Typically, this happened as he was being escorted towards Vine Street Police Station from the Dilly. “They would start pushing and pulling you to make it look like you were causing them trouble. They would use this as an excuse to punch you in the stomach; always in the stomach; up against the wall outside the station. They never bruised your face as you might be going up before the Bow Street magistrates”.

One British Transport Police officer Alan got to know was a pederast, something that would explain how the abuse was able to thrive at the station. He developed a liking for Alan and frequently abused him, even taking him back to his flat. Some of the officer’s colleagues suspected what was afoot and attempted to persuade Alan to talk about it but he refused. The abusive officer has long since died. He operated out of the Transport Police office at Victoria Station. Alan didn’t reveal the nature of the relationship he had with this officer when he was interviewed by his colleagues because he was “afraid of the police”.


One night Alan was approached by an Oriental man called Peter, in his 30s or 40s at Victoria Station. He escorted him to a house at 51 Longridge in Earl’s Court which masqueraded as a ‘clinic’. What Alan didn’t realise at first was that he was being sampled to see if he might be suitable to work for the man at his brothel; one that catered for older men who exploited teenage boys. “Peter always tested the boys himself to see if they were any good. He gave me a few quid the first time we had sex but never again. He never felt he had to pay for sex and had sex with the boys whenever he felt the urge. You couldn’t say no to him”.

Pictured above: the premises in Earl’s Court which once housed the ‘Earl’s Court Clinic’, an Oriental style brothel run by a Thai man called Peter. The room to the right of the black door in the picture is where the boys were kept.

“Peter was friends with another Thai man who ran a brothel on Sydney Street. They were always looking for chickens for their places. When I first started working for him, he was in a house in Earl’s Court called the ‘Earl’s Court Clinic’. It was all done up in an Oriental fashion with Oriental statues and flowers. Oriental boys and some Australian boys worked in it. Some of the Oriental boys looked about 13 or 14 but you had no way of knowing their age. Mainly, the boys were around my age. There was one older lad who was in his late 20s but he was more like Peter’s right-hand man. He would take over running the place when Peter wasn’t there”.

Peter later moved the Clinic to a basement at Nevern Place, also in Earl’s Court.


By the time Alan had arrived in London in the mid-1980s, Elm Guest House, an infamous boy brothel, had been raided and closed down by the police. Until 1982, the Elm was where the likes of Sir Cyril Smith MP abused boys. Once inside the doors, abusers could mingle with each other. There was, for example, a sauna which was available to all of its patrons. Cyril Smith once reportedly trapped himself inside it due to his obesity.

Haroon Kasir (above left) was part of the ring which ran the Elm Guest House. He is seen in the photograph above being confronted by Irish correspondent Paraic O’Brien of Channel 4 News. Up to now, it has been assumed that Kasir and his wife Carol ran Elm Guest House but Peter, the Thai boy pimp who ran a brothel in Earl’s Court, may also have had an interest in it.

The closure of the Elm did not put an end to child abuse in London. It just moved – or intensified -at other establishments. One venue where underage boys were exploited was the Philbeach Hotel in Earl’s Court. Both Alan and his older brother Richard were abused at it. Richard had been held in the hotel by two men after he came to London. Richard had also been exploited at the Elm. A return visit he made to Elm guesthouse as an adult with a team from Channel 4 news is available on YouTube.

Sir Cyril Smith

Richard Kerr says that Peter, the Thai child pimp, was involved in both the Elm and the Philbeach. Richard recalls a picture of Peter which hung on one of the walls in the Philbeach. It featured him amid a group of men.

On the surface, the Philbeach was nothing more than a raucous party venue for consenting homosexual adults. Suffice it to say, many of those who frequented the hotel had no part in the abuse of underage boys. The LGBT Archive recalls it fondly in the following terms: “Philbeach Hotel in Philbeach Gardens, Earl’s Court, was a gay-owned hotel, catering for a gay clientele. Long before Soho became So-Homo, Earl’s Court was the gay capital of London. And if the walls could talk at the Philbeach, London’s most in-your-face gay hotel, they’d have some saucy tales to tell. It’s typically English B&B material, if a bit grubby. But people [didn’t go to it] for the chintz. For the Philbeach had gained a reputation as a cruisy hotel. If you don’t enjoy being propositioned in the bathroom, request a room with ensuite facilities. The Philbeach Hotel was open for 27 years and was one of the largest gay hotels in Europe. The Philbeach hotel was the only gay hotel in London that was owned by homosexuals and run by homosexuals. The hotel closed on January 31, 2008. It had 35 rooms on three floors.”.

The Earl’s Court Clinic and the brothel on Sydney Street run by Peter’s friend, form the third and fourth parts of a London abuse circuit. No doubt there were many other venues in the city.


The ‘Earl’s Court Clinic’, was a far more discreet establishment than the Elm. “The punters who visited it came up the steps outside it and through the front door and into a hall. There was a door inside the hall with a bit of glass in it that acted as a one-way mirror because the hall was kept in semi-darkness but the room next to it – where we were – was well lit. The punters would peer through the glass at us – we would be sitting inside – and pick one of us out. In the first building – the house – Peter would walk into the room after the punter had made his choice and call out the name and shout “upstairs”. After we moved to the basement [premises], we would be sent to a room along the corridor. There was also a darkened window in the basement for the punters to look through at the lads. Peter would make recommendations about who was suitable for the punters who didn’t make up their mind immediately”.


Peter allowed the ‘punters’ to assault his boys if they were prepared to pay enough. “The most I ever got was from a man who wanted to lash me with a leather belt. He paid me £20 per slap. I made a few hundred quid that night”, Alan recalls.

“We always got a cash payment but the commission was half. Peter always took half”.

‘The punters were rich. Most of them wore suits. There were no roughs. Most of them were in their 40s and upwards. The oldest was about 70. The older men were the worst. They were dirty down below. Some of them had already got cum in their pants they were that excited. They made me sick but you just had to get on with it. You had to be good to stay in the Clinic. If you didn’t make money, Peter got rid of you. I worked for him for about a year. Then I went back on the streets again. I haven’t seen Peter in a long time. The last time I saw him he was old and had grey hair”. Assuming the competence of the Independent Statutory Inquiry into Child Sex Abuse (IICSA) led by Professor Alex Jay to look into high-profile instances of non-recent child sexual abuse, it will have long since found out about Peter. If he is still alive, it will have asked him searching questions about what he knows about VIP paedophiles. It is hard to imagine a potentially more important witness for its work.


After his time at the Clinic, Alan went to the Meat Rack on the ‘Dilly’ at Piccadilly Circus. One night, Greville Janner, then a Labour MP, “came up behind me and started talking to me”. A short while later, he escorted Alan to the bar in Dolphin Square. Alan slept with Janner each night during the week that followed. “I was desperate for somewhere to live at the time. I wanted accommodation, food and security”.

Janner would throw him back on the street in the morning and then hook up with him at night. Janner made no attempt to hide who he was or what he did. One morning Janner warned him he had “a late sitting” that night but that he was to wait for him. This, presumably, was a reference to a late sitting in the Commons.


During the course of the week, Janner invited him to go to a show in Earl’s Court. Alan was surprised but happy to accept. Janner then told him that he had to submit his – Alan’s – name for security clearance as they would be on Prince Andrew and Sarah Ferguson’s guest list. Alan obliged by providing his full name and his sister’s address. Janner subsequently told him that everything was “fine” with the security people.

Shortly afterwards, they attended The Prince and the Pauper at Earl’s Court‘s Olympia with the Royals. Janner and Alan sat directly behind the Royal couple who were in the front row, or very close to it. While they were waiting for the show to begin, Alan and Prince Andrew conversed. They also chatted during the intermission. “I had a good conversation with him. He had character. He was a cheerful guy. He was not snobby or anything. He told me he was going to open a hospital in Northern Ireland. I didn’t feel I had to bow down to him. I wasn’t nervous. Janner let me do the talking. They seemed to know each other quite well. That’s why I was able to talk to him. Sarah Ferguson didn’t speak much. She really just ignored us.”.

The guest list and the vetting records relating to this performance should still exist in an archive somewhere.

Prince Andrew and Sarah Ferguson were engaged on 19 March 1986. Prince Andrew told Alan that he was going to open a hospital in Belfast. These events help identify Kerr’s age at the time he was being abused by Janner. Prince Andrew visited the City Hospital and then went to Hillsborough with Northern Ireland Secretary Tom King on 25 June 1986.  The Prince was married on 23 July. This means that Kerr was aged 17 or had possibly just turned 18 at the time of the performance as he was born on 8 May of 1968. Janner’s defenders still persist in the claim he had no interest in young males.


Janner obviously knew Alan was from Belfast and that his name would be run by MI5 and the RUC Special Branch during the security vetting process. It must have occurred to him that Alan could easily have had one or more convictions for male prostitution under his belt. And Alan did indeed have a number of convictions. He believes – but is not certain – that he incurred some of them before he met the Prince. So, why was Janner prepared to submit his name to the officials responsible for protecting the Royals? Had he reason to believe he had nothing to fear from MI5 and the police?

Why did Janner – a married man, politician and author – take a male prostitute aged 17-18 to the performance instead of his wife or some other friend? There must have been many influential people who would have been indebted to Janner for just such an invitation. 

If the tabloid media in the UK had discovered that Prince Andrew had enjoyed a social interaction – however fleeting and innocuous – with the brother of a Kincora boy, that fact alone could have generated waves of negative publicity for him, especially with the unrelenting reports about Kincora which the heavyweight campaigning journalist Paul Foot was publishing in Private Eye and the Daily Mirror.

There are other puzzling features about the event. Janner was a great communicator, so much so that he published multiple editions of a book entitled, ‘Janner’s Complete Speechmaking’. So why did he sit back – literally – and let Alan dominate the discussion with Prince Andrew?


If MI5 had done its homework properly, it would have realised that Alan was the younger brother of Richard Kerr, the courageous boy who had exposed the Kincora scandal. Significantly, it was Richard’s social workers who had informed the Irish Independent about it. The link between the brothers was hardly a secret: when he had lived in Belfast, Alan had occasionally visited Richard at Kincora.

MI5 certainly kept an eye on the sexual antics of VIPs in the 1980s. It had a dedicated unit which monitored the sexual antics of Tory VIPs. It was called the ‘Dolly Mixtures’. In February 1985 Frank Doherty reported in the Phoenix magazine, that the ‘Dolly Mixtures’ had been set up on the “personal orders” of Margaret Thatcher to avoid embarrassing Tory sex scandals. It is highly likely that it or a parallel unit also monitored the young Royals. Indeed, the so-called ‘Squidgygate’ tape featuring Charles and Camilla is suspected of emanating from an MI5 leak. There is no space to analyse the Squidgygate affair in this article but it is discussed at length elsewhere, e.g. Wikipedia.

Frank Doherty’s Phoenix article about the ‘Dolly Mixtures’ (published five years before the Squidgygate scandal erupted) revealed that the ‘Iron Lady’ had ordered the establishment of the unit on account of “her fear of a repeat” of the Profumo scandal. ‘Since 1981, on her personal orders, an elite section of MI5, operating from Gordon Street, W1, has kept a discreet eye and an attuned ear on the personal and sexual indiscretions of Tory MPs. This section, known as the “Dolly Mixtures”, is composed of tall, blonde males, green-wellied Sloane Rangers, Young Fogie homosexuals, and young blue-chip ‘wets’ who together form a unit superbly equipped to socialise with and report on the morale, morals and mores of Tory MPs”.

MI5 certainly appreciated the real and present danger posed by Richard Kerr to the British Establishment, and had done so for years before the performance at the Earl’s Court Olympia which his younger brother attended. In the early 1980s Richard had lived in Preston and later in London. He had become the target of heavy-handed officials at both locations. In 1981 he had been warned by the RUC, who visited him in Preston, not to return to Belfast to give evidence at the Kincora trial. Later, a group of police officers had assaulted Richard in London to keep him quiet. On one particular occasion, he was assaulted by an undercover officer who had been listening to what he was telling his friends about Kincora in a fast food restaurant in London.

There have rumours for decades that the Prince occasionally engaged in homosexual sex. Some of these rumours involved his time in the Royal Navy. This raises the the hideous possibility that Janner was acting as a pimp for the aristocracy and that Alan was brought to the show to see if Prince Andrew might fancy him.

The BBC had an opportunity to ask the Prince about his relationship with Janner during the tepid interview they conducted with him at Buckingham about his abuse of girls supplied to him by Jeffrey Epstein. In the event not a single question was put to him.


Janner knew that Alan occasionally got into trouble with the law. When Alan found himself up before the magistrates at Bow Street on another charge later on, he informed the MP – with whom he had now become quite friendly – about his looming appearance. Janner, who was also a barrister and friendly with a number of judges, penned a letter for him. Janner attended the hearing but didn’t have to move from his seat during the hearing. In the event, Alan was found not guilty.

Alan is aware that at least one of the magistrates Janner knew also visited the Dilly to procure sex from the rent boys at it.

Overall, Alan was impressed by Janner. “He came across as a very intelligent man”, he says.

Others were impressed with him too: Janner was later made a member of the House of Lords.


The only occupation Alan has ever had is that of a male prostitute and a brief moment as a model for a pornographic gay magazine. He now lives in a small flat in London. A report from his counsellor states that his experiences have left “him feeling extremely isolated and [he experiences] regular traumatic flashbacks and debilitating bouts of anxiety and depression”. He is a poor sleeper and becomes physically shaky when agitated.

He has attempted suicide by inhaling gas. On another occasion he punched his hand through plate glass resulting in severe injuries. He has engaged in other bouts of self-harm.

He is not in a relationship and has no children.


One of the striking features of the photographs taken of Alan Kerr at various stages during his life is the number of dogs that feature in them. Despite all the adversity he has faced, he has always found time to help neglected and stray canines. He has saved many dogs from neglect and destruction. The one he talks about most nowadays is ‘Kano’, a bullmastiff, who originally belonged to a drug dealer in a nearby estate to where he lives in London. ‘A lad from the estate brought him to me and asked me to look after him or else he was going to have to be destroyed. He had been neglected and beaten badly. His ribs were broken and his ears were blocked with filth.’ Alan’s friends at the Blue Cross and Battersea Dogs Home were a great help. ‘The Blue Cross fixed his ribs. I couldn’t manage to clean his ears out because he was so frightened – he didn’t trust me at that stage. So, the Blue Cross put him out for a while and cleaned his ears.’

Part of Alan’s regime was to take Kano for swims in the sea at Brighton. They went there by train. ‘He had never been on a train before and was frightened at first. But we got to the sea. It was a great way of cleaning his skin. I got him mentally better after about a year; just love and attention and kindness.’

Battersea Dogs Home took Kano after his recovery. ‘He is now in a nice place with a handicapped lady in Sussex. I can’t go to see him because it is in his best interest not to see a previous owner when he has moved on. That’s what the experts all say. But he is happy and I am pleased.’



After the departure of Kerr and the others from Williamson House in 1975, Witchell found a set of new victims to torment. ‘Charles’ (not his real name) was a few years younger than Kerr. His ordeal began in 1975.

Charles recalls how Witchell presented himself as “plausible”, and how he ‘hoodwinked people into thinking that he was a man of God”; how he “wore a cloak, portraying himself as a man of God but was a paedophile”. Witchell, an Anglican Franciscan, should not have worn the habit of his Order as it was a condition of his employment that he would not.

Witchell and some of the staff and children at Williamson House

Witchell’s horrific abuse of Charles lasted five years, only ending when he left Williamson House at the age of 18.

Charles had been abandoned by his parents at Brefne Residential Nursery in Belfast as an infant. He was transferred to Williamson House at the age of 4 at the end of the 1960s.

Charles’ motive for talking to Village  is to tell the story of what happened at Williamson House on behalf of the victims who took their own lives. Richard Kerr shares this identical motive, as does his brother Alan Kerr.


Charles has many happy memories of Williamson House but they all pre-date 1975. For a start, the children were always well fed and clothed, and the home boasted a full complement of staff to mind the children. Charles remembers games of tennis and football; playing in a recreation room which had a television; visits from well-wishers. Christmases were memorable too for all the right reasons: Charles and his friends spent time with kindly families who welcomed them into their homes over the festive season. There was also a string of Christmas celebrations around Belfast to which they were taken.

The children were integrated into the wider community by being enrolled at various primary and secondary schools nearby. Some of the Catholic boys, for example, went to a Christian Brothers school.

Charles recalls how the Catholic and Protestant children got along perfectly well with each other. ‘The Catholics were like my family”, Charles, a Protestant, recalls.

Charles got to spend time with two other families in the community who treated him kindly. He went with one of them to the Martyrs Memorial Church on Sundays where Ian Paisley gave his sermons. Charles recalls having chatted to Paisley, something that occurred a few times as the family he accompanied to Paisley’s church often turned up half an hour before the sermons began, when Paisley came out to mix with them.

Charles enjoyed Paisley’s captivating style of preaching. “He was charismatic”, he recalls. Paisley would quote scripture and make the occasional reference to Catholics but, insofar as Charles recalls, he didn’t really dwell on the issue. “The implication was that the Catholics were going to go to hell. He didn’t say so in so many words”  but that was what he meant. Charles, who clearly had a mind of his own from a young age, took no heed of Paisley’s bigotry and continued to get on perfectly well with his Catholic “family” at the home.

What Charles did not know was that Paisley knew what was going on at Kincora from at least 1973. Paisley – one of the best informed men in Ireland about the seedy underbelly of Loyalist politics and paramilitarism – must have learnt or at least suspected that Kincora was not an isolated aberration and that similar violations were being perpetrated at other homes. Yet, while he occasionally visited care homes and orphanages in Northern Ireland  – including Williamson House – he never once lifted a finger to end the suffering of a single victim at any of them.


Eric Witchell used the existence of Kincora to intimidate and control the children he abused at Williamson House. “He threatened us with Kincora,’ Charles has explained. “If you are a bad boy, you’ll end up in Kincora”, he would warn.

William McGrath, the Housefather at Kincora, was a familiar face to the children at Williamson House. Witchell introduced him to them as “Master McGrath”, his idea of a joke as Master McGrath was then a popular dog food.

He described McGrath as “his friend, someone who worked in another home” but he did not tell them it was Kincora. To the best of Charles’ recollection, Witchell never once mentioned that McGrath worked at Kincora. “They were often together having cups of tea and biscuits. [McGrath] would chat with Eric in a room”. He saw them together “many, many times”.

Richard Kerr confirms what Charles has to say about McGrath’s regular visits to Williamson House.

Raymond Semple, the third abusive staff member at Kincora, also visited Williamson House. However, he may have been visiting a relative who worked there, a ‘lovely’ person who was not involved in any abuse’, according to Charles.

Mains, McGrath and Semple were all convicted of child abuse in December 1981.

Raymond Semple

How and when did Witchell first become acquainted with Mains and McGrath and what did they discuss? Some of their deliberations must have involved the selection of suitable candidates for the transfers from Williamson House to Kincora. These are questions Witchell will have to answer if he is brought before the Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse in London. Professor Alexis Jay, who is now in charge of it, can hardly be expected to understand the full extent of the sexual abuse which took place in England, Scotland and Wales – much of which was successfully concealed by the Special Branch on orders from MI5 – if she chooses to ignore the research and evidence available about the modus operandi of MI5 in Ireland. Unfortunately, she cannot rely upon the Hart Report as an accurate account of what happened in NI. At the very least, she should conduct interviews with the many witnesses – whether victims or perpetrators  – who did not contribute to the Hart Inquiry, especially Eric Witchell.

Witchell, if he chooses to tell the truth, will be able to provide details about the trafficking of Richard Kerr to Enoch Powell MP, something that is definitely within her remit. Witchell should also be asked about what he knows about Anthony Blunt, again something within Professor Jay’s remit.

Unfortunately, at the time of writing, all the indications are that the inquiry has no interest in any of this.




The darkness becomes visible: Alan Oliver who is refusing to talk about his time as a UVF assassin (top left) Laurence Maguire (top right) a man haunted by his past. It involved a series of murders he carried out for the British agent, Billy ‘King Rat’ Wright, of the UVF (bottom left). Robin ‘The Jackal’ Jackson (bottom right).

In the early 1980s two whistle-blowers, Capt. Fred Holroyd and Capt. Colin Wallace, both of whom had inside information about State collusion with Loyalist murder gangs, went to the press with what they knew. While they received a lot of positive attention in the Republic of Ireland and elsewhere, they were denounced in some quarters in the UK by journalists. This was a tragic lost opportunity as their allegations about collusion –  and a lot more besides – have been confirmed repeatedly ever since, most recently by the BBC NI’s excellent Spotlight  series. There is no doubt they knew what they were talking about: the highly regard Barron Inquiry produced by Irish Supreme Court judge Henry Barron, confirmed that in 1974 Wallace had prepared a list of most of those who participated in the Dublin and Monaghan bombings including Robin Jackson, also known as ‘The Jackal’.  Allegations about ‘The Jackal’ –  based on details provided by Wallace and Holroyd – appeared in the Dublin based magazine The Phoenix as early as 25 May 1984 in a piece written by Frank Doherty. Jackson was named in the piece.  Despite all of this and more, no one was ever charged with the Dublin bombings and ‘The Jackal’ was left free to murder at will. He died in May of 1998 from lung cancer aged 49. Overall, State collusion with Loyalist murder gangs deepened.

Jackson is outed as ‘The Jackal’ by journalist Frank Doherty in the Dublin based magazine The Phoenix. This picture can be expanded so that the article can be read.

Vindication: Wallace’s complaint about The Independent to the Press Council was upheld.

The high point of the push back against Holroyd and Wallace was an article in The Independent – the now defunct UK newspaper – by an Irish journalist called David McKittrick in 1987. Wallace complained The Independent to the British Press Council. His complaint was upheld.

Two declassified 1987 documents from the Northern Ireland Office provide an insight into McKittrick’s scepticism and are reproduced here. They were written by Brian. A. Blackwell of the Law and Order Division of the NIO and sent to other government departments including MI5.

Blackwell (now deceased) was a Colonel in the Royal Signals.  He had been stationed at Thiepval Barracks in Lisburn during the 1970s when he commanded 233 Signals Squadron as a Major. The Law and Order Division, as name implies, liaised with the various elements of the Security and Intelligence Services.  The Division was later renamed the Security and International Liaison Division.

Above, a further report  about David McKittrick by Blackwell for MI5 and others

One of the exceptional high points of The Spotlight series was Mandy McAuley’s interview with Laurence Maguire, a former UVF assassin, about the murders of innocent Catholic families by Billy Wright’s UVF gang. Wright, better known as ‘King Rat’ was a British agent.  His murder spree continued long after the likes of McKittrick and The Independent had attempted to debunk Holroyd and Wallace in respect of the earlier phase of collusion. Grotesquely, one of those who helped ‘King Rat’  was the notorious serial killer Robin ‘The Jackal’ Jackson. Holroyd and Wallace quite literally risked their lives in outing Jackson. Despite naming him to journalists and police, Jackson continued his murder spree.

Wright and William McCrea who was appointed to the Lords by Theresa May

Alan Oliver, another member of King Rat’s UVF murder gang refused to talk to Many McAuley when she confronted him at his place of business. He is presently refusing to talk about his past unless he is given immunity from prosecution. At the same time he claims that he has discovered God.

Poisoning the well of truth with lies: Above, Thatcher’s letter to Sir Terence Higgins MP (Conservative) denying collusion and other dirty tricks.

Ironically, Margaret Thatcher was one of those who told MPs in the House of Commons that collusion was not taking place. One letter – reproduced above – gives an indication of the type of assurance she fed her fellow Tory MPs. It is addressed to Sir Terence L. Higgins MP and dated 12 March 1987.



There may be another organisation with a comprehensive dossier about Kincora and the other homes: a group of aging corrupt former RUC Special Branch officers who assembled a file with everything they knew about Kincora in the 1980s. It is probably still in existence and available to blackmail the Cabinet Office in London if any of their colleagues are ever to face charges such as collusion with the UVF, UFF, McKeague’s Red Hand Commando, or other Loyalist paramilitary murder gangs. The odds are high that RUC Special Branch officers who helped MI5 assassinate Patrick Finucane know all about the MI5 cover-up of the vice ring scandal and are using this and the dossier as leverage to ensure they are not used as scapegoats. Indeed, it is possible that this was why David Cameron was unable to call an inquiry into the Finucane assassination.

In 2015 two honest RUC officers who had been involved in the inquiries that led to the conviction of the staff at Kincora disclosed the involvement of a Tory MP at the home. On 23 January 2015 the late Liam Clarke reported in the Belfast Telegraph that they had told him that a Tory MP had “visited Kincora during the 1970s”. Both officers, he reported, were “willing to help any inquiry into Kincora either here or in England. They revealed that the MP died before they could arrange to interview him”. One of the officers revealed that the MP had been “coming over to the Northern Ireland Office quite regularly… We were told by criminal records in Scotland Yard London that he had a conviction many years ago for indecent behaviour or something in a gents’ loo against another boy but his death meant we never got a chance to question him”.


As indicated above, the RUC Special Branch’s former partners in the UDA also maintained a Kincora file which has never surfaced. Significantly, in February of 1982 the UDA threatened to name names. In reality the threat was a warning to the NIO and Cabinet Office in London. No one was ever named by them, at least not in public. Their knowledge of the ring and collusion with the RUC, NIO and MI5 in murder has kept many of them safe from prosecution for serious crimes.

The Inner Council of the UDA knew about the sex attacks on children at Kincora from at least 1972. Lyttle and his goons were hardly their source of information.

We know that the Inner Council knew about Kincora from Albert ‘Ginger’ Baker. He was a British soldier who infiltrated the UDA for the British Army’s Military Reaction Force (MRF). The MRF was created by Brigadier Frank Kitson who is still alive. Kitson was obsessive about intelligence gathering. No fact was too small for his attention as a string of books he wrote about intelligence gathering attest. It is inconceivable that he did not know about Kincora through the MRF, Baker and MI5/6. Kitson is being sued by the family of one of his victims who was murdered by Baker and his gang in 1973.

Albert Baker is still alive and living in Belfast. He was not interviewed by the Hart Inquiry.

According to Baker’s family, his handler was a ‘Capt. Bunty’ whom he met in a Belfast coffee bar. Not only did Baker succeed in joining the UDA, he became a bodyguard to its Inner Council and monitored its leaders including Tommy Herron.

In July 1988 Baker told Ken Livingstone who was then an MP (and later Mayor of London) what he knew about Kincora. “The whole Inner Council of the UDA knew about it”, he revealed, “but no Inner Council members were involved in it. There were politicians and senior Northern Ireland Office officials involved in it. I know one who’s in the House of Commons. He’s one of your own men [i.e. the British Labour Party].” He also revealed that: “Well, as far as they were concerned it was being organised by British Intelligence and they kept away from that. They knew the intelligence services were running it.”

William McGrath was particularly well known to the Inner Council. He was friendly with UDA men like Davey Payne and John McMichael. Indeed, McGrath had been pivotal in establishing the UDA. He also ran his own paramilitary organisation called TARA and had connections to the UVF. The UVF fell out with McGrath in 1971 because of his boasts about his links to British Intelligence. All of this made it likely – if not imperative – for the UDA to monitor McGrath who had been assigned a job at Kincora in 1971 and was close to other paramilitaries and politicians such as Ian Paisley, James Molyneux and Knox Cunningham. Hence, Baker’s assertion that the Inner Council knew about Kincora is entirely credible.

“I know for an actual fact that a Conservative MP was involved”, Baker further informed Livingstone. “The Inner Council members discussed Kincora and knew who was there because they had them under surveillance. The UDA have photographs of the people going into Kincora, of politicians, Unionist politicians. The Inner Council knew who was operating behind them. They knew they could be arrested, but given what they knew they could never be charged or face imprisonment for any length of time”.

It is interesting to note that Baker made reference to a Tory MP nearly three decades before Liam Clarke published a story in January 2015 in the Belfast Telegraph describing how a pair of whistleblowing RUC officers had revealed their knowledge of visits to Kincora by a Tory MP to him.

The Inner Council’s knowledge of Kincora would also explain the precautions Tommy Lyttle took in and about the transport of Richard Kerr to his abusers: he used his subordinates to collect Kerr and only met him en route to his abusers.

Sir William Radcliffe Van Straubenzee MBE was Deputy Secretary of State for Northern Ireland in the early 1970s to William Whitehall. Like Heath, Van Straubenzee was a lifelong bachelor and a paedophile. His role as a child molester emerged in July 2015 when ‘formerly’ missing files about paedophile politicians were ‘discovered’ in London at the Cabinet Office. The files, which included details about Van Straubenzee, were sent to the Independent Inquiry into Child Sex Abuse in London.

Van Straubenzee is the most likely candidate for the Tory MP who visited Kincora who was known to Baker and the UDA. Indeed, Baker’s probable knowledge about Van Straubenzee’s visits and his – Baker’s – work for the MRF offer likely explanations as to why Baker was able to secure a meeting in prison with Van Straubenzee after his conviction for murder in 1973. Baker had suffered some sort of a nervous breakdown and had confessed to a string of killings and had been sent to prison in 1973. At the time Baker was trying to secure a deal with Van Straubenzee about where he would serve his prison sentence.

The UDA probably also knew about visits by James Molyneaux MP.

The name of the Labour MP Baker mentioned to Livingstone has yet to emerge.

Above, an extract from a note made by Colin Wallace in 1974 while he worked at Lisburn British Army HQ as a PSYOPS officer. They reveal British Intelligence knew Van Straubenzee, Molyneaux and others were potential targets for attack on account of their sexuality. Dr Julius Grant, an international documents expert, verified these notes as authentic in 1987.  The notes were based on information supplied by MI5 for Operation Clockwork Orange which was cancelled when MI5 decided to let the Ulster Workers Strike against Power Sharing in Northern Ireland proceed and thereby undermine the authority of Harold Wilson whom they hated. Peter Wright of MI5 has written about how he and others in MI5 believed Wilson was a Soviet stooge.



The various Kincora inquiries have all been failures.

The first – McGonagle – collapsed almost immediately.

The second, the Terry Inquiry, was led by a bent cop from Sussex who lied in his report.

The third inquiry – Hughes – had its terms changed secretly to prevent it looking at the intelligence services.

The fourth – Hart – was a mistake riddled mess that even managed to contradict itself on purely factual matters.


There was, however, one thoroughly honest inquiry. It was led by Sir David Calcutt QC and probed the dismissal of Colin Wallace from his post with the MoD.

A government inquiry was set up by Thatcher under great pressure in 1990. It was led by Calcutt who established that Wallace had worked as a PSYOPs officer and had been forced out of his job on the basis of fraud, namely a false job description designed to conceal his covert role in psychological warfare. Calcutt also found that Ian Cameron of MI5 had manipulated the disciplinary proceedings taken against Wallace. Wallace was duly awarded £30,000 compensation.

Jim Nicol, who acted as solicitor for Wallace, referred Calcutt’s report to the Metropolitan Police Commissioner, on the basis that the conclusions indicated that the MI5  officers who had manipulated the proceedings had attempted to defraud Wallace. The Metropolitan Police referred the matter to the DPP for guidance. The DPP concluded that it would not be in the public interest for the police to pursue the matter.

Although not discussed in this book (yet) Wallace was convicted of manslaughter in 1980 on the basis of false evidence from a deceitful witness who later turned out to have links to the CIA, i.e. the partners of MI5 and MI6. The conviction was later overturned by the Court of Appeal.

Paul Foot’s book ‘Who Framed Colin Wallace’ is recommended to readers interested in this miscarriage of justice.

Another essential book is The Kincora Scandal  by Chris Moore.


The ongoing Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse (IICSA) in London has gone through four chairs. It has had a rare and valuable opportunity to shed some light on the roles played by Eric Witchell, ‘The Wife Beater’ and the TV Star – all of whom are still alive – yet  thus far – has dropped the ball. None of these men were asked for a statement. The chances that the inquiry will act at this late stage is virtually nil.

IICSA was kind enough to contact Village last year after a report we published included an error about Carl Beech having received core participation at IICSA. The error was corrected. What is significant is that the contact demonstrates that the IICSA has been monitoring our reports. Yet, we have not been asked to identify the real identities of ‘The TV Star’, ‘The Sadist’ or ‘The Wife Beater’.

The inquiry was not interested in the evidence of Richard Kerr either despite the fact he was abused in London by one of Thatcher’s ministers, a man once tipped for leadership of the Tory party.

They could have asked MI5, MI6, the NIO and British Military Intelligence for their files on the likes of John McKeague and Tommy Lyttle but didn’t.

They could have asked MI5, MI6 and military intelligence for a list of the agents they had recruited inside the DUP with all due regard to preserving any of those still alive from danger. The objective should have been to see if they were recruited via sexual blackmail. One known agent, a former lover of William McGrath, who was a cross dresser was probably recruited by either McGrath or via blackmail. While his identity is no secret in DUP circles, no one has ever bothered him. The list of DUP and Official Unionist Party (OUP) agents should not have been limited to those who attained elected public office. None of this was done.

All this despite the fact it was it was assigned the task of probing allegations about the existence of a VIP child abuse vice ring that revolved around Westminster.

They could have asked Albert Baker (who is also alive) about the Tory MP who visited Kincora – probably Van Straubenzee. Baker could also have told them about the Labour MP who abused boys in Belfast too. They didn’t do this either.

They could also have spoken to the two RUC whistle-blowers who spoke to Liam Clarke about yet another another Tory MP who died in the early 1980s (and therefore was not Van Straubenzee who died in 1999).


In 2020 the IICSA produced a limp report on the abuse at Westminster which, inter alia, confirmed that Sir Peter Hayman was a child abuser – hardly news to anyone. The report hardly made a headline in a national paper. Clearly, Carl Beech had done his damage and the British public is not concerned about VIP abuse anymore.

Unfortunately, the IICSA did not clarify if Hayman had served as Deputy Chief of MI6 under Oldfield nor discuss his links to the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring which – despite a full compliment of staff, massive resources and a budget of millions – it has yet to discover ever existed.

The failure to clarify if Hayman was a deputy chief under Oldfield, or at any time, or even linked to MI6, demonstrates that IICSA has not grasped the fundamental importance of the intelligence community’s sinister role in the protection and exploitation of these paedophile networks. This lapse alone renders IICSA a lamentable failure. It is a direct result of IICSA’s refusal to look at the mountain of evidence that has accumulated in Ireland about the NIO/MI5/MI6 exploitation of paedophile networks. MI5 and MI6 – or at least out-of-control elements in them – did exactly the same thing in the UK as they did to exert control over politicians. Overall, their targets in Britain and Ireland included Ted Heath, Sir William Van Straubenzee, Sir Peter Morrison, Sir Cyril Smith, James Molyneaux, Sir Knox Cunningham and others. One reason was to ensure support for NATO during the Cold War and to protect intelligence agencies from interference as they engaged in dirty tricks at home and abroad, sometimes in conjunction with the CIA. Other NATO allies, such as Belgium experienced similar excesses. The Marc Detroux scandal in Belgium was one which was exposed to some public scrutiny. (See also next section.)

The other beneficaries of IICSA’s staggering ineptitude are the surviving abusers. People such as Eric Witchell, a key figure in the vice ring, must be delighted with the IICSA. Witchell was not interviewed by the inquiry. He lives in London and could have been asked to hop on a tube to give evidence at anytime over the last number of years. He was responsible for the system of raping and grooming of young boys – some, like Alan Kerr, as young as six – at Williamson House. Since Village began reporting on him he has removed his presence from social media.


What the Kincora and other survivors really want is recognition that they were fed into a meat grinder by the State for its own nefarious purposes and an apology to enable them to heal. As long as their experience is denied, they will suffer psychological torment. Quite a few have already committed suicide. Others have died prematurely from stress and ill health. Few have made a success of their lives. Those who have committed suicide include Stephen Waring from Kincora and ‘E’ from Williamson House. There are others.

It is now too late to see justice done for Clint Massey who died February 2018. Mike Nesbit, the then leader of the Ulster Unionist party described how he had had “to live his entire adult life carrying the burden of abuse which was forced upon him through no fault of his own, by those who were charged with protecting him. His story is one of ultimate failure by the state and those acting on the state’s behalf. Yet Clint not only waived his right to anonymity in his efforts to secure justice for fellow survivors, he spoke publicly without an ounce of self-pity”.

Ken McCallum is about to become the next director-general of MI5. He was a very young child when the Kincora scandal erupted. By all accounts he is an able and brilliant security professional who has done much to protect Britain from her real enemies, internal and external. Let us hope he does not view Irish abuse survivors and their small number of allies in the media who are determined to prove the truth about the vice ring as enemies of the realm.

Some of Village’s writers have spoken to Fred Holroyd from time to time. Holroyd worked with the British Army and MI6 in Ireland, 1973-75, and has written a book about his experience, War Without Honour. Incredibly, British spies are still meddling with his post. In 2016 Holroyd furnished us with a photograph of an envelope he had received from us. It contained an academic book about the origins of the Troubles something that interests Holroyd. To protect the book from damage, it had been placed inside a bubblewrap cover and then slipped inside an ordinary white envelope. Somewhere along the line someone pierced both layers of the package with what was undoubtedly a micro camera wand to see what dangers to the Realm lurked inside.

MI5 has admitted that it does not have the resources it requires to thwart terrorists and that some have managed to slip through the net to murder people on the streets of Britain. Are its resources best deployed by monitoring Fred Holroyd’s post?

MI5 will not cease to exist if McCallum lets the truth emerge. Time will tell if he is man enough or will succumb to the corruption described by Anthony Cavendish.

Outgoing D-G of MI5, Andrew Parker. He did not upset the Queen by rooting out the MI5’s file on Mountbatten and sending it to the Hart Inquiry nor to the IICSA. However, he did find time to give lectures on ethics.




The possibility that Vladimir Putin and his intelligence services know embarrassing details about the scandal is extremely high. Sir Anthony Blunt was a senior member of the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring while also one of the Cambridge Ring of traitors which was made up of him, Philby, Burgess, Maclean and Cairncross. These men betrayed British secrets to the KGB. Village has written extensively about Blunt’s links to sexual abuse on both sides of the Irish Sea. Blunt undoubtedly told the KGB all about the sexual misconduct of VIPs in Britain. The perceived wisdom – in Britain – is that he stopped working for the KGB when he left MI5 after WW2. However, if Christine Keeler was correct, Blunt was still working for the KGB in the 1960s. Worse again for MI5, he was working in tandem with Sir Roger Hollis, the Director-General of MI5 at the time and Stephen Ward. (Interested readers can consult “Keeler Concealer” Keeler described how Stephen Ward was interested in Peter Montgomery, one of those who procured boys for Mountbatten. She was adamant Ward – who was half Irish – was a KGB agent.)

Ironically, it was almost certainly Blunt who led MI5 to the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring too. Blunt’s treachery was uncovered by MI5 in 1963. The following year he agreed to make a confession in return for immunity and the wholescale betrayal of the secrets of everyone he knew. Peter Wright of MI5 was assigned to interrogate him. In return for his co-operation, Blunt was given a pardon and his treachery was concealed from the public. The pardon was not limited to his treachery; in addition it afforded him blanket immunity for any crime he had ever committed, something undoubtedly designed to cover his sexual transgressions.

When Peter Wright sat down with Blunt in 1964 he was determined to smoke out any member of the intelligence community, military, civil service or Parliament who – like Blunt – was homosexual: in short anyone of importance who might have been susceptible to blackmail by the Soviets. Homosexuality remained a crime in England and Wales until 1967.

Blunt must’ve felt he had smashed a mirror for bad luck. His face-to-face encounters with Wright would drag on for seven years. They were still proceeding apace during the early years of the Troubles by which time MI5 was keen to find any mechanism to gain control and influence over Loyalist politicians and paramilitaries. Blunt was in a pole position to assist them with his knowledge of the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring of which he was a leading light. The opportunities for sexual blackmail were immense.
For seven years Wright and MI5 pored over the careers of the Oxbridge graduates of the 1930s and anyone else of possible interest known to Blunt. Ostensibly, the pair became so friendly they exchanged Christmas cards. In reality they did not trust each other. Wright wrote later: “We had to adopt a subtle approach, in an attempt to play on [Blunt’s] character. I could tell that Blunt wanted to be thought helpful, even where it was clear that he was not. Moreover, he disliked intensely being caught in a lie. We had to extract intelligence from him by a slow process of cumulative pressure […] Often we drank, he gin and I Scotch; always we talked, about the 1930s, about the KGB, about espionage and friendship, love and betrayal. They remain from me among the most vivid encounters of my life”.

And even if Blunt said nothing to the Soviets, his friend and fellow traitor Guy Burgess must have told them what he knew after he fled to Moscow with Donald Maclean in 1951. Burgess’ links to Ireland were described in another book by Andrew Lownie, “Stalin’s Englishman”. Village’s favourable review of it described how Burgess fitted into the vice network. See

By all accounts Blunt acquired his taste for ‘rent boys’ from Burgess, with whom he once lived. Burgess was addicted to them. While Burgess purported to be concerned for the downtrodden, he made jokes about the children he exploited from their ranks. On one occasion he wrote a nauseating adaptation of La donna e mobile which he thought was hilarious: “Small boys are cheap today, cheaper than yesterday”.

And even if Blunt and Burgess said nothing, there is still the supremely ironic possibility that Sir Maurice Oldfield, the Chief of MI6, was blackmailed by the KGB which must have known he had a lust for young men. The Provisional IRA, who attempted to assassinate him in London in the mid-1970s, certainly knew of his sexual predilections. See “Maurice The Mole?”

And even if Blunt, Burgess and Oldfield kept their mouths shut, Michael Bettaney might have spilt the beans. In 1983 Bettaney, a senior MI5 officer who had served in Northern Ireland in the 1970s, was arrested after having furnished internal MI5 information to the Soviets. It is inconceivable he did not know the truth about Kincora. Indeed, the exploitation of the children may very well have been what turned him against MI5. If he didn’t hear about it while serving in Ireland, he most certainly would have been at the centre of the panic and gossip that gripped MI5 in 1980 when the scandal erupted, a panic that intensified in 1982 as a judicial inquiry loomed on the horizon. Bettaney was so disgusted with MI5 that he passed information to the IRA about its activities in Ireland while in prison. He also learnt Russian while in prison and remained a Marxist for the rest of his life. He was released in 1998 and died in 2018 so he had plenty of time to disclose what he knew about the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring to the Russians.


And if none of the above uttered a word to the Soviets, the odds are stratospherically high that Geoffrey Prime did. Prime was a KGB mole employed at a high rank by GCHQ (the UK’s signals intelligence service). He was also a paedophile and a member of the Paedophile Information Exchange (PIE), and the North American Man-Boy Love Association (NAMBA). PIE wanted to reduce the age of consent for sex with children to 4 years of age. Astonishing as it may seem, PIE was an affiliate of the National Council for Civil Liberties( NCCL).

Prime began betraying Royal Air Force secrets to the KGB while working in Berlin in 1968. Few believed his claim that he did so for ideological reasons. For a start, he never displayed any sort of left-wing leanings. Second, he lived a modest life and received a comparative pittance from the Soviets, so he hardly did it for money either. The KGB encouraged (or blackmailed him) to join GCHQ after he left the RAF. After his arrest in 1982, UK intelligence investigators told the press they believed he had been blackmailed over his sexual deviancy by the KGB.

Prime lusted after young girls. When arrested for three assaults, the police found files on 2,287 school girls in his house along with PIE literature.

Prime retired from GCHQ in 1977, yet at least one file which post-dated his resignation was found in his house. This and other factors gave rise to a concern there was at least one other mole in GCHQ who was passing secrets to him. Newspaper reports at the time indicated that Prime had amassed blackmail material on 16 other employees at GCHQ so there might indeed have been other traitors inside the organisation. Five GCHQ employees were demoted or fired as a result of the information MI5 found in Prime’s files on them.

A massive review was undertaken by MI5 to see who else he might have compromised. In the US, the FBI found out that he was a member of NAMBA under the name Jacques Dugay which prompted an investigation into the names of VIPs he had discovered in America.

PIE and NAMBA members exchanged paedophile pornography so it would have been easy for Prime to have discovered a network of perverts for the KGB. One of the more high profile deviants of this era was Sir Peter Hayman, KCMG, CVO, MBE, the reputed Deputy Chief of MI6 under Oldfield. Hayman was a member of the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring. He abused Richard Kerr, a former resident of Kincora, at Elm Guest House and elsewhere. Hayman had other links to Ireland: he was a former boyfriend of Sir Gilbert Laithwaite, the Dublin-born, Clongowes Wood and Trinity College Dublin-educated, British Ambassador to Ireland in 1950. Hayman rose to become High Commissioner to Canada and also worked for MI6.

According to Robin Bryans’, while he was ambassador to Ireland, Laithwaite procured boys from the Masonic School in Dublin.

In October 1978 Hayman accidentally left a package of child pornography on a bus in London. Detectives traced it to a man called “Peter Henderson”, at an apartment in Bayswater, London, where they found 45 diaries describing six years of “sexual fantasies” about children, activities with prostitutes, articles of female clothing and obscene literature. “Henderson” turned out to be Hayman. The detectives also learnt that he was a member of a group of seven men and two women who were corresponding with each other and swapping photographs. One of them shared fantasies about torturing children to death with yet another paedophile. The police prosecuted two of the group but let the others go because they were consenting adults who were not making money from pornography. Hayman was given a warning not to send obscene material through the post.

In March 1981 Geoffrey Dickens, an independent minded Tory MP horrified by VIP child abuse, used parliamentary privilege to expose Hayman in the House of Commons. Before he named him, Michael Havers, the Attorney-General, had pleaded with him not to. Dickens was widely condemned for this, even accused of abusing parliamentary privilege. Thatcher’s Attorney-General, Sir Michael Havers, took up the defence cudgels on Hayman’s behalf. He argued that Hayman’s collection was not extreme and had not warranted prosecution.

Despite all the chances he was given, Hayman failed to curb his impulses and was caught in a public lavatory in London in 1984 with a boy and convicted of gross indecency.

In January 2015, Sky News in London obtained a file relating to him which had been prepared for Margaret Thatcher entitled “SECURITY. Sir Peter Hayman: allegations against former public official of unnatural sexual proclivities; security aspects”. One part of it concerned Hayman’s sexual fantasies about children.

Hayman is exactly the type of target the KGB coveted. All of these cases reinforce the need for the Cabinet Office to keep a file on the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring lest it emerge that Hayman or some other Establishment figure was compromised by the KGB.  

Hence, it is likely that comprehensive files about the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring are maintained in London, Washington and Moscow. As indicated above, the London dossier would be locked away in the safest place for it in the UK: the Cabinet Secretary’s safe.

Imagine how simple it all could have been if the State had simply arrested the paedophiles as it became aware of their crimes.


The writer Whitney Webb asserts that Roy Cohn acted as a sexual blackmailer as part of a Cold War network of intelligence services which acted in concert with elements of the mafia. Her insights would certainly help explain how Cohn evaded the attention of the police for his abuse of cocaine, minors and his exploitation of male prostitutes despite making countless influential enemies in New York, especially in politics and law enforcement.

Webb has unearthed evidence which she presents as that of a longstanding sexual blackmail network, set up by the Mafia and later involving Cohn alongside US and other intelligence services. In more recent times this group has connections to Jeffrey Epstein.

Webb’s theory certainly offer an explanation for the otherwise inexplicable ‘sweetheart deal’ Epstein was afforded despite multiple incidents of child rape in 2008. The prosecutor who agreed to it, Alex Acosta, has revealed that it was arranged because he was told by his superiors that Epstein “belongs to intelligence”. He was also told to “leave it alone” and that it “was above his pay grade”.

Despite being appointed to the position of Secretary of Labour in Trump’s 2017 administration, the Epstein scandal eventually cost Acosta his place in Trump’s cabinet.

Incredibly, this shocking revelation has been all but forgotten by the mainstream US media. Instead journalists should be digging to find out:

{i} when Acosta received a tap on his shoulder;

{ii} what exactly was he told;

{iii} by whom;

{iv} who else was involved in the chain of command which passed the order along to Acosta;

{vi} what was the nature of Epstein’s involvement with the world of ‘intelligence’;

{vi} which intelligence services were involved;

{vii} what did Epstein do for them;

{viii} if Epstein did not collect ‘compromat’ for his ‘intelligence’ connections for blackmail purposes, what service did he provide?

Epstein destroyed the lives of hundreds of young girls. One of the more depressing stories about him relates to a ‘gift’ he was sent from Paris by a fellow paedophile. According to Virginia Giuffre, Jean-Luc Brunel, a model scout, sent three 12 year-old impoverished French girls to Epstein for sex. The American enjoyed them on his birthday and sent them back to Brunel the next day.

Village has no first hand knowledge of the matters raised by Webb. Readers, however, can make up their own minds by visiting one of Webb’s articles on child abuse which can be found at

Another can be found at https://www.mintpressnews. com/shocking-origins-jeffreyepstein-blackmail-roy-cohn/260621/


The link between Cohn and the Kincora scandal shows that the paedophile network which existed in Northern Ireland did not merely overlap with the vice rings in Britain but extended across the Atlantic Ocean. Sadly, none of this is of any significance to the one person who should be most interested: Professor Alexis Jay and her futile IICSA inquiry in London.

The Epstein case – even if it has no historical connection to Roy Cohn – demonstrates that blackmail predicated upon child sex abuse is probably still a covert tool of the darker elements of the West’s intelligence services.

Epstein was not a spy who travelled to Russia or China. So, what else could the reference made by Alex Acosta to an ‘intelligence’ dimension to the deal he afforded Epstein refer but to child abuse to gather ‘compromat’?

There are multiple indications that Epstein may have made recordings of former President Bill Clinton, Prince Andrew and other VIPs. His New York mansion heaved with recording devices. Witnesses say they were installed in each and every room – even in the lavatories. Presumably, his weird island in the Caribbean and ranch in New Mexico, were also strewn with recording devices. Imagine the control Epstein’s superiors could have exerted over Hillary Clinton had she had won the US election instead of Trump.

Imagine the control they may have exercised over Bill Clinton during his eight years in the Oval Office.

Epstein does not appear to have had any incriminating information about Trump. At least this would appear to be so given that the latter did not step in to keep him out of the reach of the law. His failure to intervene may also be attributable to his loathing of the Clintons. In other words, on this occasion, a number of honest law enforcement officers are not being muzzled although they have tread upon VIP toes with powerful political-intelligence connections.

Meanwhile, what control do the master blackmailers now exert over the British Establishment via incriminating tapes of Prince Andrew with minors?

RAs described in the chapter about Alan Kerr, the paedophile Lord Greville Janner indtrorduced Alan to Prince Andrew. See also:


If Webb is correct about an intelligence-mafia-mega corporation complex which has resorted to sexual blackmail, the implications for democracy are immense.

The illegal drugs industry generates hundreds of billions of euro every year. By some accounts in excess of 500 billion. In comparison, the budget for the European Union in 2017 was 157.9 billion.

The mainstream media rarely, if ever, investigate who sucks up these unimaginable oceans of drug money.

How is it possible for literally hundreds of billions of tax free euros/dollars to be absorbed by the mainstream global economy without the tax departments of the US, UK and other western nations noticing, not to mention their respective intelligence services.

How is it laundered?

Which banks manage it?

Where is the money invested?

Can anyone refer to a mainstream media organisation which has named any of the senior figures in control of the global drugs industry?

While it is not difficult to find information about the donation of tens of millions in ‘political donations’ from big business to politicians, the media has not sought to identify whether any of them are made by front companies controlled by the drug cartels.

Is it possible that the arch criminals who benefit from this industry have purchased stock in the six or seven media mega corporations who control – by some accounts – more than 90% of the media in the West?

While there are occasional successes against middle ranking drug lords, the overlords who generate hundreds of billions every year, decade after decade, are never bothered. In early July 2020 the British police conducted raids across the United Kingdom which netted £54 million of dirty cash including a single haul of £5 million. This operation was conducted in conjunction with European forces. The Metropolitan Commissioner Police Cressida Dick called the operation the most significant one of her career. 740 so-called ‘kingpins’ were implicated while two tonnes of drugs were confiscated. By comparison to the 500 billion or more generated every year, this was inconsequential.

If a mafia-intelligence-mega corporate nexus with operatives like Cohn and Epstein serving as cogs in a massive machine controlled by it has been eroding democracy and the freedom of the press by running bribery and blackmail operations – including sexual blackmail exercises – to compromise and control influential figures in the media for literally decades – it would certainly help explain the craven attitude of countless television broadcast companies, newspaper and magazine editors, leading journalists and TV broadcasters, and even publishing houses, who have thwarted worthwhile investigative journalism for decades, especially into drug empires, people trafficking and child abuse. The American media, for example, knew about the Epstein scandal for years but swept it under the carpet.

Amy Robach has let it slip that ABC knew all about Epstein but spiked the story.

No one is even bothering to ask who killed ABC’s Epstein story.

Who took the decision to spike it?

What do the memos show?

Who was consulted outside of the TV station/newsroom?

Who gave the ultimate order?

In March 2003 Vicky Ward of Vanity Fair wrote a story for the magazine which included details about Epstein’s abuse of two underage girls. The abuse had taken place in 1996. The section about the abuse was excised from her story. The excuse proffered was that the information came in too late and did not meet its exacting libel standards.

Instead of exposing Epstein, the Vanity Fair article lauded him. The piece by Vicky Ward which they butchered was entitled, ‘The Talented Mr. Epstein’. Yet, why was the story of the 1996 abuse not published in the next edition after the lawyers had had a chance to test the evidence? Instead this is what it published and let stay on the record for years:

It was Ward who discovered that Acosta had been told to go easy on Epstein in 2007 because of his ‘intelligence’ links. She wrote how:

Epstein’s name, I was told, had been raised by the Trump transition team when Alexander Acosta, the former U.S. attorney in Miami who’d infamously cut Epstein a non-prosecution plea deal back in 2007, was being interviewed for the job of labor secretary. The plea deal put a hard stop to a separate federal investigation of alleged sex crimes with minors and trafficking.

“Is the Epstein case going to cause a problem [for confirmation hearings]?” Acosta had been asked. Acosta had explained, breezily, apparently, that back in the day he’d had just one meeting on the Epstein case. He’d cut the non-prosecution deal with one of Epstein’s attorneys because he had “been told” to back off, that Epstein was above his pay grade. “I was told Epstein ‘belonged to intelligence’ and to leave it alone,” he told his interviewers in the Trump transition, who evidently thought that was a sufficient answer and went ahead and hired Acosta. (The Labor Department had no comment when asked about this.)


Could the arrest in July 2020 of Epstein’s malevolent child pimp, Ghislaine Maxwell, finally offer a glimmer of hope that the festering corruption at the heart of the American and British media has hit a bump on the road? Assuming Epstein was a blackmailer, the answer to that question must depend on who has the Epstein tapes, and/or copies of them, and what Bill Clinton, Prince Andrew and other powerful people were caught doing while the cameras whirred silently.

The odds are that Maxwell has concluded some sort of a deal with the FBI. She has had a year to negotiate with them.

Yet, if we are to believe the FBI, they only caught up with her in July of 2020.

Are we really expected to believe that it took the FBI a full year to track her down while she was under their noses in the US all along? During this time she was able to operate her bank accounts. $1 million of her fortune was furnished to another individual who purchased a house for her in New Hampshire. Bearing in mind that she was British and had traversed the world, it is strange that she decided to stay in America where she was wanted by the police. She had access to millions of dollars and US, UK, Israeli and French passports.

Reports now emerging allege that she was under surveillance in Colorado and Wyoming but managed to disappear before she was later detected in New Hampshire.

The victims of Jeffrey Epstein should brace themselves for disappointment and betrayal by the FBI. Its conduct during its investigation of Epstein in the mid-2000s was deplorable. In this respect the recent four-part Netflix series on Epstein is recommended viewing for its focus on the FBI and Alex Acosta’s machinations (despite the fact it completely ignored what Acosta said about the involvement of the ‘intelligence’ services in the scandal).

In any event, how can anyone trust an organisation which has a HQ named after the notoriously inept, corrupt racist J. Edgar Hoover, a friend of the Mafia?

The Maxwell affair is going to be a murky one. A little speculation should be forgiven at this point. Bearing the foregoing caveat in mind, and based on past behaviour, observers should watch out for signs that the following scenario is about to unfold:

{i} The FBI is lying and has concluded a deal with Maxwell;

{ii} The FBI will do what it did in 2008 and protect the high contracting ‘intelligence’ interests which Alex Acosta has described;

{iv} Maxwell will present herself in court as a victim of the late Epstein and claim that she broke from him a decade ago;

{v} She will testify against a limited number of celebrities who abused children at one of Epstein’s properties to satisfy the public – (Clinton if Trump is re-elected; someone else if Biden becomes President);

{vi} The witnesses against Maxwell who are allowed to testify – if she doesn’t plead guilty – will be savaged and vilified by her lawyers;

{vii} Maxwell will receive a medium sentence which she will serve in a comfortable prison and receive an early release for good behaviour;

{viii} She will not betray the ‘intelligence’ and mafia overlords involved in the scandal.

{ix} The mainstream corporate media in the UK and US will divert attention away from the ‘intelligence’ dimension to the scandal by portraying Epstein’s surveillance of his house guests as the acts of a perverted voyeur. Towards this end, footage of celebrities – possibly even Prince Andrew – will be disclosed but none of politicians with the exception of those already in the public domain such as Bill Clinton.

{x} The library of ‘compromat’ which she may have access to will be passed over to the high contracting ‘intelligence’ parties after her release.

Maxwell’s allies are telling the media that she will not turn her back on Prince Andrew. This is a polite way of saying that she has the goods on him but that if the British Government deploys its resources to help her, she will keep her mouth shut. In other words, she is blackmailing the Royal Family.

For his part, Prince Andrew is not commenting on her arrest. According to the leaks from his camp, he is agonising over whether to condemn her or not. He will be damned if he does and damned if he doesn’t.

Thus far, luck – or something more sinister – has been on his side. Last August the Metropolitian Police in London anounced that it was not going to investigate him for having had sex with a minor. A spokesperson for the Met announced that it had investigated allegations he had “had sex with Virginia Roberts Giuffre aged 17 in Ghislaine Maxwell’s bathroom” in London and confirmed that while they had received “an allegation of non-recent trafficking for sexual exploitation” that “no further action is being taken”.

As Channel 4 disclosed, ‘The Met Police has refused to answer detailed questions about the allegations and whether they ever spoke to Epstein, his friend Ghislaine Maxwell, Prince Andrew or anyone from the Royal Household. Channel 4 News asked the Metropolitan Police a series of questions about Virginia Roberts’account of what she says happened to her at Maxwell’s London residence in early 2001. The Met told Channel 4 News: “[We] can confirm that the Metropolitan Police Service [MPS] received an allegation of non-recent trafficking for sexual exploitation. The MPS reviewed the available evidence and the decision was made that this would not progress to a full investigation. As such, the matter was closed”.

Last August Channel 4 News discovered that the Met had “reviewed the available evidence” and decided that the matter “would not progress to a full investigation”. The Met’s purported inquiry had begun with a review of the “available evidence” in 2015 after receiving a complaint over claims in US court papers that a girl was “forced to have sex with Prince Andrew”.

A further complaint concerning the sexual trafficking of Roberts to the UK was received by the Met in 2015 from an unconnected third party

Independently, Roberts’ lawyers had contacted the Met in 2016.

At least one ruse looks like it will not be available to the ‘intelligence’ cover-up artisits on this occasion: the planting of false witnesses to produce wild allegations which can later be ‘exposed’ as ridiculous. The British public fell for a fraud called Carl Beech hook, line and sinker when he made sensational allegations about VIP child sex abuse, ultra violence and murder which – incredibly – were widely reported by the mainstrem media in the UK. Disturbingly, the British police gave Beech (then calling himself ‘Nick’) credence for a long time by taking his absurd allegations seriously and made him – not the real victims – the focus of mainstream media attention. It was a masterful piece of misdirection. When the moment was right, Beech was ‘exposed’ as a liar. Village had predicted that this would happen before it did, namely that Beech was a paid agent tasked with undermining genuine victims of VIP abuse such as Richard Kerr. Predictably, a greatly relieved – and gullible – British public lost interest in any sort of allegation of VIP paedophile abuse. It was if Beech and no one else had made allegations about VIP abuse and since he had been discredited, the entire issue could be forgotten.

Every single newspaper, magazine and television news department fell for the stunt.

Logically, this meant that Jimmy Saville could be cleared of wrongdoing becasuse he had been accused of abuse by Beech.

At one stage Beech attempted to befriend Richard Kerr but the Irishman concluded from a distance that he was a sinister fraud and kept well clear of him.

Some of the police involved in the astonishing farce were promoted rather than sacked for incompetence. Please see the chapter on Beech and the ‘Dietrich Gambit’ in Village’s online book or go to Hopefully, in the Epstein-Maxwell case, there is no room now for a Beech-type fraud to seize the centre stage and discredit the genuine victims by painting them all with the same absurdist brush.

Epstein’s victims should take a long, hard and salutary look at the plight of Richard Kerr and the victims of the Anglo-Irish vice ring for a flavour of what has happened in their case. The people determined to cover-up for Epstein’s ‘intelligence’ masters have a limited repertoire of dirty tricks which they use over and over again. A good starting point for dirty trick precedents from the past is:

The notion that the obedient, compliant and sterile ladies and gentlemen of the UK and US press are going to throw off their shackles and revolt against their corporate masters is not realistic, even in this era of #MeToo and BLM. There won’t be a ‘Take the Muzzle Off the Media’ movement.

While, following the disgrace of Epstein, the arrest of Ghislaine Maxwell and general pressure on Prince Andrew suggests international attention is finally focusing on international paedophilia, from Belfast to Texas via London and New York there remains a generation of exceptionally damaged and vulnerable victims for whom the scandal of their abuse lies unaddressed.

Chapters 1 – 3 can be accessed at:

Chapters 4 – 7 can be accessed at:

Chapters 8 – 10 can be accessed at:

Chapters 11 – 13 can be accessed at:

Chapters 14 – 18 can be accessed at:

Chapters 19 – 25 can be accessed at:

Readers interested in learning more about the issues and people referred to in this article can click on the various buttons/tabs below this story, albeit that most of the information contained therein has been drawn upon for this composite article.