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The Anglo-Irish Vice Ring. Chapters 1 – 3.

By Joseph de Burca.

MI5, MI6, Buckingham Palace, The Royal Ulster Constabulary and the exploitation of children in care by a VIP Anglo-Irish Vice Ring


This online book draws together the main strands of Village’s three year investigation into the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring, a network that exploited children in care on both sides of the Irish Sea for decades. It is offered as an alternative to the Terry, Hughes and Hart Reports which failed to get to the bottom of the scandal. It is not an easy read, nor a short one. It contains the evidence of multiple witnesses and documents to argue that Terry, Hughes and Hart got it wrong when they dismissed State involvement in the Kincora scandal and denied its connection to a wider Anglo-Irish network. (Some information has yet to be added to this report.).



CHAPTER 1 describes how the British Establishment persists in covering up the crimes of an Anglo-Irish child rape network. Lord Mountbatten was its most high-profile member. Some of the other abusers are still alive. No-one in authority in the UK is interested in bringing them to book. This chapter also looks at the origins of the network. The Irish branch was set up by an Englishman educated at Cambridge who worked for the prime minister of Northern Ireland.

CHAPTER 2 provides an overview of the uses to which MI5 and MI6 put the vice ring. It also describes the efforts of a handful of British Intelligence insiders who tried to halt the abuse. Most of the latter group were British Army officers.

CHAPTER 3 presents the evidence that the British Army, MI5 and MI6 knew about William McGrath, Joseph Mains, Raymond Semple and their abuse of boys from care homes in Northern Ireland from the early 1970s.

CHAPTER 4 tells the story of Richard Kerr, the victim who joins all the dots in this scandal. He is a survivor of child abuse at Williamson House, Kincora and Elm Guest House.

CHAPTER 5 shows how at least one boy – a 13 year-old – was brought to Dublin to be abused in 1973. This chapter also looks at British Intelligence sexual blackmail and information gathering operations in Belfast and – almost certainly – Dublin before widening the angle to look at the wider picture of MI6/CIA/NATO blackmail operations involving the notorious Marc Dutroux paedophile network in Belgium.

CHAPTER 6 outlines the role Ian Paisley played in the scandal. He knew about the abuse from the early 1970s yet said nothing. He visited Kincora to see McGrath frequently. Both men had helped set up the UVF and UPV. He bullied at least one Kincora survivor not to reveal what he knew about the sexual abuse of the boys by ‘Englishmen’.

CHAPTER 7 describes the strategy MI5, MI6 and Whitehall designed to cover up their involvement in the scandal after it was finally exposed by investigative journalists in Ireland

CHAPTER 8 concerns the murder of John McKeague, the MI5 agent who knew too much including: the truth about Mountbatten; the murder of Seamus Ludlow; the entrapment of a senior DUP politician; an attempt to bomb the boat of the Irish politician Charles Haughey; a plot to unite all Loyalist paramilitary murder gangs under one leadership and a bizarre meeting with a cardinal about the Pope.

CHAPTER 9 concerns the ongoing cover-up which has involved the submission of a witness statement forged in 1982 by the RUC to the Hart Inquiry in 2016; the destruction of genuine Kincora files and suppression of classified ones.

CHAPTER 10 concerns the intimidation of Richard Kerr and the all too convenient appearance of a deceitful conman masquerading as a child abuse survivor, Carl Beech, who managed to convince the British public that the existence of VIP sex abuse was a figment of his imagination.


CHAPTER 11 exposes the career of MI5’s blackmailer supreme, Peter Wright, a man who exposed many of MI5 and MI6’s darkest secrets. However, he concealed their most atrocious crimes. There were at least ten he kept out of his book Spycatcher. By his own admission, some of them related to Ireland.

CHAPTER 12 provides more information about Anthony Blunt including his possible abuse of Richard Kerr while masquerading as a man called ‘Andrew’, his plot against Ian Paisley and a possible partial rehabilitation by MI5.

CHAPTER 13 looks at the role played by Tommy ‘Tucker’ Lyttle, the senior Belfast UDA commander who trafficked Richard Kerr to two abusers while he was in Kincora. Lyttle was the UDA boss who ordered the assassination of Patrick Finucane. Lyttle admitted that he was an MI5 agent.

CHAPTER 14 outlines the involvement of James Molyneaux in the Kincora scandal.

CHAPTER 15 addresses the role Enoch Powell MP played in the vice ring.

CHAPTER 16 reveals details about Eric Witchell, the Monk from Hell who ran Williamson House where boys as young as six were raped. Some of them were later transferred to Kincora.

CHAPTER 17 examines the role played by Dr. Morris Fraser

Chapter 18 describes how Joss Cardwell organised for two Kincora boys to travel to England. One of them ended up being abused by a famous TV star. The TV Star is alive and plying his trade as an actor. He has contributed to the activities of numerous charities including at least one involved with child welfare. He has stated that some rape victims are liars who are only after money.


CHAPTER 19 describes how a select group of broken boys were procured from Williamson House for Kincora in 1975. They replaced older boys at Kincora. They were then trafficked to a variety of men with a taste for younger teenagers around Northern Ireland, Scotland and England. This was part of a ruthless intensification of the honeytrap operation involving the exploitation of the children which was now under the control of Ian Cameron, a senior MI5 officer who took over control of intelligence in Northern Ireland from MI6 at this time. Some of these boys later committed suicide.

CHAPTER 20 looks at the life of Alan Kerr who was abused at the age of six and ended up as a prostitute in London where he met Prince Andrew as a guest of Lord Greville Janner.

CHAPTER 21 examines the experience of ‘Charles’ at Williamson House at the hands of Eric Witchell.


CHAPTER 22 details how the British media ignored whistleblowers such as Colin Wallace and Fred Holroyd and failed to bring pressure to expose the vice ring and end other dirty trick programmes in Ireland. Some of them continued until the end of the Troubles and involved collusive murderRepublican terrorists and people with no connection to terrorism were murdered by Loyalist gangs controlled by the RUC Special Branch and MI5.

CHAPTER 23 looks at two organisations which may possess a dossier on the scandal. First, a group of ex-RUC Special Branch officers. Second, the UDA which definitely compiled one having monitored Kincora throughout the 1970s.

CHAPTER 24 addresses the failure of the ongoing UK’s Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse (IICSA) to investigate these matters.


CHAPTER 25 deals with the knowledge the Soviet Union accrued about the vice ring and, ironically, how they may have used it to recruit British traitors through blackmail. The penetration of the British Establishment by the Russians during that last 75 years may have gone much deeper and lasted much longer than has ever been suspected by the British public.

Although not addressed in this report (yet), it should be noted that the latest phase of the cover-up is being carried out with the de facto  connivance of An Garda Síochána, the police force of the Republic of Ireland. It has declined to release crucial logs of visitors and cars to Mountbatten’s castle in County Sligo in the Republic of Ireland. They could help establish that Mountbatten abused boys at it. An Garda Síochána is currently commanded by Drew Harris, a former RUC Special Branch officer. While he was in the RUC and PSNI, Harris was responsible for the suppression of incendiary files about British State collusion with Loyalist terrorists such as McKeague.

This investigation is dedicated to the memory of Stephen Waring, a victim of sexual abuse who was trafficked from Kincora to Mountbatten in August of 1977 and committed suicide the following November by plunging in despair from the Belfast-Liverpool ferry into the dark cold sea below after an escape attempt from Kincora to Liverpool had been thwarted by the RUC. His earlier pleas to those in authority had fallen on deaf ears. Had he gone back, he would have been subjected to years of oral and anal rape by older men, many of whom were vicious and cruel.




In 2019 Andrew Lownie’s published ‘The Mountbattens: their Lives and Loves’, which drew the attention of the world to Mountbatten’s sexual abuse of teenage boys at Classiebawn, his castle at Mullaghmore, County Sligo in the Republic of Ireland.

Lownie’s research also unearthed a number of FBI files which revealed that the Royal had been gripped by “a lust for young boys”, and that his former chauffeur, Ron Perks, often drove him to “an upmarket gay brothel used by senior naval officers” called the Red House near Rabat in Malta while he was serving in the Royal Navy.

Village revealed further details: namely that Joseph Mains, the Warden of Kincora, was responsible for trafficking boys to Mountbatten at Classiebawn.

One of Mountbatten’s victims was 16 when he was abused. He is referred to as “Amal ” in Andrew Lownie’s bestselling book. Amal described how he “remembers being brought to Mullaghmore during the summer of 1977”. He says he met Mountbatten four times that summer on a day trip from Belfast. Each time the encounter, lasting an hour, took place in a suite at a hotel by the harbour about 15 minutes from Classiebawn. “Amal” remembered: “He was very polite, very nice. I knew he was someone important. He asked if I wanted a drink or candy. He told me he liked dark-skinned people especially Sri Lankan people as they were very friendly and very good-looking. I remember he admired my smooth skin. We gave each other oral sex in a 69 position. He was very tender and I felt comfortable about it. It seemed very natural. I know that several other boys from Kincora were brought to him on other occasions”. See also:


Mountbatten’s abuse of boys was not an isolated affair. He was a member of a large Anglo-Irish abuse network.

Peter Montgomery, the Deputy Lord Lieutenant of Tyrone, was also part of the network which procured boys for Mountbatten. He lured some of them from Portora Royal School in Fermanagh. Montgomery also had access to boys at Williamson House in Belfast. Eric Witchell, another member of the vice ring, was in charge of Williamson House. Witchell is alive and living in London. The boys from Williamson House were brutalised and transformed into sexual playthings for the vice ring. Anal rape commenced at the home when the boys – orphans and abandoned underprivileged children – were as young as six. A number of these victims later committed suicide. 

It is also believed that Mountbatten’s assistant, Peter Murphy, procured boys for him from Portora. Incredible as it may seem, the FBI was interested in Murphy as they believed he was a Marxist. They were not only suspicious of him but also Mountbatten as the latter had access to NATO naval secrets. Hence, they kept the files on him which author Andrew Lownie uncovered.

Robin Bryans, the Kincora whistleblower, wrote about Murphy’s closeness to Mountbatten in his book ‘The Dust Has Never Settled’. He made no bones about the fact Murphy was a lustful paedophile, stating that he and an Irishman called Alan Price “looked for more than Portora schoolboys to lure to their beds”.

In a series of letters Bryans put into circulation in the 1980s (the then equivalent of tweeting), Bryans revealed that Alan Price was part of Mountbatten’s circle in Ireland as was Sir Anthony Blunt, the Keeper of the Queen’s Pictures (and a member of the infamous Cambridge Ring of traitors). Yet another friend was Lord Rosse who owned Birr Castle in County Offaly in the Republic of Ireland. In a letter dated 3 November 1989, Bryans provided a glimpse at the type of events that took place when Lords Mountbatten and Rosse got together with the likes of Blunt and Price. The relevant sentence read as follows: “Any of the old snapshots at Birr Castle showing the late Lord Rosse getting Alan Price to flash his codpiece for Lord Mountbatten and Anthony Blunt are unlikely to be published”.

Joseph Mains trafficked boys from Kincora to Birr Castle. They included Richard Kerr who had first been raped in the middle of the night as he clung to a toy in his bed at Williamson House.

The abuse at Birr Castle came to the attention of Colin Wallace and the military intelligence department at Lisburn in the 1970s.

Lord Rosse became Princess Margaret’s step-father-in-law after she married Anthony Armstrong-Jones (later Lord Snowdon).

It is now virtually impossible to get copies of Bryans’ books. Persons unknown have even gone to the trouble of removing them from libraries throughout the UK, including copywrite libraries.


For decades the members of the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring (A-IVR) were untouchable. That changed after the eruption of the Troubles when MI5 swept in to blackmail and exploit the network for various nefarious reasons.

The MI5 officer who first uncovered its gory details was almost certainly Peter Wright. Wright spent seven years unravelling and mapping it out. Wright’s path to it began with MI5’s inquiries into the seedy and criminal private life of the arch MI5 traitor, Sir Anthony Blunt.

While many of Blunt’s friends and colleagues knew or suspected he was gay, only a select few knew that deep in the shadowy recesses of his private life he hid a dark and sinister secret: Blunt enjoyed the ‘rough trade’ – the abuse of impoverished male urchins condemned to eke out a living as male prostitutes in seedy toilets in London. Blunt ‘cottaged’ for them around the lavatories in Hyde Park near to Speakers’ Corner, despite his left-wing pretence to care for the underprivileged.

Blunt was the third and youngest son of the Reverend Stanley Vaughan Blunt (1870–1929) and his wife, Hilda Master (1880–1969). He was also a distant relative of the Queen Mother. He was born at Holy Trinity vicarage, Bournemouth, Hampshire, on 26 September 1907. As a child he lived for a while in Paris, where his father was the British embassy chaplain. He was later educated at Marlborough School where he developed a strong interest in art. According to one of his biographers, Michael Kitson: “Blunt was part of a group of rebellious young aesthetes”, he was producing precociously fluent defences of modern art, much to the infuriation of the deeply conservative art teacher – an early indication of his academic talent and his instinctive contrariness”.

Blunt worked for MI5 during WWII and then pursued a career as an art historian. He was to become a Knight of the Realm and Surveyor of the King’s (and later Queen’s) Pictures. His world was turned upside down in November 1979 after he was exposed as a Soviet mole.


Blunt acquired his taste for ‘rent boys’ from his fellow MI5 traitor Guy Burgess, with whom he once lived. Burgess was addicted to them. While Burgess purported to be concerned for the downtrodden, he made jokes about the children he exploited from their ranks. On one occasion he wrote a nauseating adaptation of La donna e mobile which he thought was hilarious: “Small boys are cheap today, cheaper than yesterday”.

Blunt’s treachery was uncovered by MI5 in 1963. The following year he agreed to make a confession in return for immunity and the wholescale betrayal of the secrets of everyone he knew. Peter Wright of MI5 was assigned to interrogate him. In return for his co-operation, Blunt was given a pardon and his treachery was concealed from the public. The pardon was not limited to his treachery: in addition it afforded him blanket immunity for any crime he had ever committed, something undoubtedly designed to cover his sexual transgressions.


When Peter Wright sat down with Blunt in 1964 he was determined to smoke out any member of the intelligence community, military, civil service or Parliament who – like Blunt – was homosexual: in short anyone of importance who might have been susceptible to blackmail by the Soviets. Homosexuality remained a crime in England and Wales until 1967.

Blunt must have felt he had smashed a mirror for bad luck. His face-to-face encounters with Wright would drag on for seven years. They were still proceeding apace during the early years of the Troubles by which time MI5 was keen to find any mechanism to gain control and influence over Loyalist politicians and paramilitaries. Blunt was in a pole position to assist them with his knowledge of the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring of which he was a leading light. The opportunities for sexual blackmail were immense.

For seven years Wright and MI5 pored over the careers of the Oxbridge graduates of the 1930s and anyone else of possible interest known to Blunt. Ostensibly, the pair became so friendly they exchanged Christmas cards. In reality they did not trust each other. Wright wrote later: “We had to adopt a subtle approach, in an attempt to play on [Blunt’s] character. I could tell that Blunt wanted to be thought helpful, even where it was clear that he was not. Moreover, he disliked intensely being caught in a lie. We had to extract intelligence from him by a slow process of cumulative pressure .. Often we drank, he gin and I Scotch; always we talked, about the 1930s, about the KGB, about espionage and friendship, love and betrayal. They remain for me among the most vivid encounters of my life”.


Details of Blunt’s private life and his fondness for visiting Northern Ireland have been described in many of the biographies written about him.

Wright’s odyssey into the hidden recesses of Blunt’s life unravelled an array of friends and associates in Ireland, connections which reached back to his childhood. Blunt had attended Marlborough School where he had befriended the celebrated Belfast poet Louis MacNeice, who was born in the same month as him. For a long time the pair remained the best of friends. MacNiece recalled in his (unpublished) memoirs that Blunt was bullied because he was an individualist and non-conformer: “Boys of that age are especially sadistic…They would seize him, tear off most of his clothes and cover him with house paint, then put him in the basket and push him round and round the hall. .. Government of the mob, by the mob, and for the mob .. a perfect exhibition of mass sadism”.

Another Old Malburian, Sir Peter Tennant, remembered that, “Marlborough was ridden with homosexuality. I suppose all public schools are full of buggery. Masters were deeply involved in it. I won’t name names but as far as I can make out they were practising homosexuals and did it with some boys… I remember the headmaster, George Turner, giving a speech, saying, we will have no more buggery.”

John Betjeman, a future poet laureate and British cultural attache to the British Embassy in Dublin during the 1940s, was haunted throughout his adult life by the memory of a child at the school peering out through the slats of a large basket like a terrified animal as the bullies hoist him in the air.

Then there was “hot-potting”, where the Malburian bullies stripped the trousers off their victims and made them wear two pottery tooth mugs filled with flaming paper on their buttocks.

Another ritual, known as “bum shaving” was administered by prefects. This involved stripping two small boys naked and forcing them to bend over, backsides touching as one of the prefects whips came down between their buttocks. The trick according to Blunt’s older brother Wilfred, was to relax at the last minute and let the other boy take the full brunt of the lash.


Blunt earned a scholarship to Cambridge in 1926 where he made more Irish friends. One of then was Sir Samuel Knox Cunningham who was slightly younger than him. Cunningham became known as the ‘Boxing Queen’ because of his homosexuality and prowess as a pugilist. He was a heavyweight boxing champion at Cambridge. In later life he was elected as a Unionist MP. In the 1960s he represented South Antrim. He served as Parliamentary Private Secretary to Prime Minister Harold MacMillan, 1959-1963, and as such routinely attended Cabinet meetings at 10 Downing Street. Knox Cunningham often stayed with Blunt while in London and also knew Guy Burgess from their days at Cambridge. He was a rich man and lived on a 70-acre estate at Glencairn Park, and once came within an inch of becoming Grandmaster of the Orange Order. He chose not to stand in the 1970 general election and was succeeded by his fellow Orangemen and election agent, James Molyneaux who later led the Unionist Party. Molyneaux was a friend of another high-ranking Orangeman, William McGrath, one of the staff at Kincora who was convicted for child abuse in 1981.

The whistleblower Robin Bryans also knew Sir Knox Cunningham QC, MP, well. Cunningham was a key participant in the A-IVR. Bryans recalled that Cunningham “always liked to appear as the great Queen’s Counsel who knew more than anybody about everybody, especially those in my books and bed”.

Knox Cunningham knew Bryans so well he was able to influence him to alter the content of his book ‘Ulster’. When Cunningham discovered that it was due to contain a passage about internment during the IRA’s Border Campaign of the 1950s, he feared it would create a bad impression abroad and intervened: “Sir Knox Cunningham asked me to delete my reference to internment without trials and I agreed believing him to share in 1963’s atmosphere of reconciliation over sectarian hatred”.

A memorandum Capt. Colin Wallace prepared while working at the British Army’s HQNI at Lisburn, stated that Cunningham was “closely associated” with William McGrath, the Housefather at Kincora, and was “aware of his activities”. McGrath pleaded guilty to charges of buggery perpetrated at Kincora in 1981.

Cunningham became involved in the World Alliance of Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA) in 1947 and became Chairman of its National Council two years later, something which put him in charge of the YMCA in Ireland, Wales and England. His Wikipedia entry suggests that he became involved with the YMCA because of his “religious faith” but it is more likely he wanted to gain access to young men. Much of his interaction with the YMCA boys involved the sport of boxing. According to Bryans, he took Kincora boys to the YMCA in England.

Macmillan recalled Knox Cunningham fondly in his memoirs and awarded him a baronetcy in his resignation honours. Despite this, his publishing company, Macmillan, failed to publish Cunningham’s memoirs.

Richard Kerr has revealed that Knox Cunningham was a visitor to Kincora.

At the start of Blunt’s debriefing, Peter Wright’s interest in Cunningham would have centred on the fact he had sat around the Cabinet table, was gay and the friend of a self-confessed KGB mole (Blunt) and another traitor who had defected to Moscow (Burgess). By the end of the debriefing in the early 1970s, Cunningham’s lofty position within the Orange Order and central role in Unionist politics would have been of equal interest to MI5. Cunningham was one of many homosexuals active inside the Orange Order who were susceptible to blackmail, especially as homosexuality was still a crime in Northern Ireland, and he undoubtedly knew many of them, including a leading light in the Orange Order, William McGrath, the housefather at Kincora


Another of Blunt’s Irish friends was Captain Peter Montgomery, a cousin of ‘Monty’, the famous WWII field marshal. The Captain lived at a magnificent estate in Blessingborne, County Tyrone. The pair first met at Cambridge. Montgomery became one of Blunt’s earliest lovers, possibly even his first. Montgomery later became Deputy Lord Lieutenant of Tyrone, which meant he was one of a elite number of personal representative of the Queen in Ulster. He also became President of the Northern Ireland Arts Council. Montgomery always kept a room for Blunt at Blessingborne, and Montgomery often stayed with Blunt when he visited London. When Blunt suffered nervous exhaustion in 1943, it was to Ulster and the embrace of Montgomery he repaired for recuperation. After Blunt was exposed as an MI5 traitor, Blunt’s signature was found by Sunday Times reporters in the guestbook at Blessingborne. Captain Montgomery was also a key figure in the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring. According to the whistleblower Robin Bryans, who knew him well, he procured boys from Portora Royal College, Enniskillen, for those in the vice ring with a penchant for well-bred children.

The journalist Paul Foot, who spoke at length to Bryans, gained an insight into the vice ring of which Blunt and Montgomery were key figures. He outlined how Blunt became “closely involved with the Orange establishment in Northern Ireland, and particularly with the hyperactive and reckless set of gay people who flourished in the Six Counties [of Northern Ireland] throughout the period .. Especially attractive to this set was the apparently limitless supply of boys of all shapes and sizes. This supply was quite unrivalled anywhere else in the United Kingdom and became legendary in upper-class homosexual circles. It was regarded as a “special treat” to go to Northern Ireland and get yourself invited to one of the “soirées” which would be well attended by not entirely literate or well-adjusted teenage boys. No one ever asked where these boys came from, but some at least were provided through the extremist Orange gang which ran boys homes for Belfast Corporation, notably the one called by an old Irish Royal folk name, Kincora”. (Private Eye No. 681, 22 January 1988)

One of Blunt’s biographers, Miranda Carter, has provided a glimpse at the lifestyle Blunt and Montgomery enjoyed while in England: “The writer Hugh Massingberd, Peter Montgomery’s great-nephew, remembered meeting Blunt, very much ‘off duty’, with his uncle in 1965. ‘It was a very hot day, and Blunt came in wearing virtually a G-string and a light sleeveless T-shirt, and said, “Peter’s overdressed and I’m underdressed. How do you do?”. It was a bit stagey. His uncle also once took him to a party at Blunt’s old stomping ground, Palace Court. ‘There seemed to be a lot of oriental youths around, and Blunt and my uncle, one felt, had dropped their guards. It was full of opera queens and an odd mixture of seedy old faggots and oriental boys. It was very much a gay party’”.

Montgomery was a friend of the British artist Derek Hill who lived in Ireland. Bruce Arnold’s biography of Hill provides a further glimpse of Montgomery’s lifestyle. Arnold describes a visit Montgomery made to a friend of Hill’s in Paris, a man called Geoffrey Gilmour. ‘Geoffrey Gilmour’s supposedly rather louche behaviour was not all fantasy. A friend of Derek’s – Peter Montgomery, who was gay – visited Geoffrey in Paris. He was taken to visit Diana Mosley at Orsay and entertained well. Geoffrey wanted to take Peter out clubbing in the city. He made him strip to his underpants and unburden himself of all possible valuables, including watch, ring, everything. Only then was it safe to go out and face gay club life in Paris. It seems it was not a lot different from the same kind of entertainment in New York and elsewhere’. (Arnold 293)


Blunt might have enjoyed his last few years as a respected Knight of the realm, slithering around Buckingham Palace and his favourite toilets in London, but for the intervention of Robin Bryans, a celebrated travel writer from Belfast who was mentioned above briefly. Bryans knew Blunt, Burgess and others in the A-IVR well. Through them he knew many members of MI5 and MI6. Indeed, it was Bryans who exposed Blunt as a KGB agent through the pages of Private Eye magazine in 1979.

Bryans, who died in 2005, amassed a wealth of information about the fabric of the Ulster branch of the A-IVR which he recorded in various books and open letters.

Bryans was born on 24 April 1928, to an East Belfast working-class family. His travel was informed by his taste for adventure. At one time he worked as a cabin boy on a Belfast Lough dredger; became a teacher in Devon; a shepherd in the Scottish Highlands; a student at Barry Religious College in South Wales; a diamond prospector in Canada and South America; and even hunted and trapped with the Blackfoot and Stony tribes in Canada. Although a Protestant, he was a supporter of civil rights for Catholics.

As he explained in one of his autobiographies, ‘The Protégé’, members of the British aristocracy took him under their wing thereby transforming him into a ‘lifelike toff’. The fact that his cousin, ‘Hellfire’ Jack Bryans became Imperial Grand Master of the Orange Order aided his gentrification and enhanced his status with the Anglo-Irish aristocracy. Hellfire Jack was one of those that Robin approached in his campaign to halt the abuse at Kincora. Bryans reported William McGrath, the Housefather at Kincora to Hellfire Jack but nothing was done. McGrath was a leading Orangeman. He was so influential he was permitted to establish his own Orange Lodge. He was convicted for his crimes at Kincora in 1981.


In February 1990, Bryans told this author that: “The Kincora thing will be covered up. I would love to go on talking if I thought it was going to come out, but it’s not, because I know how the Establishment works. Be careful of the word Kincora, because you are going to limit it. There were other homes involved. There were three homes. There was one for boys from 12 to 16, and then there was one for younger ones”.

He revealed that boys from Portora Royal, NI’s most prestigious public school in Enniskillen were abused. They were in demand by members of the A-IVR who preferred boys who were younger and of a higher social class than the teenage boys at Kincora.

One of Richard Kerr’s abusers, Eric Witchell abused boys at Williamson House. It may have been the home for perverts which Bryans revealed catered for those with a taste “for younger ones”.

A children’s home in Portadown was also involved. While many of those involved may well have preferred older teenagers – even some who appeared willing to entertain them in return for alcohol or money – this matters little because many of these slightly older victims had been groomed, abused, brutalised and desensitised since early childhood.

Bryans wrote what might be termed ‘run of the mill’ travel books but also no-holds-barred tomes about the scandalous affairs of the Establishment. The indiscreet tomes were always extremely difficult to acquire; never more so than now. He sometimes wrote under the name Robin Harbinson. He will be referred to throughout this book as Bryans. Bryans had an encounter with a member of the A-IVR as a teenager – Henry Lynch-Robinson, the son of the powerful Permanent Secretary to the Stormont Ministry of Home Affairs. Bryans wrote: “I was 14 when I rose up in rebellion at the proud Henry Lynch-Robinson who tried to get me on my knees to perform an act of fellatio.” Since Bryans was born in April of 1928, he reached 14 in April of 1942. Lynch-Robinson was born in 1920 so would have been approximately 22 at the time of this incident. Lynch-Robinson became a celebrated architect, and died in 1984.


Was Robin Bryan’s a reliable witness?

There are many reasons to suggest he was. For a start, he was right about Anthony Blunt being a traitor who worked for the KGB while he was in MI5 and exposed him to the world.

Second, he was correct in his assertion that there were homes other than Kincora where boys were abused as is evident from Richard Kerr’s horrific experience at Williamson House. Kerr did not speak out in public until a few years ago, long after Bryans’ death.

Third, he was right about the scale of the Vice Ring and its connections to England, Scotland and Wales.

Fourth, declassified British Government documents concerning Lord Shackleton, the Labour Leader in the House of Lords and son of the famous Antarctic explorer, have copper fastened Bryans’ credibility. As Bryans revealed in his book, ‘Blackmail & Whitewash’, he tried to get Shackleton to intervene to put a halt to the Kincora scandal but Shackelton did nothing. Bryans wrote: “I knew too much and too much would come out because in 1973 I had told Lord Shackleton about the Kincora abuses and the terror of its young inmates. .. Shackleton chose to do nothing about the Kincora scandal because he had no wish to upset his fellow Establishment figures who were also Knights of the Garter such as Lord Mountbatten who had known Belfast for an even longer period than Shackleton had”.

Significantly ‘Blackmail & Whitewash’ was published in 1996 long before declassified British Government files confirmed Shackleton’s willingness to protect child abusers. In May 2015 official papers revealed that in 1988 Margaret Thatcher had been furnished with a 19 page dossier which contained details about Sir Cyril Smith’s abuse of children, including an undated letter from Shackleton, then a member of the Political Honours Scrutiny Committee. In it Shackleton disclosed that the police had investigated Smith in the early and mid-1960s. During 1970 they had carried out inquiries about his “indecent assault against teenage boys”. Shackleton told Thatcher that the DPP had not prosecuted Smith because “there was no reasonable prospect of conviction”. This is not surprising since MI5 had confiscated police files and disrupted evidence gathering. The purpose of Shackleton’s letter was to recommend Smith for a knighthood. Shackleton told Thatcher that he felt it would be “slightly unfortunate” if this “episode” impeded Smith from obtaining a gong. Thatcher agreed and one of the most brutal paedophiles of his era became a Knight of the Realm.

There is a fifth indication of Bryans’ reliability: in 2015 an anonymous MI6 agent confirmed to the Daily Express that Bryans had indeed tried to save the victims at Kincora before it was exposed by the Irish Independent in 1980.

Bryans used to refer to Edward Heath as the ‘despised Edwina’ and linked him to a Unionist MP who was involved in the A-IVR. This particular MP – who is long dead – abused children in Northern Ireland and in Scotland. This provides a sixth possible reason to believe Bryans: he clearly knew something about Heath’s secret sex life. Bryans was once interviewed by another Kincora whistleblower, Captain Colin Wallace during which he drew a link between Heath and the MP who had been involved in the A-IVR, but no more. Bryans was usually fearless, but he refused to elaborate any further on the nature of the link. Perhaps the implications of exposing a former Prime Minister was just too much for him.

Heath was not exposed as an abuser until 2017, long after Bryans’ death.

When Colin Wallace interviewed Bryans, he stated that he had also tried to get Lord John Donaldson who served at the NIO, 1974-76, and Lady Avon, the wife of Anthony Eden, British PM 1955-57 to intervene to halt the abuse in NI but without success.


Bryans got to know Anthony Blunt because of the spy’s frequent visits to Ireland. “The gay scene was one of the reasons why Blunt loved Ireland”, Bryans stated in 1990.

Bryans came to learn a lot about Blunt’s secrets. It was he – Bryans – who exposed Blunt as the Fourth Man in the Cambridge KGB Spy Ring through Private Eye magazine.

However, before they fell out, Bryans and Blunt had been quite friendly. In 1964 Bryans published a book entitled ‘Ulster’ with the help of the NI Tourist Board. Blunt assisted Bryans in the preparation of the passage about Louis MacNiece, the celebrated Belfast poet who had died in September 1963. MacNeice and Blunt had been friends since childhood having met at Marlborough School. Bryans’s book praised the courage of MacNeice’s father who had opposed bigotry and violence in Belfast. In another of his books, ‘The Dust Has Yet To Settle’, Bryans wrote that Blunt had been “delighted to read in ‘Ulster’ what I had written with his help about his closest school friend, Louis MacNeice, and the poet’s bishop father and Alan Buchanan the curate Blunt knew best as the Archbishop of Dublin much seen in royal circles”. Blunt helped Bryans prepare a guest list for one of the events associated with the launch of the book, a photographic exhibition of locations featured in it. The event took place at the Royal Institute of British Architects in Portland Place. NI’s then PM, Terence O’Neill, agreed to open the event but was called away at the last moment. In another of his books, ‘Let The Petals Fall’, Bryans described how instead O’Neill’s wife read “out his notes which chose a photograph of a well-known cast-iron gent’s lavatory as his favourite building in Belfast. I had been asked to prepare a guest list which I did in conjunction with Anthony Blunt of whose guests knew the lavatory as a popular picking-up place. But as the British House of Commons was in the throes of passing the [Leo] Abse Bill legalising homosexuality between consenting males, we thought that by choosing the cast-iron lavatory O’Neill had either been hinting that the law should also be repealed in Ulster or that he lived in blissful ignorance of the lavatory’s place in Belfast’s gay life”.

Blunt also tried to inveigle Bryans into spreading smears about Ian Paisley “with a view to blackening the Wilson Government’s record in Northern Ireland”. Bryans believed Blunt did this at the behest of MI5. If true, it raises the possibility that the arch-traitor Blunt was partially rehabilitated and allowed back into the MI5 fold, no doubt under strict supervision.


‘Ulster’ was one of Bryans’ ‘run of the mill’ books. In it he described Alfred Arnold as“the English civil servant [who] fell in love with Ulster” and who was always “looking among theatrical people for likely talent for his new musical plays”. In his ‘indiscreet’ books, interviews and letters, Bryans described how Arnold was the driving force behind the A-IVR and exploited the plays to seduce young male actors. Arnold was also a friend of Blunt’s.

Arnold managed to get away with his heinous crimes because he occupied a lofty perch in the NI Establishment: he served as Private Secretary to notorious anti-Catholic bigot Sir Basil Brooke PM of NI 1943-63. While child abuse among the aristocracy has been going on for centuries, it was Arnold who turned the abuse into a system which turned care homes run by the Stormont Government into child brothels. Paedophiles (adults who sexually abuse children) and pederasts (adult males who sexually abuse adolescents) were assigned to run them and supply children to the A-IVR.

To the public Arnold was a respected member of the arts community. As Bryans wrote: “For many years the BBC programme The Arts in Ulster had the Englishman Alfred Arnold as its chairman, a brilliant student from Cambridge Basil Brooke imported as his private secretary in the 1930s”.

Arnold retired early from the civil service hoping to become Director of the Arts Council in Belfast but he did not find favour with Brooke’s successor as Stormont PM, Terence O’Neill, who thwarted his appointment. According to Bryans: “Alfred also wrote musical plays and involved himself generally in the artistic life of the province. He retired early from the Civil Service as he and many others thought he would make an ideal Director of the Arts Council in Belfast. Alfred did not conceal his devotion to young actors such as Laurence Beattie and he did not become Arts Council director and consequently left Belfast to live in the Maltese island of Gozo, while Lawrence went to Canada”.

Bryans has also described how Sir Basil Brooke was outraged by PM Terence O’Neill’s intervention to deprive Arnold of the Arts Council Directorship. The affair would even form part of the campaign to unseat O’Neill as PM. According to Bryans: “Basil Brooke and his son John were looking for everything possible in their campaign to topple the reformist O’Neill and they looked to their Orange brethren for support. The Alfred Arnold battle gave them good ammunition against O’Neill”.

Bryans hints strongly that Arnold may have seduced Sir Basil Brooke’s son John, who later became a Unionist MP at Stormont. The young man “had been much influenced by Alfred Arnold. When John went off as ADC to Lord Wavell, the Viceroy of India, nobody expressed surprise when the former Vicereine, Lady Linlithgow, called the ADCs’ room ‘The Pansies’ Parlour’. Certainly the last Viceroy, Lord Mountbatten, dined out on the story when he spent his summer holidays in the west of Ireland and brought the latest news to Eli Lodge”.

Arnold also intervened to help members of the A-IVR when they got into trouble. He and Knox Cunningham QC were able to assist the notorious John McKeague escape from a charge of molesting two YMCA boys in 1966.

Arnold could be quite indiscreet: it was he who told Bryans that boys from a home at Portadown were being abused.

Arnold was also a friend of Lord Shackelton which provides yet another explanation for Shackleton’s willingness to protect child molesters.



The ring of which Mountbatten was a part was shielded by MI6 (attached to the Foreign Office) and MI5 (attached to the Home Office). There were – and continue to be – a number of reasons for this.

The first is obvious: deference to a Royal who they placed above the law. With the Royal family still grappling with the Prince Andrew-Jeffrey Epstein scandal, any official acknowledgement of Mountbatten’s crimes – even now – and the fact the Establishment covered them up,  might yet stretch the patience of a wary British – sick of Royal misbehaviour – public beyond breaking point.

A second use of the network was to lure MI5/6 targets to ‘honeytraps’ prepared for them at hotels and other venues where boys were made available and where they could be recorded and brought under MI5/6 control. The hotels included the Girton Lodge, Europa, Park Avenue in Belfast and the Queens’ Court in Bangor.

A third use was to collect ‘kompromat’ which could be used later to destroy reputations instead of using it for blackmail purposes.

The MI5/6 targets included Loyalist politicians and paramilitaries. The Hart Report discloses that MI5 actually admitted that it took photographs of John McKeague of the UVF/Red Hand Commando in London in the 1970s while he was arranging sexual assignations with young males. McKeague’s career as an MI5 agent will be discussed in a later chapter. Meanwhile, MI5 was running other Loyalists killers such as Robin Jackson and Billy Wright as proxy assassins, albeit the methods used to recruit them did not involve the provision of boys from care homes.

Other targets included James Molyneaux MP, the Leader of the Official Unionist Party, who was later appointed to the House of Lords and pursued sexual arrangements with young males. Another person of interest was  a senior figure in the DUP who had a habit of taking his fury out on his wife by beating her up. The “Wife Beater” is still alive and enjoys an influential position within the DUP. Enoch Powell was yet another MP involved in the ring.

Plans were made in 1972 and 1973 for the selective disclosure of the sexual crimes of some of the A-IVR’s members – such as James Molyneaux MP – as part of ‘Operation Clockwork Orange’. The targets were Loyalist politicians and paramilitaries opposed to the Sunningdale Agreement. However, this part of Clockwork Orange was cancelled for a number of reasons one of which was that Harold Wilson became PM and MI5 (and their allies in MI6) decided to let Sunningdale fall and thereby embarrass Wilson and his Labour Government.

No less a figure than Lord John Hunt, the mighty and all-powerful Cabinet Secretary, 1973-79, acknowledged that the plot involving MI5 officers had indeed taken place. In August 1996 Hunt told a Channel 4 documentary that, ‘There is no doubt at all that a few, a very few, malcontents in MI5, people who should not have been there in the first place, a lot of them like Peter Wright who were right-wing, malicious and had serious personal grudges, gave vent to these and spread damaging malicious stories about that Labour government.’ (Curiously, Stella Rimmington, D-G of MI5, 1991-94, denies there was any such plot.)

It is clear that Peter Wright learnt quite a lot about Ted Heath’s aberrant taste for boys because he – Wright – was responsible for spreading stories in 1975 about his attraction to young men as part of a plot topple Heath as Tory Leader and replace him with a more resolute right-wing figure.

Lurid rumours were circulated in 1977 which undermined support for the 1977 strike led by Ian Paisley. Figures such as John McKeague, a notorious pederast and Loyalist terrorist, were the subjects of these rumours. The strike proved a failure. How much of this was due to the rumours is an imponderable.

In 1985 the Westminster press lobby was told during a hush-hush briefing that the Thatcher Government was going to order another investigation into Kincora. This happened just days before the signing of the Hillsborough Agreement. This was undoubtedly a signal to dampen the opposition of certain Loyalist leaders including Molyneaux and his guru, Enoch Powell, who were oposing it. Ian Paisley who knew all about William McGrath, the Housefather at Kincora, yet had done nothing to stop him raping children. He must have felt the pressure too. Enoch Powell had a lot to fear if his abuse of children was ever to be exposed. 

There is a full chapter about Enoch Powell below.

Third, senior Establishment figures from the MoD and NIO were able to exploit the children and teenagers ensnared in the network for their own twisted pleasure. They included Peter England, a senior official who had been transferred from the Ministry of Defence to the Northern Ireland Office (NIO) and John Imrie of MI5 who masqueraded as a NIO civil servant in Belfast. They turned the NIO into somewhere decent people would have been well advised to wipe the soles of their shoes on the way out of the building. See also

Children like Richard Kerr were put on a conveyer belt which took them from homes for young children to Kincora and later to London, Manchester and elsewhere where they were made available to VIP abusers thereby perpetuating the same depressing cycle of exploitation, control and blackmail in Westminster and elsewhere.

The politicians involved in the various overlapping vice rings were not in a position to step in to curb extreme MI5/6 operations which involved criminality such as collusion between the security forces and Loyalist murder gangs. On the contrary, they sometimes had to cover them up. This may explain why William van Straubenzee MP of the Conservative Party visited Albert ‘Ginger’ Baker, the notorious killer who was an MRF (military intelligence) agent, in prison after he had confessed to a series of brutal murders in 1973. (Baker’s career will be discussed in a later chapter.) Baker wanted to discuss where he was going to serve his term of imprisonment. Why would the Deputy Secretary of State indulge him so? Did the Secretary of State, William Whitelaw – who later became Deputy PM of Britain -, give him permission for the visit?

The control of politicians would also explain why MI5 permitted Sir Peter Morrison MP to become Thatcher’s private secretary despite its knowledge that he was a child molester.

It appears that at least one member of the A-IVR was coerced into participating in a highly dangerous anti-Provisional IRA operation by MI5. It played out in Dublin in 1981.

The cover-up also served the interests of intelligence mandarins such as Sir Maurice Oldfield of MI6 as he was an abuser of rent boys and – according to records furnished by MI6 to the Hart Inquiry – a friend of Joseph Mains, the Warden of Kincora. It was Mains who ferried the three Kincora boys to Mountbatten.  Oldfield served as Deputy Chief of MI6, 1965-1973, and Chief, 1973-78, after which he was appointed by Margaret Thatcher as intelligence supremo to NI in 1979. He was investigated by MI5 for his sexual behaviour in 1980 and suspended from his NI post to establish if he had been compromised by the Soviets. He was cleared but died the following year.

Oldfield’s reputed deputy chief, Sir Peter Hayman was a convicted sex offender. The man who appointed Oldfield as MI6 Chief was PM Ted Heath, another paedophile. (Please see the section on the Paedophile Information Exchange (PIE) in Part Five for further information about Hayman.)

The abuse of the children in care in Northern Ireland might have continued for decades – perhaps even to this day – were it not for the press in the Republic of Ireland. What finally put an end to the abuse at Kincora was the intervention of two courageous female social workers at the end of the 1970s who blew the whistle on what was going on. They were responsible for the care of Richard Kerr, a resident of Kincora. They leaked the sordid truth to the Irish Independent.

Sadly, the Jeffrey Epstein-Prince Andrew scandal demonstrates that transatlantic child trafficking took place over the ensuing decades with Royal participation.


There were also a number of people inside the intelligence community who were sickened by what was taking place and helped the media unravel further details, espcially inside the British Army. They included Colin Wallace, a PYSOPS officer stationed at British Army HQ NI at Lisburn.  He knew that William McGrath, the Housefather at Kincora, was a child rapist and that children were being exploited by the vice ring across NI.

Captain Brian Gemmell (military intelligence) and General Peter Leng (British Army) also tried to put a halt to McGrath’s activities.

Another soldier, a colleague of Gemmell known only as ‘Denis’ has shown the courage to fit another piece of the Kincora jigsaw into place. (See the section entitled:’The Man from HQNI Who Visited Kincora below.)

Peter Broderick of the MoD will also emerge from this horror story with his reputation intact.

The Permanent Secretary at the MoD, Sir Michael Quinlan, also emerges with most of his honour intact (as shall be described later).

So too does ‘Michael Schneider’ (not his real name) who has also had the courage to reveal that the British Army knew about McGrath and Kincora. (Schneidr’s story appers in a later chapter.)

There were many others outside the British Army who also tried to put a halt to the abuse including Robin Bryans, Roy Garland and the recently deceased Valerie Shaw. A tribute to Ms. Shaw can be found here:


The whistle blowers were thwarted by a gang of shadowy felons in MI5 and MI6. The gang included Sir Michael Hanley, Director-General of MI5, 1972 – 1978, and his assistant Peter Wright.

Another ogre was Sir Howard Smith, who had served as the UK Representative to the NI Government  1971-1972 (i.e. London’s political and intelligence supremo in NI) when the Kincora operation was in its early phase. Smith became D-G of MI5, 1979-1981.

Smith’s deputy, Sir Jack Jones, was also complicit in this abyss of degradation. He served as D-G, 1981-85. Significantly, Jones was in charge when John McKeague was murdered in suspicious circumstances which will be described later.

Sir Howard Smith was a morally homeless individual. Official UK records have long since revealed his willingness to engage in political murder, namely the assassination of Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba of the Congo. When Smith reached the top of the blood soaked MI5 intelligence pole, he came to pass the dirty work to his subordinates. What could have been more unpalatable to a man who had advocated the murder of a moderate democrat such as Lumumba? Perhaps the manipulation of a paedophile network whose members raped children as young as six and which was being exploited by MI5 and MI6 to blackmail and control Loyalist torture and murder gangs (such as McKeague’s Red Hand Commando) might fit the bill. Many of these gangs such as the UDA, UVF and RHC had abducted random Catholics off the streets whom they had tortured and murdered in human abattoirs called ‘Romper Rooms’. (Further details about the ‘Romper Rooms’ can be found on wikipedia: 

Christopher Andrew, the rather dignified official historian of MI5, has described how Smith was perceived inside MI5 as someone who had a “distaste” for some of the operations that were carried out while he was D-G. One of Smith’s senior officers resented the manner in which “he kept far away from A Branch and left it all” to his deputy John Jones, who was a former Director of A Branch (surveillance and blackmail). According to Andrew’s source, Smith regarded “it all as dirty work”. What is clear from this is that Jones was little more than a thug in a suit and Smith knew full well what was going on yet did nothing to stop it.

How could Britain’s intelligence services have behaved in such an abhorrent manner? Anthony Cavendish, who served in both MI5 and MI6, and was a close friend of Sir Maurice Oldfield, has provided an insight into the corrosive nature of their work. He described in his memoirs, Inside Intelligence, how as “the years go by, the lies take over from the truth and morality accepts the other demands which are made on an [intelligence] officer to get the job done” and that “theft, deception, lies, mutilation and even murder are considered if and when necessary”.



Wiliam McGrath was referred to as the ‘Beast of Kincora’ by the police officers who investigated his crimes.

McGrath was born a Methodist in Belfast on 11 December 1916, and grew up in Earl Street in the Sailortown area of the city. He presented himself to the world as a devout family man. Having apparently become committed to evangelism, he married an Englishwoman, Kathleen, who was involved in the Worldwide Evangelism Crusade. After they married, they set a room aside at 40 Ponsonby Avenue in the Antrim Road district where they lived in the 1940s, to run a bible mission. One of his more bizarre enterprises was to smuggle bibles behind the Iron Curtain, probably with the connivance of Soviet bloc sailors who put in at Dublin Harbour before sailing back to Poland and East Germany.

The McGraths had three children. In 1960 they moved to the spacious Faith House in Wellington Park, Belfast, where he established the grand-sounding Christian Fellowship and the Irish Emancipation Centre. Young men were invited to stay at Faith House. Most of them had jobs and contributed to the upkeep of the Fellowship. Roy Garland featured among them. Garland explained how the Fellowship followed “the ancient Celtic tradition of a kind of monastic set-up”. McGrath would sometimes imply that the Son of God had engaged in homosexual practices with stories about how Jesus and John, and David and Jonathan “had close friendships which had a physical side to them”. McGrath would quote the verse of a hymn: “Touched by a loving hand, wakened by kindness, chords that were broken will vibrate once more”.

McGrath’s financial mismanagement eventually led to the closure of the ‘monastery’. The McGrath family later moved to Greenwood Avenue on the Upper Newtownards Road, just down the road from Kincora Boys’ Home where McGrath was employed between June 1971 and January 1980.

McGrath perceived the Catholic church as the instrument of the Antichrist and was determined to expunge it from the four corners of island of Ireland so that the Protestant community – which he believed was descended from the Tribe of Dan of Caanan, one of the Lost Tribes of Israel – could prevail. He perceived himself as a soldier in what he called the ‘battles of the Lord’. His self-anointed duty was to prevent the pope ‘enslaving the people of God’, not just in Northern Ireland but throughout Britain.


British military intelligence psychological operations (PSYOPS) were run by the Information Policy Unit (IPU) at the British Army’s HQNI at Lisburn. Colin Wallace worked as a PSYOPS officer for the IPU. During the course of his work he became aware of a Loyalist paramilitary organisation commanded by William McGrath. Wallace believes he “first became aware of Tara in 1971. … From a military perspective, Tara posed no real threat to the Security Forces at that time.   My initial interest in Tara was that some former members of the Ulster Protestant Volunteers were allegedly attending its meetings”.

McGrath would become a target of British Army psychological operations designed to destabilise TARA.


Wallace believes he first learnt that McGrath was a child molester in early 1972 after he met a social worker who told him “that she had a young boy in her charge who had claimed that he had been sexually assaulted” at Kincora. She went on to say that “there had been other similar claims involving other inmates and that, although the matter had been reported to the police, no action had been taken. She asked if I could, through Army channels, get the police to investigate. She appeared to be very distressed about the situation and asked that her identity should not be disclosed. I was given to believe that she was particularly worried because key members of the welfare department’ which ran Kincora were involved and ‘might take reprisals against her’. She also explained that one of the staff at Kincora ‘was a prominent figure in Ulster politics.  This man she identified was William McGrath”.

Wallace reported the conversation to one of the Intelligence staff at Lisburn after he returned to his office. He asked “if the matter could be raised with the RUC through our liaison channels. Some days later the officer to whom I had given the information came to my office and said that I should leave the matter alone because it was already the subject of consideration by ‘other people’.  I did not regard this as unusual because similar situations arose quite frequently when interest by one intelligence group could quite easily damage an operation which was already in progress. Also, at that time the information was of more significance to the police than it was to the Army.”


There is much evidence that MI5 and MI6 were in control of Kincora with McGrath and Mains acting as their agents. One of their tasks was to supply these civilian – as opposed to military – intelligence services with information about Loyalist politicians such as Knox Cunningham, James Molyneaux and others.

A letter from an MI5 agent called James Miller dated 7 April 1972 was submitted to the Hart Inquiry. (James Miller is not to be confused with the Kincora resident of the same name who also features in this report.) In it Miller told MI5 that the “Tara OC [i.e. McGrath] had been accused of assaulting small boys and that he could not account for any cash that had been handed to him over a period of 12 months.”

Judge Hart, having reviewed this and other documents, pointed out that by November 1973 MI5 was “aware that the person who had by then been identified as William McGrath had been accused of “assaulting small boys”. By virtue of section 5 (1) of the Criminal Law Act (Northern Ireland) 1967 MI5 were subject to the same legal obligation as everyone else in Northern Ireland to report the commission of an “arrestable offence” (that is an offence punishable with five years imprisonment) to the police where they knew or believed that such an offence, or some other arrestable offence had been committed. An alleged assault on small boys could, depending on the nature of the alleged assault, have been an arrestable offence which ought to have been reported to the police (See Hart para 228) …. The failure by MI5 to pass this information to RUC Special Branch may have been influenced by a desire to protect the existence of their source, and to ensure that his position was not compromised by any leak from the RUC, because it is clear that the other intelligence agencies were concerned that leaks to terrorist organisations, or hostile political figures, of loyalist and Unionist persuasion might occur”. (See para 230)

Put simply Hart believed that while MI5 knew that McGrath was assaulting “small boys” it did nothing about this to protect Miller’s cover as an informer. This is simply not true and displays Hart’s sloppy ignorance of well known details about Miller’s career: he was run out of NI in 1974 by the UDA when it became clear to them that he was a British agent. Some of this was acknowledged by MI5 at the Saville Inquiry where Miller was referred to as “Observer B”. At the time of his hurried departure, Miller was a UDA intelligence officer. MI5 created a new identity for him and set him up with a small business in Devon.

What possible excuse could MI5 have had for not reporting McGrath to the RUC after Miller had departed?

MI5 was sent a draft copy of the Hart Report before it was published for its comments. Why did not bring this information to the attention of Hart?


One thing is certain: McGrath was not a British military intelligence asset. If he was, the IPU would not have sought to undermine him.

In March 1973 the British Government produced a white paper that proposed a 78-member NI Assembly which was to be elected by proportional representation. The following month a belligerent McGrath issued a Proclamation on behalf of TARA calling for the Roman Catholic Church to be proscribed; Roman Catholic schools to be closed, and all religious education to be taught by Evangelical Protestants. According to Wallace, “McGrath’s utterances exacerbated what was already a volatile situation and the PSYOPS unit began to look at ways in which McGrath’s influence could be neutralised. Of course, the fact that senior officers were, justifiably, angry about the allegations concerning his sexual abuse activities added considerable impetus to the PSYOPS initiatives to undermine him”.


Norman Porter, a lay preacher and politician, was also a member of the Orange Order, an Apprentice Boy and a member of the Royal Black Institution.  Porter had been elected as an Independent Unionist MP for Belfast Clifton at the 1953 NI general election. Following the Tara Proclamation, Porter divulged to a number of people that he had informed the RUC in the 1950s/60s that McGrath had been sexually assaulting members of his evangelical mission at Faith House, but no action had been taken.

Wallace recalls how Porter and other Protestant clergymen had “reacted strongly to McGrath’s [1973] Proclamation” and began to draw attention to rumours about his sexual proclivities. In respect of Porter he states that: “One, a well-known evangelical preacher and local politician with tenuous links to the UVF, claimed that he had informed the RUC in the 1960s that McGrath was a homosexual who had been sexually molesting young people at his Irish missionary organisation’s HQ” and that Paisley knew about this “but that he had probably taken no action because McGrath may have been blackmailing him over his links with the UPV bombing campaign in the late 1960s. The latter allegation was significant [to the Army] because some members of the UPV were also members of TARA”. (These events are described in greater detail later in this article.)

Wallace also learnt that an RUC officer had told another Belfast clergyman that McGrath was running a vice ring from “the children’s home where he was employed as a ‘social worker’ and that he had close links with a number of politicians and other prominent people – some of whom were homosexuals – who probably helped him to get employment at the hostel”.


McGrath’s tentacles spread to Continental Europe. “There is no doubt that at the end of 1973 he was actively attempting to acquire weapons from a right-wing religious group in Holland and the NIO were aware of that,” according to a former official at HQNI.  “One of the Tara members who was involved in that arms purchasing operation in Holland was actually arrested for having firearms at his home – no charges were preferred!  There is also no doubt that the RUC were well aware of the numerous allegations about McGrath sexual activities over the years, but deliberately ignored those allegations – almost certainly as a result of the stance taken by their superiors”. The only rational explanation for this is that McGrath was working for MI5/6.

Holland held other attractions for McGrath: it was also a hotbed of paedophile activity. Richard Kerr, a Kincora resident, would later be made to pose for a paedophile pornographic magazine printed in Holland. The magazine appears to have been published while Kerr was still in Kincora. Had Hart treated Kerr with the respect he was due, he could have learnt this salient fact, one that on its own demolishes the finding of his erroneous report.


Meanwhile, during the summer of 1973 Wallace had been instructed ‘to brief the press unattributably about McGrath’s sexual preferences, his use of blackmail to force young people into homosexual practices, and the fact that he “runs a home for children on the Upper Newtownards Road.” 

Wallace adds that by 1973: “The PSYOPS unit had acquired a significant amount of additional information about TARA”. They were “aware that a number of prominent Tara members were closely linked with the Rev Ian Paisley”. These included James Heyburn, Secretary of Paisley’s church;  Hubert Nesbitt, who provided the land on which Paisley’s church was built;  and David Brown, Deputy Editor of ‘Paisley’s Protestant Telegraph.  “We also had information alleging that serving members of the RUC not only attended TARA meetings, but also were involved in the running of the organisation.  There were indications that McGrath was obtaining Intelligence information from the RUC on Republicans and there were even claims that RUC stations in East Belfast had supplied Tara with firearms which had been surrendered to the police by members of the public.  I do not know how reliable the latter information was, but it was sufficient to make the Army very wary of the RUC when dealing with TARA-related information”.


Anumber of people were involved in the PSYOPs attack the IPU prepared against McGrath and TARA. One of those was Hugh Mooney, a Trinity College Dublin graduate and ex-Irish Times sub-editor, who worked for the Information Research Department (IRD), the UK’s black propaganda department which was based at Riverbank Housein London. See

Hugh Mooney’s handwriting appears on a 1973 document which was deployed by the British Army at Lisburn, to brief journalists about Tara. According to Hugh Mooney, the document was written by Mike Cunningham. It was furnished to Colin Wallace at Lisburn.

At this time Wallace and the British Army were not aware that MI5 and MI6 were running a vile blackmail operation involving the rape of children at Kincora. This would generate a lot of trouble for Wallace later on when Ian Cameron of MI5 would derail his career because Wallace was persisting in his attempts to end the child rape at Kincora.

Mooney left HQ NI at the end of 1973, so the Tara document must have been created before then.


Not everyone working in intelligence in NI swam in MI5’s river of filth. Peter Broderick, who was Wallace’s boss at British Army HQ NI in 1973 and 1974, was one such person. He instructed Wallace to disclose the information in the 1973 Tara Press Briefing (’73 TPB) to journalists. Moreover, years later he had the integrity to state on public record that he had initialed it. He made this admission to two journalists, Paul Foot of The Daily Mirror and Private Eye, and Barry Penrose of The Sunday Times.

Wallace retained a copy of ‘73 TPB. It described how the ‘OC’ or Officer-in-Command of Tara was ‘William MCGRATH. He is a known homosexual who has conned many people into membership [of Tara] by threatening them with revealing homosexual activities which he himself initiated. He is a prominent figure in Unionist Party politics and in the Orange Order’.

Also that McGrath “uses a non-existent evangelical mission as a front for his homosexual activities and also runs a home for children on the 236 Upper Newtonards Road, Belfast (Tel: B’fast 657838)”.

Suffice it to say, this was address and telephone number of Kincora.

When Peter Broderick was given ‘73 TPB, he scrawled the words “Clerks IP” across the top of it. ‘IP’ stands for Information Policy, the unit Wallace worked for. In 1990 Broderick spoke frankly to the renowned journalist Paul Foot about the ’73 TPB document. On 8 February of that year, Foot reported in the Daily Mirror that, “This week, for the first time, Peter Broderick, Wallace’s boss at the time – 1974 – confirmed to me that he saw the document (The TARA press brief used by Wallace to highlight McGrath’s homosexuality and his role in running a children’s home) and wrote on it. ‘That is certainly my writing’, he told me. ‘I saw the document and approved it’.”

Peter Broderick also confirmed this to Barry Penrose of The Sunday Times on 11 February 1990.

‘73 TPB also bears the handwriting of Lt Colonel Adrian Peck, who was head of PSYOPS at HQNI in 1973 and early 1974, i.e. GSO1 Information Policy.

Broderick – a hero of this story – was pushed out of the MoD for telling the truth and supporting Colin Wallace at the hearing that led to Wallace’s dismissal.


Anumber of other journalists have confirmed that they either saw ‘73 TPB or received a briefing from Wallace in 1973 about Tara based on the information that was contained in it.

Kevin Dowling of The Sunday Mirror was one of them. He gave the Hart Inquiry “a copy of a telex he had sent to his editor in 1973” as a result of information furnished to him by Wallace. The telex stated that “according to Mr. Wallace the CO [i.e. Commanding Officer] of Tara was William McGrath and a homosexual” and that ‘McGrath apparently uses a non-existent evangelical mission as a front to entice young Protestant men into homosexuality. Once in they are potential blackmail victims and soldiers of Tara’.

So, we have a string of journalists, Colin Wallace and Peter Broderick all confirming the authenticity of ‘73 TPB which bears the handwriting of no less a figure than Lt Col. Peck and also Hugh Mooney.

While Judge Hart doubled over in contortions to undermine Wallace, he was not able to deny that Wallace warned the media about McGrath’s abuse of “young” men.

On 13 March 1977, The Sunday Times published an article entitled: ‘The Army’s Secret War in Northern Ireland’ by David Blundy. It reported that at a British Army briefing in 1974 “at which a Sunday Times reporter was present attempts were made to link Paisley with the Protestant para-military group called Tara, a small, obscure and ineffective group as Ulster’s para-military organisations go. The Sunday Times has a copy of an Army intelligence summary on Tara which contains accurate details about its organisation. .. One member, which the summary names, is called a ‘homosexual and has conned many people into membership by threatening them with revealing homosexual activities which he had initiated’”.

The Sunday Times believed the purpose of the briefing was “to link Paisley with homosexuals and Communist sympathisers. .. Our sources say that the army has produced three anonymous documents on this theme which circulated in Belfast”.


Aman called Roy Garland had been involved in TARA but had walked out in 1971. He then spent years trying to expose McGrath and Kincora and became another of the heroes of this appalling saga.

A handwritten note appears on the 1973 Tara Press Briefing which refers to Garland and records that “he said he resigned” from TARA. These words were added in by Hugh Mooney. And Garland had indeed left TARA.


The Hart Inquiry at least established that Hugh Mooney had known something about Kincora. At paragraph 6 of Hart Inquiry document KIN-200535 it is recorded that: “Mr. Mooney said [he] recalled one meeting referring to the Kincora Boys’ Home, but no reference to it as a homosexual honey-trap run by MI5. IP [PSYOPS] had only been interested in TARA the alleged Protestant paramilitary group.”

So what was the meeting about then? PSYOPS [psychological operations] officers did not convene to discuss the weather. Their operations were mainly directed at paramilitary groups such as Tara. Why would a PSYOPS meeting take place during the relentless murderous bedlam of 1973 with Kincora Boys’ Home on the agenda, if it did not relate to McGrath, TARA, sexual abuse, or all three of these topics?

One thing is certain: Hugh Mooney’s account of the PSYOPS meeting is at odds with the Hart Inquiry’s conclusion that Kincora was not referred to by name at Army HQ NI as early as 1973.


The words ‘Some off-the -cuff information on Tara for the Press’ appear at the top of ‘73 TPB. According to the Hart Inquiry (see KIN-190004 and KIN-190002), Hugh Mooney asserted that the handwriting was that of ‘Mike Cunningham’. Mike Cunningham was in fact John Cunningham. Mooney, it must be stressed, was not asked by Hart to give evidence to his inquiry.

Instead of talking to Mooney, Hart relied on a number of documents which were furnished to him by the British Government which concerned Mooney.

For his part, Wallace was aware that Cunningham was indeed an MoD officer who had been assigned to the Army Intelligence staff at HQ NI in 1973/74.

Cunningham, it appears, later went on to join MI6.

There is no evidence that Cunningham was ever interviewed by the RUC, or that he provided a statement about ‘73 TPB to any of the many Kincora inquiries including the one led by Sir George Terry, the deceitful Chief Constable of Sussex, a bent cop whose true legacy is that he protected child rapists and enabled them to commit countless further violation of vulnerable children in care. Judge Hart certainly deserves credit for exposing the lies of Terry in his 2017 report.

Although the Hart Inquiry did acquire a copy of the ‘73 TPB, there is no evidence that Hart asked Cunningham to provide him with any evidence about it.

Assuming Mooney was correct about Cunningham, he is another MoD figure who who emerges from this abyss of lies and horror with credit: he tried to put a halt to the rape of children at Kincora through the production of the ‘73 TPB. Had he been asked to give evidence to Hart, he would have undoubtedly told the truth.

Bearing in mind that ‘73 TPB also bears Hugh Mooney’s annotation, it is most unfortunate that Hart did not speak to Mooney either. Instead he merely reviewed documents furnished to him by the British Government. Mooney died in December 2017.

Hart did not have the advantage of talking to Broderick either who appears to have died before he would have had an opportunity to make contact with him had he wished so to do


According to the Hart Report, Tara was of no significance to the Security Forces until 1974. Yet another document involving Hugh Mooney debunks this mistake.

Colin Wallace asked Gerald Bartlett of The Sunday Telegraph to see if he could find out anything about Tara. Village revealed that a memo headed “Tara” which was dated 19 October, 1973, was sent by Mooney to Ms. Judith Bunbury at the NIO after Bartlett interviewed members of Tara. Mooney’s memo states:

1. I understand that you have interest in this extremist Protestant organisation and I attach a recent proclamation.

2. This and the booklet by Clifford Smith (of which I attach a copy) were sent to PR by Gerald Bartlett of the Sunday Times (sic), who obtained it from Tara in the course of an interview that he had with the leaders recently. [Bartlett actually worked The Sunday Telegraph.]

3. Bartlett told Colin Wallace of PR that the Rev Ian Paisley is implicated with Tara, according to Tara leaders. The booklet is interesting since [Clifford] Smith is known to be close to Paisley and has given sermons in Paisley’s church.”

The memo was copied to Army Intelligence at Lisburn and reinforces the fact that the NIO, IRD and British Army Intelligence had, at the very least, an interest in Tara prior to October 1973, and that Wallace was encouraging the press to do likewise.


The disputed findings of the Hart Report are further undermined by a report in The Sunday Correspondent newspaper dated 18 March 1990. Kevin Toolis, one of the newspaper’s more accomplished reporters, secured an interview with “Hugh Mooney, a former Foreign Office ‘black propagandist’ expert who had worked in the same unit in Northern Ireland as Wallace.”. The report went on to say that, “Mooney also admitted that Mr Wallace had told him about the above sex scandal at the Kincora boys home in Belfast – casting further doubt on Government claims that the security forces had no knowledge of the long-running rape and buggery of children in care. ‘I do know he mentioned it. He was dropping it in and feeling his way. He kept pushing it. But I could never understand why. I thought it was totally irrelevant to our concerns. I did get the feeling he was pushing this’.”

Despite the extremely serious nature of what Mooney revealed to Toolis, neither the RUC, nor the Hart Report appear to have asked either man to make a formal statement about any of the issues raised here, nor provide them with any sort of evidence.


There is yet more. In the early 1990s the House of Commons Defence Committee investigated some of the claims made by Colin Wallace. Hugh Mooney was aware of what was going on and sent a letter dated 1 December 1992 to the “Information Department of the FCO. It read as follows

‘Dear Margaret,

‘Since talking to you about the House of Commons Defence Committee’s special report on Colin Wallace, I have had a chance to look at the documents and fear that the Ministry can be accused of misleading the Committee.

‘In his letter dated 14 February, the clerk to the committee asked for a copy of a document relating to TARA reproduced on page 292 of Paul Foot’s [book] Who Framed Colin Wallace [i.e. the ‘73TPB’]. In reply, the private secretary said: .. “We have not been able to establish whether this is an official document.”

‘This is surprising since the MoD has identified the official who originated the document from his distinctive italic note which said “Some “off-the-cuff” information on TARA for the Press”. I myself recall passing the document to Wallace. Other manuscript notes on the page show that it was entered as page 45 of Information Policy file at Headquarters Northern Ireland. All of this is known to Wallace and his supporters, who can be expected to raise it. The MoD will be found to have lied and Wallace’s credibility will have been increased’.


The IPU also had Paisley in their sights. According to Wallace the unit first “planned attempt to discredit Paisley” by linking him with McGrath took place in 1974. It “was an attempt by the Army to weaken the power of the Loyalist paramilitaries” during the Ulster Workers Strike (UWC) which was aimed at toppling the Sunningdale-inspired Power Sharing Government. However, the Army “plan was not put into action during the strike because of the adverse reaction of the RUC to the Army operation which led to the arrest of quite a few figures in those paramilitary organisations”.

There were subsequent operations against McGrath and TARA. Wallace believes they “were initiated by the Army because of the threat he posed to the political process and to the discussions between Loyalist and Republican paramilitaries. I think Paisley was a target at times because he kept changing his stance on key issues”. 


Wallace has also revealed that the British Army/IPU was supplied with forged share certificates and a bank account in Paisley’s name which indicated he had made a substantial purchase of shares in Canada with misappropriated funds. Wallace believes the fabrications were manufactured by Intelligence sources in London because the Army in NI had neither the knowledge nor the skills to produce them.

Unfortunately for the smearmeisters in London, Wallace was “unhappy about the political nature of the material I was being given and did not show those items – or any of the other political material – to journalists at that time.  Clearly, someone else was circulating them”.


Capt. Brian Gemmell learnt about Kincora while working for British military intelligence in Northern Ireland in the mid-1970s. “The Kincora information was part and parcel of my Intelligence Reports (Intreps) on [William McGrath’s paramilitary group] Tara. It was classified Secret and sent/taken by me to HQNI and handed over to MI5 staff there.”

Gemmell had obtained his information from three different sources: James Miller, Roy Garland and Jim McCormick. Garland had served as the second-in-command of Tara. After he submitted his report to MI5, Gemmell was summoned to a meeting by Cameron. Cameron had taken over from Craig Smellie of MI6 as controller of intelligence operations in Northern Ireland. The Kincora operation intensified after he took over, e.g. a younger set of boyts were taken from Wiliamson House (and elsewhere) to replace the older boys who had been resident at the latter home. According to Gemmell, “Ian Cameron was very much a father figure to me at the time,” Gemmell has explained. He was then in his mid-20s while Cameron was in his early 60s. According to Gemmell, the MI5 Mandarin was “normally a very nice chap, but he reacted very strongly. He told me that MI5 did not concern itself with what homosexuals did and he ordered me to stop using an agent I had within Tara, who we had codenamed Royal Flush.” Royal Flush was Roy Garland who was gravely concerned about the young residents at the home.

The Hart Inquiry reported that MI5 had confirmed to it that {i} Gemmell had indeed reported on Tara to Cameron and {ii} that Cameron had acknowledged that he had told Gemmell to desist from further enquiries into allegations concerning homosexuality. (See Chapter 29, paragraph 175.)

Despite all this, Hart dismisses the claim that Gemmell reported the abuse  at Kincora  to MI5 because Gemmell had stated that he had done so in a four-page written report. The problem with this was that MI5 could not find such a report.


Brian Gemmell also revealed that one of his military colleagues had once been asked to drive a man in civilian clothing from HQNI to Kincora. At the time MI5 had offices at HQNI alongside those of the British Army. A similar account had appeared in Chris Moore’s book on Kincora. In his report Hart was faced with facts even he could not wish away. He stated that, “At page 145 of his book The Kincora Scandal, Chris Moore refers to an account by a former Military Intelligence Officer he refers to as ‘Dennis’ driving a civilian to Kincora ‘at the end of 1975 or early in 1976’. The Inquiry has been able to identify ‘Dennis, and at the Inquiry’s request the MoD traced Dennis who provided a witness statement to the Inquiry. In it he described how he was instructed to drive an unnamed visitor to East Belfast. He collected his passenger at HQNI at night, he believes around 7 pm. At his passenger’s direction he drove to a house in East Belfast that he now knows to be Kincora. His passenger entered the building where he remained for a period which Dennis describes as not being sufficiently longer or shorter than an hour, i.e., approximately one hour. When this passenger emerged Dennis drove him back to HQNI”. (Hart paragraph 603). Judge Hart found little or nothing suspicious about this.


Ian Cameron, a senior MI5 officer based at MI5’s station at Lisburn, was in overall charge of running the Kincora operation at ground level in the mid-1970s. Cameron, if he ever had a decent bone in his body, had it surgically removed after he joined MI5. He was also responsible for destroying the career of Colin Wallace because he had tried to halt the abuse of the boys at Kincora by drawing press attention to the home. Cameron furnished a report to MI5 in London on 22 April 1976 accusing Wallace of a breach of security for having briefed the press about TARA.

Cameron’s report is reproduced in the picture above, albeit his name is redacted. The reference to “Box 500” is to MI5. Beneath it is an extract from a New Statesman article by the highly regarded journalist Robert Fisk. It was published on 19 March 1976 and quoted from what Fisk described as the “army’s account of their [i.e. TARA’s] activities collated by an intelligence officer at Lisburn”. The officer was Wallace. Cameron refers to Fisk’s article in his report. The combination of these two documents corroborates Wallace’s claim that he tried to draw the attention of the press to TARA and that MI5 was concerned about it.


One MI6 file that slipped out of its usually airtight archive in London was furnished to the Hart Inquiry. It addressed “various allegations surrounding the Kincora Boys’ Home’ and stated that: “We certainly ran at least one agent who was aware of sexual malpractice at the home and who may have mentioned this to his SIS (i.e. MI6) or Security Service [i.e. MI5)  case officer.”

On 30 June 2016 an anonymous MI6 officer was questioned – albeit fleetingly – at the Hart Inquiry about this astonishing admission. He made deeply unimpressive efforts to it play it down.

MI6 also disclosed a file which referred to the “relationship” which the paedophile Sir Maurice Oldfield, Chief of MI6, 1973-78, had enjoyed with the “Head” of Kincora. The “Head” of Kincora was Joseph Mains.

Richard Kerr is certain that he burst in upon a meeting between Mains, Oldfield and other men in suits at Kincora once after he returned to the home unexpectedly after his school was shut down in cold weather.

There is a fourth indication of MI6’s involvement:  in 2015 an anonymous MI6 agent confirmed to the Daily Express that the Kincora whistle-blower Robin Bryans had tried to expose the scandal in the 1970s. The MI6 agent was probably referring to the fact Bryans had informed two former NI ministers about the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring (A-IVR), namely Lord Donaldson and Lord Shackleton.

And there is a fifth indication of MI6 knowledge of the Kincora vice ring: on 23 May 1975 Andie Tyrie and John Orchin of the UDA met with James Allan, an MI6 officer attached to the NIO. According to the minutes, there was “some ribald discussion of Mr McKeague’s proclivities”.


For some strange reason MI6 denied that while he was Chief of MI6 that Sir Maurice Oldfield even visited Belfast. This misleading assertion has been challenged by a military intelligence source who has spoken to Village. He recalls a car being sent to chauffeur Oldfield about Belfast while he was Chief.

In January 1982 the press were about to start reporting on Kincora. The restrictions imposed by the trial of Mains, McGrath and Semple had been lifted after their conviction the previous December. Now, plots were afoot to prevent a full judicial inquiry taking place while John McKeague was about to be assassinated by British agents to shut him up.

The man at the epicentre of this murder and mayhem was Brian Cubbon, the Head of the Home Office. He was the man to whom MI5 reported. Before this post, he had been in charge of the NIO, 1976-79. If anyone knew the truth about the rape of children in Northern Ireland, collusion between the State and Loyalist murder gangs and all the other scandals, it was Cubbons.

The letter – reproduced above – was one he wrote to Robert Armstrong, Thatcher’s Cabinet Secretary (and the supreme architect of the vice ring cover up) on 29 January 1982. It can only have been an attempt to create a deceitful paper trail to conceal Oldfield’s presence in Northern Ireland during his tenure as Chief of MI6. At the time it was common knowledge in the Metropolitian Police, MI5, MI6, the NIO and in Whitehall generally that Oldfield had been suspended while serving as Security Co-ordinator in Northern Ireland in 1980 on account of his homosexuality and investigated to see if he had been compromised by the Soviets. The likelihood of this emerging into the public domain was high. Since – according to official MI6 records – Oldfield had a “relationship” with the “head” of Kincora, i.e. Mains, the potential for scandal was immense.

Cubbons, ever the manipulative mandarin, claims in the letter that Oldfield – who had died the previous year – had allegedly told him that his ‘first rule’ had been to avoid the North. This contradicts the recollection of people who recall Oldfield visiting Ireland – north and south.

Cunning Cubbons left himself a backdoor to run out of if the truth emerged: he stated in the letter that Oldfield’s avoidance of Northern Ireland was something he only knew to “the best of his knowledge”.

The letter was probably cooked up between Cubbons and Armstrong all along. It was furnished to Judge Hart who accepted its veracity.


Further documents will be described and reproduced later in this book. They were written by Colin Wallace in 1975 and refer to the abuse of children in care, providing yet more documentary proof that the British Army and MI5 knew about the abuse.

Overall, it appears that MI5 and MI6 co-operated in the management of the various operations that swirled around Kincora. They co-operated through a joint Irish intelligence committee. Its files were not disclosed to the Hart Inquiry in 2016.


The British Army destroyed the IPU’s files in 1976 after the unit was disbanded, or at least claimed it did.

Generally, the absence of files permitted the MoD to misrepresent Wallace after he went public about the scandal. UK Ministers were assured by their officials that Wallace was a fantasist, a Walter Mitty-type character. Yet inside the upper reaches of the MoD there was no doubt that he was telling the truth. The Belgrano whistleblower, Clive Ponting, a former senior official in the MoD, has described meetings he attended with MI5 officers in 1983 to discuss how to prevent Wallace from making allegations about ‘dirty tricks’ in Northern Ireland. Ponting has revealed that MI5 was “genuinely worried that Wallace had far worse things to say” about dirty tricks. The Sunday Times  quoted Tony Stevens, who chaired the MoD meetings, as stating that he did not dispute the fact that the MoD/MI5 meetings had taken place in 1983.

The tide turned in Wallace’s favour in 1989 when Sir Michael Quinlan, Permanent Secretary at the MoD, informed Margaret Thatcher that he had established a secret internal investigation into Wallace’s allegations because he believed that Ministers had probably been misinformed about Wallace’s role in NI.  The investigation substantiated much of what Wallace had said.

Ponting was forced to resign in 1985.

Judge Hart did not ask Ponting to give evidence at his inquiry.


An internal MoD investigation was critical of the destruction. Some ‘policy files’, however, did survive until 1981.

The Hart Report found that there was no evidence that the Army knew anything about Kincora prior to 1980.  That finding came about in circumstances where Hart failed to secure the attendance of key witnesses, ignored credible evidence and was not skeptical about the fact IPU files had allegedly been destroyed.

Of course, there is every possibility that some – or all – of these files were in fact preserved. A report by journalist Willie Kiely on 28 March 1982 in The Sunday Journal reported that IPU files had removed from Lisburn earlier that month. If Kiely’s sources were accurate, it means at least some files survived the alleged 1976 and 1981 purges. In turn that means that the Hart Inquiry was misled – yet again. Kiely was not asked to appear at the Inquiry


Judge Hart stated at page 88 of his report that, “We are satisfied that it was not until 1980 [after the media exposed the Kincora scandal] that MI5, SIS, the MoD and the RUC Special Branch became aware that McGrath had been sexually abusing residents of Kincora when that became a public allegation”.

Hart made this finding despite knowing that the Ministry of Defence (MoD) had allegedly destroyed PSYOPS files from HQNI at Lisburn in 1981, or at least alleged that it had. In either event, the files were not available for him to review.

Hart also dismnissed Brian Gemmell’s evidence that he had reported details about Kincora. Why? Because no files were handed to the inquiry by MI5, MI6 or the British Army which confirmed this.

Insofar as controversial lost British files were concerned, Hart was clearly not paying due attention to political reports which had made headlines a few years earlier. In 2011 the Foreign & Commonwealth Office ‘rediscovered’ 1,500 previously classified files on the counter-insurgency campaign Britain had waged against the Mau Mau in Kenya from October 1952 to December 1963, at a secret facility at Hanslope Park. The files detailed the way Kenyan prisoners had been beaten to death, burned alive, castrated and kept in manacles for years. In 2013 the British Government paid out Stg£19.9 million in compensation to 5,228 survivors of their counter-insurgency campaign in Kenya.

Chapters 1 – 3 can be accessed at:

Chapters 4 – 7 can be accessed at:

Chapters 8 – 10 can be accessed at:

Chapters 11 – 13 can be accessed at:

Chapters 14 – 18 can be accessed at:

Chapters 19 – 24 can be accessed at: