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Johnson will defer to the Establishment but Corbyn will blow the lid.

The survival of the Royal Family's reputation and that of the UK's intelligence services may very well depend on keeping Corbyn out of 10 Downing Street. This article includes a compendium of Joseph de Búrca articles which draws our research into the abuse of children by an Anglo-Irish Vice Ring with connections to the Royal Family and British Intelligence together in one place.

By Joseph de Búrca

As Village  predicted, the BBC did not ask Prince Andrew a single question about his relationship with Lord Greville Janner, nor if he remembered Alan Kerr from Belfast, during its much hyped ‘no holds barred’ interview broadcast on the BBC on Saturday 16 November. 

While the UK’s 2019 general election will focus on Brexit, the outcome will have far-reaching implications for Buckingham Palace and Her Majesty’s intelligence services. Boris Johnson is unlikely to order a new inquiry into MI5 and MI6’s role in the abhorrent Kincora scandal, nor the role played by Lord Louis Mountbatten in it. Jeremy Corbyn has no such inhibitions. The survival of the Royal Family’s reputation and that of the UK’s intelligence services may very well depend on keeping Corbyn out of 10 Downing Street.

Meanwhile, Johnson’s government has finally voted to set up a compensation scheme to aid the victims of child sex abuse in Northern Ireland and hopes the scandals they are associated with will go away. The establishment of the new scheme must not be exploited as an opportunity to consign the horrors the abuse victims suffered to history.

Meet the new boss, same as the old boss: Boris Johnson will follow the example of Thatcher, Major, Blair, Brown, Cameron and May in kowtowing to MI5 and MI6 and their desire to  cover up their dirty tricks. Jeremy Corbyn has the potential to clean them up. 

The torture meted out to children at institutions such as Kincora Boy’s Home, Williamson House, Bawnmore and elsewhere, must not be forgotten. The abuse they suffered should not be described as ‘historic’. On the contrary, they are livid wounds on the British body politic. Some victims committed suicide. Many of the survivors  lead precarious, lonely and impoverished lives as a result of their trauma. The British Government needs to tell them the truth about what happened to them as children for the sake of their mental well-being. They need closure in the form of apology, acknowledgement and the truth, not lies, insults and defamation. Judge Anthony Hart, who produced a lamentable report in 2017 about the so-called ‘historical’ abuse that took place in institutions run by the State in Northern Ireland, understood none of this. On the contrary, he was condescending and disdainful towards victims such as Richard Kerr. The ongoing Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse (IICSA) in London looks like it will result in an even bigger car crash, especially as it may not proceed with its probe of Lord Greville Janner. This is incredible as Janner is beginning to look like he acted as a pimp for the British Establishment, the very issue the IICSA was set up to inquire into.

The pain continues along with the fight for justice: some of the surviving victims of child sexual abuse in Northern Ireland are to receive compensation at last but will  those exploited as pawns in operations run by MI5 and MI6 ever get the truth?

There are at least 33 substantial reasons to condemn Hart’s 2017 Report and many reasons to abandon hope in the IICSA.

A fresh inquiry should be ordered into (a) the role MI5, MI6, the Northern Ireland Office (NIO) played in the original Kincora scandal and (b) the VIPs who abused Irish and British children and (c) the mammoth cover-up which persists to this day. Most particularly, Margaret Thatcher’s Cabinet Secretary, Sir Robert Armstrong, should be invited to tell such an inquiry all that he knows about the cover-up.

General election candidates in Northern Ireland should be asked where they stand on the issue. Naomi Long, Leader of the Alliance Party, has already displayed outstanding leadership on the issue.

The exception that proves the rule: The exceptional Naomi Long MEP, Leader of the Alliance Party, who has shown outstanding leadership over the issue of child sex abuse in Northern Ireland. 

The DUP has multiple connections to the scandal through its former leader Ian Paisley. He was surrounded by a relay of paedophiles and pederasts who raped children in the 1960s and 1970s. Foremost among them is a notorious wife beater who raped at least one boy Village  has spoken to at the Park Avenue hotel in Belfast. The Ulster Unionists have questions to answer too about a number of former Westminster MPs who served in their ranks such as their former leader, James Molyneaux. Sinn Fein and the Provisional IRA can hang their heads in shame too. They have had their own own sex abuse scandals which they mishandled badly (not to mention the incalculable number of children whose lives were destroyed by the acts of IRA bombers and gunmen).

The Enemy Within, Seumas Milne’s indictment of MI5. It is now into its fourth edition.

Compared to Boris Johnson, Jeremy Corbyn loathes, hates and despises MI5 and the other UK intelligence services. He has no love for the Royal Family either. Moreover, his key aide, Seumas Milne, a former journalist, has written extensively about MI5 dirty tricks. His book, ‘The Enemy Within’, first published in 1994,  has now reached its fourth edition. It is an indictment of MI5’s dirty tricks campaign during the Miners’ Strike. MI5 should be afraid, very afraid that Corbyn and Milne may yet reach Downing Street. There is nothing they would rather do than grind MI5 into dust. Kincora, the Patrick Finucane assassination, collusion with Loyalist paramilitaries and the type of dirty tricks Milne has written about, will more than provide them with the ammunition they need to shut it down and replace it with an organisation that has respect for law and order.

The report Judge Hart issued – insofar as Kincora and its links to the UK’s intelligence services was concerned – was riddled with mistakes and pitiful speculation. Hart was not a cunning and deceitful fraud in the tradition of Lord Widgery (who produced the first Bloody Sunday report). Instead, Hart was a basically honest yet severely naive plodder. He failed to persuade a string of crucial witnesses such as Colin Wallace and Richard Kerr to talk to him. With the benefit of hindsight, they undoubtedly took the right decision in boycotting him.

Hart did not merely fail at persuading high-profile people like Wallace and Kerr to co-operate with him, he was lazy and badly informed. He skill set did not include the ability to  seek out and ask  key figures such as Eric Witchell and Alan Campbell – two former member of the vice ring that swirled around Kincora – to tell him the truth about what had happened. Witchell is still alive and living in London. Campbell died in June of 2017. Like Hart, it appears the London inquiry will ignore Witchell too.

Bringing MI5 to heel: Seumas Milne and Jeremy Corbyn. If Labour wins the December election, he and Corbyn will try to thwart MI5 dirty tricks and punish those who have covered up the State’s complicity in protecting paedophile networks including intelligence officers who have recently lied to State appointed inquiries.

Hart also ignored Albert ‘Ginger’ Baker, a former member of the UDA, despite the fact he had spoken about what the UDA had known about Kincora to Ken Livingstone in the 1980s. Baker is also still alive. Livingstone wrote about what Baker told him in one of his books. Baker knows about Westminster MPs from the Conservative and Labour Party who visited Kincora. The London Inquiry appears not interested either.

Hart also failed to interview John Imrie, a former MI5 officer – and convicted sex pest – who had served in Northern Ireland, and was named in the House of Commons in connection with the scandal. These omissions represent merely the tip of the iceberg of failure on the part of the Hart Inquiry.

Andrew Parker, the present Director-General of MI5, could have ordered Imrie to approach Hart and tell him what he knew, but did nothing of the sort. A quick visit to the vaults could still result in Parker finding out what went on and who is still alive to account for it. Who, for example, were the two MI5 agents who occupied the room at the Park Avenue hotel where blackmail targets were recorded by MI5? All Parker has to do is check the surveillance staff rosters for Belfast for 1977. Will he do this or anything equally enlightening? Probably not. Parker prefers to give lectures about ethical behaviour to the press.

Dirty tricks: The late Michael Betanney of MI5. He was so disgusted by what he discovered MI5 was doing in Northern Ireland in the 1970s that he later attempted to betray MI5 secrets to the Soviet Union. Was Kincora one of these secrets?

One former MI5 officer who might have co-operated with an inquiry was Michael Betanney. He served in Northern Ireland in the mid to late 1970s. Betanney became so utterly revolted by what he witnessed there he decided to betray MI5’s secrets to the Soviets. He was caught and served a lengthy prison sentence. Was the truth about child abuse one of the matters that soured his relationship with his employer? Hart certainly did not bother to try to find out. It is now too late to ask Betanney any questions as he died in August 2018 aged 68.

For the last three years Village  has been making the case for a new inquiry into what we have termed the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring (AIVR). Regular readers will be familiar with many of the arguments we have put forward to ground this case. This article is an attempt to assemble 33 of them in one place. It is a sordid account of rape, torture, blackmail, prostitution, murder, suicide, collusion and lies. If we were in the 1980s, the information contained below would have been published in an old fashioned  50 or 60 page booklet and sold by independent booksellers. Forget we now live in the era of the sound bite and settle down for what will hopefully be a long but enlightening read which will expose the ugly underbelly of the British Establishment.

The Anglo-Irish Vice Ring article below will be updated from time to time and may be moved to a separate space on this website at a later stage.


By Joseph de Búrca



Royal child rapist: Louis Mountbatten, one of the boys he abused – Stephen Waring – committed suicide a few months later.

One of the driving forces behind the Kincora cover-up is that a member of the Royal Family, Lord Louis Mountbatten, abused a number of boys from Kincora. This new information emerged in August of 2019 when Andrew Lownie published his book on Mountbatten and his wife. The book contains a kind acknowledgement to the assistance afforded by this author.

Village was able to provide the public with some additional information in an article entitled ‘Kincora boy abused by Mountbatten committed suicide months later’ in August of 2019. Most of the information – but not all – is repeated in this article.

The new information was  based on interviews with living witnesses, two boys who had been abused by Montbatten. On its own, this new information merits the reopening of the Kincora scandal. A third boy who died in 1977 was also abused by Mountbatten.

Order of Dishonour: This list of those in authority who covered up the existence and activities of the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring were festooned for their service with all sorts of gongs and titles. They include an array of  former MI5 directors-general such Sir Dick White, Sir Michael Hanley, Sir Howard Smith, Sir John Jones, Sir Antony Duff and the still living Sir Patrick Walker. They were aided and abetted by the likes of Sir George Terry of the Susex Police and no less a figure than Lord Shackelton  of Her  Majesty’s Political Honours Scrutiny Committee. Ian Paisley, who covered up the child rape committed by his friend William McGrath and his sordid circle, became a life peer with the title Baron Bannside in 2010. 

The man responsible for trafficking the boys to Mountbatten at his Irish retreat at Classiebawn, County Sligo, was Joseph Mains, the Warden of Kincora. Two of the boys referred to in Lownie’s book did not wish for their names to appear in print in connection with Mountbatten and Lownie has respected this. Village  is aware of their names and will respect their desire to remain anonymous.


Stephen Waring from Kincora was abused by Mountbatten at Classiebawn in August of 1977.

Mountbatten always visited his castle in Co. Sligo in August. Steven Waring, a resident of Kincora, was abused by Mountbatten in August of 1977. He committed suicide a few months later after a failed escape attempt from Belfast.  He made it as far as Liverpool where he was captured and put back on the Belfast-Liverpool Monarch Ferry from which he plunged into the sea in November of 1977. Waring had been put in a section of the ship which did not have access to the sea. Somehow he broke out of it and was able to gain access to the vessel’s railings and plunged to his death. A witness – a British solider – was reputed to have said that he was very drunk at the time of his fall. His body was never recovered. No autopsy has ever taken place. The RUC later concluded that his death was unconnected to Kincora.


The abuse suffered by Steven Waring took place at the same time as that of his friend – called ‘Sean’ by Lownie. It took place in a building adjacent to Classiebawn Castle.

Waring and  ‘Sean’  knew they were being taken to the Republic of Ireland because Mains, who was sitting in the front of the vehicle trafficking them, turned around and told them that they had crossed the Border.

As Lownie describes it, ‘Sean’:

‘was 16 years old when he says he was driven from the Kincora Boys Home in Belfast to Classiebawn in the summer of 1977. As the men who had brought them waited outside, ‘Sean’ remembers being taken into a darkened room where he was joined by ‘a man who undressed me and then gave me oral sex. I was there about an hour. He spoke quietly and tried to make me feel comfortable. He was one of those men who wanted attention, wanted you to chase him . . . I think he felt some shame. He said very sadly, ‘I hate these feelings.’ He seemed a sad and lonely person. I think the darkened room was all about denial . . . He grabbed my hand and put it on his chest . . . I only recognised who he was when I saw on the news that Lord Mountbatten had been killed’.

Village has also spoken to ‘Sean’ who told us that he recalled noticing a ‘weird castle’ in the distance as they neared their final destination. This is in fact a very good description of what the building looks like as it is approached. He also recalls that Mountbatten had a butler with a toupee who attended upon them before Mountbatten took Waring away first. He also recalled that there was an oar hung on the wall of the room in which he was kept.

A ‘weird castle‘: Classiebawn Castle County Sligo. Two of the boys were abused in a building near to the castle. A third boy ‘Amal’ was abused in a hotel at the nearby harbour.


The third Mountbatten victim was 16 when he was abused. His name has also been withheld from Lownie’s book. He is simply referred to as ‘Amal’. He describes how he:

‘remembers being brought to Mullaghmore during the summer of 1977. ‘Amal’ says he met Mountbatten four times that summer on a day trip from Belfast. Each time the encounter, lasting an hour, took place in a suite at a hotel by the harbour about 15 minutes from Classiebawn. ‘Amal’ remembered: He was very polite, very nice. I knew he was someone important. He asked if I wanted a drink or candy. He told me  he liked dark-skinned people especially Sri Lankan people as they were very friendly and very good-looking. I remember he admired my smooth skin. We gave each other oral sex in a 69 position. He was very tender and I felt comfortable about it. It seemed very natural. I know that several other boys from Kincora were brought to him on other occasions’.

While ‘Amal’ was taken to Belfast and may indeed have visited Kincora, and certainly mixed with at least one Kincora boy, he was not a resident – certainly not a long term one – at the home.

The Warden of Kincora  Joseph Mains


Joe Mains was an associate of Captain Peter Montgomery who was the Deputy Lord Lieutenant of Tyrone, and a member of Ulster’s landed aristocracy. He was also a paedophile who preyed on boys from Kincora, Williamson House and Royal Portora School. Each county in the UK has a lord lieutenant. It is a position of great prestige. The holder of the title is the personal representative of the Queen of England in the county he represents. The position of deputy is also of great prestige.

Montgomery’s family owned an estate at Fivemiletown, Co Tyrone. During WW2 he served with British military intelligence. His second cousin was “Monty”, the famous WW2 general.

Montgomery had another connection to Buckingham Palace through the Keeper of the Queen’s Pictures, Sir Anthony Blunt. Montgomery was Blunt’s first boyfriend and thereafter his most enduring friend. Blunt is more famous for his role as a Soviet mole inside MI5 while a member of the infamous Cambridge spy ring. Blunt always kept a room for Montgomery at his London residence. Blunt often visited Montgomery at Fivemiletown. They also enjoyed trips around Ireland to other paedophiles on the “country house” circuit. Montgomery is believed to have trafficked boys from Portora Royal School to these parties for paedophiles who favoured well bred boys.

Montgomery was almost certainly the link between Mains and Mountbatten. For some further information on Montgomery and Blunt (and more besides) see:…resa-mays-closet/ ‎


Is she up to the job? It would appear not. Prof. Alexis Jay of the IICSA. Will her inquiry drop its probe into Janner who is now beginning to look like he was a pimp for the aristocracy and the Royal Family? 

There are now serious doubts that the Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse Inquiry (IISCA) in London chaired by Professor Alexis Jay will probe the case of the notorious child molester, Lord Greville Janner, despite repeatedly acknowledging how crucial he is to their inquiry. If it drops the Janner module, the Duke of York will heave a deep sigh of relief for he will not have to face questions about his friendship with the pervert peer and former Labour MP.

Janner is beginning to look like he was a pimp for the aristocracy.

Alan Kerr, an Irish victim of sex abuse from Belfast, has provided the IICSA with details about Prince Andrew’s friendship with Janner. Kerr’s story was revealed exclusively by this magazine. Readers who are not familiar with it are invited to read ‘The Boy on the Meat Rack’  and  ‘Out of the Frying Pan and into the Fire’ on this website. (Click on the ‘Alan Kerr’ tab/button at the end of this story.) Alan Kerr is the brother of Richard Kerr.

Nothing to hide? Prince Andrew peeping out of the convicted paedophile Jeffrey Epstein’s New York residence. Did the Prince once like boys as well as girls? 

The possibility that the IICSA Janner probe will not proceed will have pleased the Prince, especially following the announcement last August that the Metropolitian Police had decided not to investigate allegations he had had sex  in London with Virginia Roberts when she was 17. A spokesperson for the Met announced that it investigated allegations he had “had sex with Virginia Roberts Giuffre aged 17 in Ghislaine Maxwell’s bathroom” in London and confirmed that while they had received “an allegation of non-recent trafficking for sexual exploitation’ that ‘no further action is being taken”. (For further details, please see ‘The Prince, the Pauper and the Paedophile Peer’ on this website.)


In January 2016 Sir Richard Henriques, a retired High Court judge, produced a report on Janner. Henriques had been commissioned by the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) to conduct an independent review of the CPS’s handling of Janner’s case. At page 43 of his overview he stated as follows:

“I am satisfied that in 1991 there was a sufficiency of evidence for a prosecution to be commenced against Janner for offences of indecent assault and buggery with complainant 1. [5.1]

Had the statement of complainant 2 been forwarded to the CPS, there was, in my judgment, a sufficiency of evidence to commence a prosecution against Janner in 2002 for indecent assault and buggery, both with complainant 1 and complainant 2.  [5.10]

In my opinion, there was sufficient evidence to provide a realistic prospect of conviction in 2007 and Janner should have been arrested and interviewed and his home searched. He should have been charged with offences of indecent assault and buggery with 1 complainant 1, complainant 2 and complainant 3 [5.13]”.


The victim, one of many: Alan Kerr at the approximate age he was when being abused by Janner.

After a childhood blighted by neglect, and by physical and extreme sexual abuse in a string of homes in Belfast, Alan Kerr was trafficked to London by a paedophile while he was 15 or 16 years old. He decided to stay in the city rather than return to Belfast with his abuser. With no friends, skills or an education, Kerr became a teenage prostitute who serviced men. He worked on the streets of London and later at a child brothel known as the Clinic. After the Clinic he returned to the streets, more specifically to the Meat Rack on the ‘Dilly’ at Piccadilly Circus. One night, Greville Janner, then a Labour MP, “came up behind me and started talking to me”. A short while later, he escorted Alan to the bar in Dolphin Square. Alan slept with Janner each night during the week that followed. “I was desperate for somewhere to live at the time. I wanted accommodation, food and security”.

Janner would throw him back on the street in the morning and then meet up with him at night. Janner made no attempt to hide who he was or what he did. One morning Janner warned him he had “a late sitting” that night but that he was to wait for him. This, presumably, was a reference to a late sitting in the Commons.


During the course of the week, Janner invited him to go to a show in Earl’s Court. Alan was surprised but happy to accept. Janner then told him that he had to submit his  – Alan’s  – name for security clearance as they would be on Prince Andrew and Sarah Ferguson’s guest list. Alan obliged by providing his full name and his sister’s address. Janner subsequently told him that everything was “fine” with the security people.

A man possessed of ‘too much honour’, Prince Andrew and Sarah Ferguson.

Shortly afterwards, they attended ‘The Prince and the Pauper’ at Earl’s Court Olympia with the Royals. Janner and Alan sat directly behind the Royal couple who were in the front row, or very close to it. While they were waiting for the show to begin, Alan and Prince Andrew conversed. They also chatted during the intermission. “I had a good conversation with him. He had character. He was a cheerful guy. He was not snobby or anything. He told me he was going to open a hospital in Northern Ireland. I didn’t feel I had to bow down to him. I wasn’t nervous. Janner let me do the talking. They seemed to know each other quite well. That’s why I was able to talk to him. Sarah Ferguson didn’t speak much. She really just ignored us”.


When Janner took Kerr to see ‘The Prince and the Pauper’ he was either 17 or 18.

Prince Andrew and Sarah Ferguson were engaged at the time of the performance.  Their engagement commenced on 19 March 1986. They were married on 23 July 1986.

At the performance Prince Andrew told Kerr that he was going to open a hospital in Belfast. He subsequently visited Belfast City Hospital and then Hillsborough with NI Secretary Tom King on 25 June 1986.

Kerr was born on 8 May of 1968 which means he was 17 or had possibly just turned 18 at the time of the performance.


Janner obviously knew Alan was from Belfast and that his name would be run by MI5 and the RUC Special Branch during the security vetting process.  The IICSA revealed on 24 September last that: “We have searched for, obtained and reviewed a vast range of materials from organisations including the .. Metropolitan Police, .. the Cabinet Office, .. the security and intelligence agencies, …Hundreds of thousands of pages have been provided to the inquiry. The inquiry has also obtained witness statements from a wide range of potential witnesses”.

The IICSA has amassed 350,000 pages of record in total. Presumably, the guest list and the vetting records relating to the performance of ‘The Prince and the Pauper’  are now in its possession.

Although Alan Kerr is the person who relayed this information to the IICSA, he has yet to be furnished with any records relating to his security clearance.


As Village  pointed out in the ‘Out of the Frying Pan’  article on Alan Kerr, it must have occurred to Janner that Kerr could easily have had one or more convictions for male prostitution under his belt. And Alan did indeed have a number of convictions. He believes – but is not certain – that he incurred some of them before he met the Prince. So, why was Janner prepared to submit his name to the officials responsible for protecting the Royals? Had he reason to believe he had nothing to fear from MI5 and the police?

Why did Janner – a married man, politician and author – take a teenage prostitute to the performance instead of his wife or some other friend? There must have been many influential people who would have been indebted to Janner for just such an invitation.

The price of power: Boris Johnson will continue the Kincora cover-up to ingratiate himself with MI5, MI6 and the Royal Family. 

Alan Kerr is the brother of Richard Kerr. Richard Kerr was a victim of child sex abuse while a resident at Williamson House where he was raped from the age of eight and later violated at Kincora Boys’ Home. If the tabloid media in the UK had discovered in 1986 that Prince Andrew had enjoyed a social interaction – however fleeting and innocuous – with the brother of a Kincora boy, that fact alone could have generated waves of negative publicity for him, especially with the unrelenting reports about Kincora which the fearless heavyweight campaigning journalist Paul Foot was publishing in Private Eye and The Daily Mirror.

Janner would have had far more serious questions to answer.

There are other puzzling features about the event. Janner was a great communicator, so much so that he published multiple editions of a book entitled, ‘Janner’s Complete Speechmaking’. So why did he sit back – literally – and let Alan dominate the discussion with Prince Andrew?

As it turned out, Alan would never meet the Prince again.

An honoured friend of the Royal Family, Sir Jimmy Savile. This list of paedophiles featured in this sordid saga who received Royal recognition includes: Lord Louis Mountbatten, Sir Edward Heath, Sir Maurice Oldfield, Sir Peter Hayman, Sir Cyril Smith, Sir Jimmy Savile, Sir Knox Cunningham, Sir Peter Morrison, Sir William van Straubenzee, Lord Greville Janner, Deputy Lord Lieutenant Peter Montgomery and Enoch Powell MBE,  Sir Anthony Blunt was stripped of his honour  but for treachery rather than child abuse, and then only after the press discovered he had been a KGB mole.

There have long been rumours that Prince Andrew is bisexual and had encounters with fellow sailors while serving in the Royal Navy. If he or Buckingham Palace wishes clarify whether these rumours are true or not, Village  will be happy to publish what they have to say. If he is – or was – bixexual, did he ever evince an interest in boys as young as Alan Kerr i.e. 17-18 during the 1980s? Did he ever discuss his sexuality Lord Janner?


Ironically, those now defending Janner at the IICSA have signalled that they intend to challenge the evidence of those making allegations against him on the basis, inter alia, that some of them have criminal records. This is ironic because Lord Janner knew full well that Alan occasionally landed himself in trouble with the law. When Alan found himself up before the magistrates at Bow Street on a charge after they had met, he informed the MP – with whom he had now become quite friendly – about his looming appearance. Janner, who was also a barrister and friendly with a number of judges, penned a letter for him. Janner attended the hearing but did not have to move from his seat during the hearing. In the event, Alan was found not guilty.

Mountbatten seen here with princes Charles, Edward and Andrew.

Alan is aware that at least one of the magistrates Janner knew also visited the Dilly to procure sex from the rent boys at it.

Overall, Alan was impressed by Janner. “He came across as a very intelligent man”,  he says.

Others were impressed with him too: Janner was later made a member of the House of Lords.

Prof. Jay and her team at IICSA should be in no doubt that if the Janner module does not proceed, it will demolish whatever credibility the inquiry has accrued to date. We will be the first to accuse them of dropping it out of a fear they did not want to uncover that Janner acted as a pimp to the aristocracy and members of the Royal Family.

Instead, of abandoning the Janner module, the Inquiry should probe the links between Janner and Mountbatten.

Queen Elizabeth and Lord Janner.




Toilet creeper and Keeper of the Queen’s Pictures, Sir Anthony Blunt, the KGB mole and paedophile who loved to visit Northern Ireland.

It would be folly to attempt to pinpoint a date upon which powerful paedophiles began to sexually exploit  vulnerable children in Ireland and Britain. Sexual exploitation of children is probably as old as history itself. Insofar as the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring is concerned, it is probably the case that a cabal of child molesters were in sufficient control of the Northern Ireland State from the earliest stages of its existence. They were Loyalists and managed to seize control of key institutions which bore a responsibility for the welfare of orphans and children who needed care. The spider at the centre of this disgusting web was an Englishman called Alfred Arnold, who relocated to Belfast to serve as the right-hand man of Sir Basis Brookes who served as prime minister of Northern Ireland 1943-63. Arnold exploited his position to open the doors of a number of child care home to paedophiles.

At some stage the paedophile ring which flourished under the sponsorship of Arnold merged with its equivalent in Britain. Undoubtedly, there were connections between child abusers in Ireland and Britain which predated this joinder, perhaps even by centuries but we shall only focus on the post-WW2 era. One well established link between the Irish branch of the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring and Britain at this time was forged by  Sir Anthony Blunt, the Keeper of the Queen’s Pictures and his lover Capt. Peter Mongomery, a member of Northern Ireland’s landed aristocracy.

Anthony Blunt was an Englishman who had served with MI5 during WW2. He was also a traitor who had betrayed it to the Soviet Union and a paedophile. Blunt might have enjoyed his last few years as a respected Knight of the Realm, slithering around Buckingham Palace and his favourite toilets in London exploiting hungry urchins for sex but for the intervention of Robin Bryans, a celebrated travel writer from Belfast. Bryans knew Blunt, Guy Burgess and others in the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring (A-IVR) well. Through them he got to know other members of MI5 and MI6. Indeed, it was Bryans who exposed Blunt as a KGB agent through the pages of Private Eye magazine in 1979.

Bryans, who died in 2005, amassed a wealth of information about the fabric of the Ulster branch of the A-IVR which he recorded in various books and open letters. Hart took no heed of what he had to say.

Bryans was born on 24 April 1928, to an East Belfast working-class family. His travel was informed by his taste for adventure. At one time he worked as a cabin boy on a Belfast Lough dredger; became a teacher in Devon; a shepherd in the Scottish Highlands; a student at Barry Religious College in South Wales; a diamond prospector in Canada and South America; and even hunted and trapped with the Blackfoot and Stony tribes in Canada. Although a Protestant, he was a supporter of civil rights for Catholics.

As he explained in one of his autobiographies, ‘The Protégé’, members of the British aristocracy took him under their wing thereby transforming him into a ‘lifelike toff’. The fact that his cousin, ‘Hellfire’ Jack Bryans became Imperial Grand Master of the Orange Order aided his gentrification and enhanced his status with the Anglo-Irish aristocracy. Hellfire Jack was one of those that Robin approached in his campaign to halt the abuse at Kincora. Bryans reported William McGrath, the Housefather at Kincora to Hellfire Jack but nothing was done. McGrath was a leading Orangeman. He was so influential he was permitted to establish his own Orange Lodge. McGrath was convicted for his crimes at Kincora in 1981.


He never gave up: Author Robin Bryans who did his best to expose the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring (A-IVR). Hart ignored the books he wrote which allow us to discern the outline of the origin of the Northern Ireland branch of the A-IVR.

In February 1990, Bryans told this author that: “The Kincora thing will be covered up. I would love to go on talking if I thought it was going to come out, but it’s not, because I know how the Establishment works. Be careful of the word Kincora, because you are going to limit it. There were other homes involved. There were three homes. There was one for boys from 12 to 16, and then there was one for younger ones”.

He revealed that boys from Portora Royal, NI’s most prestigious public school in Enniskillen were abused. They were in demand by members of the A-IVR who preferred boys who were younger and of a higher social class than the teenage boys at Kincora.

Williamson House was the home for the perverts whom Bryans revealed catered for those with a taste “for younger ones”.

A children’s home in Portadown was also involved.


Bryans wrote what might be termed ‘run of the mill’ travel books but also no holds barred tomes about the scandalous affairs of the Establishment. The indiscreet tomes were always extremely difficult to acquire; never more so than now. He sometimes wrote under the name Robin Harbinson. We will refer to him throughout this article as Bryans. Bryans had an encounter with a member of the A-IVR as a teenager – Henry Lynch-Robinson, the son of the powerful Permanent Secretary to the Stormont Ministry of Home Affairs. Bryans wrote: “I was 14 when I rose up in rebellion at the proud Henry Lynch-Robinson who tried to get me on my knees to perform an act of fellatio.” Since Bryans was born in April of 1928, he reached 14 in April of 1942. Lynch-Robinson was born in 1920 so would have been approximately 22 at the time of this incident. Lynch-Robinson became a celebrated architect. He died in 1984.


Suppressed: some of Bryans’ rare books, many of which are now impossible to obtain. They have disappeared from many British libraries but pdfs are now beginning to circulate on the internet.


Was Robin Bryan’s a reliable witness? There are many reasons to suggest he was. For a start, he was right about Anthony Blunt being a traitor who worked for the KGB while he was in MI5 and exposed him to the world.

Second, he was correct in his assertion that there were homes other than Kincora where boys were abused as is evident from Richard Kerr’s horrific experience at Williamson House. Kerr did not speak out in public until a few years ago, long after Bryans’ death.

Third, he was right about the scale of the Vice Ring and its connections to England, Scotland and Wales.

Protector of paedophiles: Lord Shackleton, the Labour Leader in the House of Lords and son of the famous Antarctic explorer

Fourth, declassified British Government documents concerning Lord Shackleton, the Labour Leader in the House of Lords and son of the famous Antarctic explorer, have copper fastened Bryans’ credibility. As Bryans revealed in his book, ‘Blackmail & Whitewash’, he tried to get Shackleton to intervene to put a halt to the Kincora scandal but Shackelton did nothing. Bryans wrote: “I knew too much and too much would come out because in 1973 I had told Lord Shackleton about the Kincora abuses and the terror of its young inmates. …  Shackleton chose to do nothing about the Kincora scandal because he had no wish to upset his fellow Establishment figures who were also Knights of the Garter such as Lord Mountbatten who had known Belfast for an even longer period than Shackleton had”.

Significantly ‘Blackmail & Whitewash’ was published in 1996 long before declassified British Government files confirmed Shackleton’s willingness to protect child abusers. In May 2015 official papers revealed that in 1988 Margaret Thatcher had been furnished with a 19 page dossier which contained details about Sir Cyril Smith’s abuse of children, including an undated letter from Shackleton, then a member of the Political Honours Scrutiny Committee. In it Shackleton disclosed that the police had investigated Smith in the early and mid-1960s. During 1970 they had carried out inquiries about his “indecent assault against teenage boys”. Shackleton told Thatcher that the DPP had not prosecuted Smith because “there was no reasonable prospect of conviction”. This is not surprising since MI5 had confiscated police files and disrupted evidence gathering. The purpose of Shackleton’s letter was to recommend Smith for a knighthood. Shackleton told Thatcher that he felt it would be “slightly unfortunate” if this “episode” impeded Smith from obtaining a gong. Thatcher agreed and one of the most brutal paedophiles of his era became a Knight of the Realm.

There is a fifth indication of Bryans’ reliability: in 2015 an anonymous MI6 agent confirmed to the Daily Express that Bryans had indeed tried to save the victims at Kincora before it was exposed by the Irish Independent in 1980.

A man of supreme honour yet unrecognised: Colin Wallace, seen here with the dignified and moderate former PM of NI, the late Capt. Terence O’Neill. Wallace is still trying to establish the truth about what happened at Kincora and other homes. Unlike many of the paedophiles in this story who have been awarded knighthoods and similar awards,  Wallace was pushed out of his job, defamed and framed for manslaughter. 

There is a possible sixth reason to believe Bryans: he knew something about Edward Heath. He referred to him as ‘the despised Edwina’ Heath. Bryans was once interviewed by another Kincora whistleblower, Captain Colin Wallace (who worked with MI5, MI6 and military intelligence in NI in the 1970s). Bryans drew a link between Heath and a former Unionist MP who had been involved in the A-IVR, but no more. Bryans was usually fearless, but he refused to elaborate any further on the nature of the link. Perhaps the implications of exposing a former Prime Minister was just too much for him. This particular MP – who is long dead – abused children in NI and in Scotland.

When Colin Wallace interviewed Bryans, the latter stated that he had also tried to get Lord John Donaldson who served at the NIO, 1974-76, and Lady Avon, the wife of Anthony Eden, British PM 1955-57 to intervene to halt the abuse in NI but without success.


Bryans got to know Anthony Blunt because of the spy’s frequent visits to Ireland. “The gay scene was one of the reasons why Blunt loved Ireland”, Bryans stated in 1990.

Bryans came to learn a lot about Blunt’s secrets. It was he – Bryans – who exposed Blunt as the Fourth Man in the Cambridge KGB Spy Ring through Private Eye magazine.

The courageous and determined Kincora whistleblower, Robin Bryans in later life.

However, before they fell out, Bryans and Blunt had been quite friendly. In 1964 Bryans published a book entitled ‘Ulster’ with the help of the NI Tourist Board. Blunt assisted Bryans in the preparation of the passage about Louis MacNiece, the celebrated Belfast poet who had died in September 1963. MacNeice and Blunt had been friends since childhood having met at Marlborough School. Bryans’s book praised the courage of MacNeice’s father who had opposed bigotry and violence in Belfast. In another of his books, ‘The Dust Has Yet To Settle’, Bryans wrote that Blunt had been “delighted to read in ‘Ulster’ what I had written with his help about his closest school friend, Louis MacNeice, and the poet’s bishop father and Alan Buchanan the curate Blunt knew best as the Archbishop of Dublin much seen in royal circles”. Blunt helped Bryans prepare a guest list for one of the events associated with the launch of the book, a photographic exhibition of locations featured in it. The event took place at the Royal Institute of British Architects in Portland Place. NI’s then PM, Terence O’Neill, agreed to open the event but was called away at the last moment. In another of his books, ‘Let The Petals Fall’, Bryans described how instead O’Neill’s wife read “out his notes which chose a photograph of a well-known cast-iron gent’s lavatory as his favourite building in Belfast. I had been asked to prepare a guest list which I did in conjunction with Anthony Blunt of whose guests knew the lavatory as a popular picking-up place. But as the British House of Commons was in the throes of passing the [Leo] Abse Bill legalising homosexuality between consenting males, we thought that by choosing the cast-iron lavatory O’Neill had either been hinting that the law should also be repealed in Ulster or that he lived in blissful ignorance of the lavatory’s place in Belfast’s gay life”.

Blunt also tried to inveigle Bryans into spreading smears about Ian Paisley “with a view to blackening the Wilson Government’s record in Northern Ireland”. Bryans believed Blunt did this at the behest of MI5.


‘Ulster’ was one of Bryans’ ‘run of the mill’ books. In it he described Alfred Arnold as “the English civil servant [who] fell in love with Ulster” and who was always “looking among theatrical people for likely talent for his new musical plays”. In his ‘indiscreet’ books, interviews and letters, Bryans described how Arnold was the driving force behind the A-IVR and exploited the plays to seduce young male actors. Arnold was also a friend of Blunt’s.

Arnold managed to get away with his heinous crimes because he occupied a lofty perch in the NI Establishment: he served as Private Secretary to notorious anti-Catholic bigot Sir Basil Brooke PM of NI 1943-63. While child abuse among the aristocracy has been going on for centuries, it was Arnold who turned the abuse into a system which turned care homes run by the Stormont Government into child brothels. Paedophiles (adults who sexually abuse children) and pederasts (adult males who sexually abuse adolescents) were assigned to run them and supply children to the A-IVR.

To the public Arnold was a respected member of the arts community. As Bryans wrote: “For many years the BB C programme The Arts in Ulster had the Englishman Alfred Arnold as its chairman, a brilliant student from Cambridge Basil Brooke imported as his private secretary in the 1930s”

Sir Basil Brooke

Arnold retired early from the civil service hoping to become Director of the Arts Council in Belfast but he did not find favour with Brooke’s successor as Stormont PM, Terence O’Neill, who thwarted his appointment. According to Bryans: “Alfred also wrote musical plays and involved himself generally in the artistic life of the province. He retired early from the Civil Service as he and many others thought he would make an ideal Director of the Arts Council in Belfast. Alfred did not conceal his devotion to young actors such as Laurence Beattie and he did not become Arts Council director and consequently left Belfast to live in the Maltese island of Gozo, while Lawrence went to Canada”.

Bryans has also described how Sir Basil Brooke was outraged by PM Terence O’Neill’s intervention to deprive Arnold of the Arts Council Directorship. The affair would even form part of the campaign to unseat O’Neill as PM. According to Bryans: “Basil Brooke and his son John were looking for everything possible in their campaign to topple the reformist O’Neill and they looked to their Orange brethren for support. The Alfred Arnold battle gave them good ammunition against O’Neill”.

Bryans hints strongly that Arnold may have seduced Sir Basil Brooke’s son John, who later became a Unionist MP at Stormont. The young man “had been much influenced by Alfred Arnold. When John went off as ADC to Lord Wavell, the Viceroy of India, nobody expressed surprise when the former Vicereine, Lady Linlithgow, called the ADCs’ room ‘The Pansies’ Parlour’. Certainly the last Viceroy, Lord Mountbatten, dined out on the story when he spent his summer holidays the west of Ireland and brought the latest news to Eli Lodge”.

John McKeague, a child rapist who turned into a prolific sectarian murderer.

Arnold also intervened to help members of the A-IVR when they got into trouble. He and Knox Cunningham QC were able to assist the notorious John McKeague escape from a charge of molesting two YMCA boys in 1966. McKeague was a leading member of the UVF and involved in a bombing campaign to unseat Terence O’Neill. He later went on to become a leading Red Hand Commando/UVF terrorist and was responsible for a series of brutal and sadistic murders.

Arnold could be quite indiscreet: it was he who told Bryans that boys from a home at Portadown were being abused.

Arnold was also a friend of Lord Shackelton which provides yet another explanation for Shackleton’s willingness to protect child molesters.


Bryans also knew Sir Knox Cunningham QC, MP, well. Cunningham was not merely a Unionist MP at Westminster, but someone who rose to become PM Harold MacMillan’s Parliamentary Private Secretary, 1959-63.

Sir Knox Cunningham QC, MP, a criminal, rapist and perverter of the course of justice.

Cunningham was a key participant in the A-IVR. Bryans recalled that Cunningham “always liked to appear as the great Queen’s Counsel who knew more than anybody about everybody, especially those in my books and bed”.

Knox Cunningham knew Bryans so well he was able to influence him to alter the content of ‘Ulster’. When Cunningham discovered that it was due to contain a passage about internment during the IRA’s Border Campaign of the 1950s, he feared it would create a bad impression abroad and intervened: “Sir Knox Cunningham asked me to delete my reference to internment without trials and I agreed believing him to share in 1963’s atmosphere of reconciliation over sectarian hatred”. Richard Kerr has revealed that Knox Cunningham was an abuser at Kincora.

A memorandum Colin Wallace prepared while working in NI stated that Cunningham was “closely associated” with William McGrath, the Housefather at Kincora and was “aware of his activities”. McGrath pleaded guilty to charges of buggery perpetrated at Kincora in 1981.

Cunningham became involved in the World Alliance of Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA) in 1947 and became Chairman of its National Council two years later, something which put him in charge of the YMCA in Ireland, Wales and England. His Wikipedia entry suggests that he became involved with the YMCA because of his “religious faith” but it is more likely he wanted to gain access to young men. Much of his interaction with the YMCA boys involved the sport of boxing. According to Bryans, he took Kincora boys to the YMCA in England.

British PM Harold Macmillan who wrote fondly about Sir Knox Cunningham in his memoirs.

Macmillan recalled Knox Cunningham fondly in his memoirs and awarded him a baronetcy in his resignation honours.




A man who betrayed everyone and everything around him: Sir Anthony Blunt.

There is a mountain of documentary evidence which Hart ignored which should now be made available to a fresh inquiry, one which should be set up to unravel the mess Hart made of his one. Sadly, the Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse (IICSA) in London has ignored the A-IVR and as each month goes by inspires less and less confidence it will measure up to the task it has been assigned. The wealth of untapped material relates to Sir Anthony Blunt, the notorious MI5 traitor, paedophile and Keeper of the Queen’s Pictures. He was a regular visitor to Ireland. A treasure trove of information is held in the files compiled by Peter Wright of MI5 in the 1960s.

Wright was the right-hand man of Michael Hanley, the Director-General of MI5, 1972-1978. Wright is the prime suspect for having inspired the idea of exploiting the boys already ensnared by the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring for blackmail purposes.

In his books Wright blithely described how MI5 used prostitutes and engaged in sexual blackmail, albeit he did not go as far as to acknowledge that children had been exploited in these operations. He did, however, withhold his darkest secrets from publication and threatened to release them if MI5 did anything untoward against him during his marathon battle in Australia to get his first book, Spycatcher, published. Wright, more than most, knew full well that the British State was capable of murdering him. Emphatically, many of these secrets concerned MI5 wrongdoing in Ireland. “I spent a lot of time in Ireland”, he has written, “and it was not pleasant. We also did a lot of things there which I am never going to talk about, because it would just cause more trouble”.  See Village July 2017. Malcolm Turnbull, who acted as Wright’s lawyer, might know about the secret dossier. He later entered politics and became Prime Minister of Australia, a post he held until recently.

Peter Wright debriefed Blunt after he confessed in 1964 that he had worked for the KGB while serving inside MI5. The debriefing lasted seven years during which Wright and his colleagues in MI5 poured over the lives of the Oxbridge graduates of the 1930s, and anyone else of possible interest known to Blunt, many of whom, like him, were paedophiles. “Often we drank, he gin and I Scotch; always we talked, about the 1930s, about the KGB, about espionage and friendship, love and betrayal. They remain for me among the most vivid encounters of my life”, Wright wrote in Spycatcher.

Wright also wrote about how “Blunt, too, loved to discuss the scandalous side of Cambridge life in the 1930s… I soon realised that the Ring of Five [Cambridge-educated spies and traitors] stood at the centre of a series of other connecting rings, each pledged to silence, each anxious to protect its secrets from outsiders. There was the secret ring of homosexuals, where loyalty to their kind overrode all other obligations; there was the secret world of the Apostles, where ties to fellow Apostles remained strong throughout life; and then there was the ring of those friends of Blunt and Burgess who were not themselves spies, but who knew or guessed what was going on. Each ring supported the others, and made the task of identifying the inner core that much more difficult”.

A creep’s creep: Peter Wright, more child catcher than spycatcher. He knew about the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring and let it fester.

In return for betraying some  – but apparently not all – of his friends, former left-wing comrades and other miscellaneous associates, Blunt was not prosecuted for his treachery, nor for his sexual activities, all of which were concealed from public view until 1979 when Robin Bryans, an Irish writer and friend-turned-enemy, outed him with the help of Private Eye magazine.

Wright personally interviewed and re-interviewed more than 100 people over a period of seven years. By his own admission, the most ‘important’ information was about ‘who was sleeping with whom’ in the Guy Burgess and Blunt circle. Both Blunt and Burgess were paedophiles.

In Spycatcher Wright revealed that one of his interviewees, Arthur Marshall, “knew practically everyone in Cambridge in the 1930s, particularly the secret network of homosexuals at King’s and Trinity. Artie had a prodigious memory for gossip, intrigue and scandal, and most importantly of all, he knew who was sleeping with whom in the [Guy] Burgess and Blunt circles”.

By the end of his investigation Wright could boast: “I had seen into the secret heart of the present Establishment at a time when they had been young and careless. I knew their scandals and their intrigues. I knew too much, and they knew it”.


These inquiries must have enabled Wright to uncover and map out a concealed layer of Blunt’s existence: a paedophile netherworld that spanned both sides of the Irish Sea. Blunt was a regular visitor to Northern Ireland and a veteran member of the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring. Two of his closest friends in Ireland were paedophiles: Captain Peter Montgomery and Knox Cunningham.

Peter Montgomery was the Deputy Lord Lieutenant of Tyrone, and a member of Ulster’s landed aristocracy. His family owned an estate at Fivemiletown, Co Tyrone. During WWII he served with British military intelligence. His second cousin was “Monty”, the famous WWII general. Peter Montgomery became Blunt’s first boyfriend and thereafter his most enduring friend. Blunt always kept a room for him at his London residence while Blunt often came to Ireland to visit him at Fivemiletown. They also enjoyed trips around Ireland to other paedophiles on the “country house” circuit.

Sir Knox Cunningham was an Ulster Unionist MP and QC. As an MP he had attended Cabinet meetings in Downing Street as the private secretary to British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan.

Somewhere along the line Blunt had become a desensitised and callous abuser of young males despite his lofty pretension to care for the working class. He was particularly fond of ‘cottaging’ around seedy toilets in London for urchins, and no doubt did the same during his regular visits to Belfast.

All of Peter Wright’s MI5 files concerning Blunt and his associates should be handed over to the Independent Inquiry into Child Sex Abuse.



The world Blunt was hurled into as a child was barbaric, even by the standards of that time. He attended Marlborough College in the 1920s when it was a brutal and sadistic institution. Blunt’s great friend, the Irish poet Louis MacNeice, described in his autobiography how the school bullies would “seize a boy, tear his clothes off and cover him with house paint. Then put him in a wastepaper bag filled with rubbish and push him round the hall… The masters considered this a fine tradition”.

Another Old Malburian, Sir Peter Tennant, remembered that “Marlborough was ridden with homosexuality. I suppose all public schools are full of buggery. Masters were deeply involved in it. I won’t name names but as far as I can make out they were practising homosexuals and did it with some boys… I remember the headmaster, George Turner, giving a speech, saying, we will have no more buggery”.

John Betjeman, a future poet laureate and British cultural attaché to the British Embassy in Dublin during the 1940s, was haunted throughout his adult life by the memory of a child at the school peering out through the slats of a large basket like a terrified animal as the bullies hoist him in the air.

Then there was “hot-potting”, where the Malburian bullies stripped the trousers off their victims and made them wear two pottery tooth-mugs filled with flaming paper on their buttocks.

Another ritual, known as “bum shaving” was administered by prefects. This involved stripping two small boys naked and forcing them to bend over, backsides touching as one of the prefect’s whips came down between their buttocks. The trick according to Blunt’s older brother Wilfred, was to relax at the last minute and let the other boy take the full brunt of the lash.


A nauseating hypocrite: Guy Burgess, ex-MI5, traitor and paedophile. While he purported a concern for the downtrodden, he made jokes about the children he exploited sexually from their ranks.

Blunt emerged from Marlborough homosexual and went on to Cambridge. It was there that he befriended Peter Montgomery. At Cambridge Blunt  also fell in with Guy Burgess, another future MI5 and MI6 traitor, and an occasional visitor to Ireland. (See Village May 2017.) The pair frequently trawled gay pubs and lavatories in London for working-class boys. In 1938 Burgess was arrested and charged with improperly soliciting a man in a public lavatory.

One of Blunt’s biographers, Miranda Carter, has provided a glimpse of the lifestyle of Blunt and Montgomery. She described how “Hugh Massingberd, Peter Montgomery’s great-nephew, remembered meeting Blunt, very much “off duty”, with his uncle in 1965. “It was a very hot day, and Blunt came in wearing virtually a G-string and a light sleeveless T-shirt, and said, ‘Peter’s overdressed and I’m underdressed. How do you do?’ It was a bit stagey”. His uncle also once took him to a party at Blunt’s old stomping ground, Palace Court. “There seemed to be a lot of oriental youths around, and Blunt and my uncle, one felt, had dropped their guards. It was full of opera queens and an odd mixture of seedy old faggots and oriental boys. It was very much a gay party”. (384)

Montgomery was a key figure in the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring and procured boys for its members from Portora Royal School in Enniskillen, Co Fermanagh. Lord Louis Mountbatten was one of those who enjoyed sex with pupils from Portora during his visits to Ireland.

Montgomery was also a friend of the British artist Derek Hill who lived in Ireland. Bruce Arnold’s biography of Hill provides a further glimpse of Montgomery’s lifestyle. Arnold describes a visit Montgomery made to a friend of Hill’s in Paris, a man called Geoffrey Gilmour. “Geoffrey Gilmour’s supposedly rather louche behaviour was not all fantasy. A friend of Derek’s – Peter Montgomery, who was gay – visited Geoffrey in Paris. He was taken to visit Diana Mosley at Orsay and entertained well. Geoffrey wanted to take Peter out clubbing in the city. He made him strip to his underpants and unburden himself of all possible valuables, including watch, ring, everything. Only then was it safe to go out and face gay club life in Paris. It seems it was not a lot different from the same kind of entertainment in New York and elsewhere”. (Bruce Arnold page 293).

Guy Burgess, another MI5 traitor, was addicted to ‘rent boys’. While Burgess purported a concern for the downtrodden, he made jokes about the children he exploited from their ranks. On one occasion he wrote a nauseating adaptation of La donna e mobile which he thought was hilarious: ‘Small boys are cheap today, cheaper than yesterday’.



When Sir Anthony Hart delivered his dismal report in January 2017, the UK media largely ignored it because it appeared on the same day as the inauguration of Donald Trump. A large part of it dealt with the Kincora Boys’ Home scandal. In early 1981 Joseph Mains, William McGrath and Raymond Semple, all of whom worked at Kincora, were convicted for the rape of some of its residents. Allegations have circulated ever since that MI5 (which is attached to the British Home Office) and MI6 (which is attached to the Foreign and Commonwealth Office) knew about the abuse but covered it up to blackmail Loyalist politicians and paramilitaries who were also abusing the boys at the home.

Hapless Hart, a man out of his depth in a puddle:  Judge Anthony Hart, a man prone to errors and bizarre speculation. His lamentable 2017 report is riddled with mistakes. Hart swallowed a series of lies fed to him by MI5 and MI6 whole. His report cannot be allowed stand as the last official word on Kincora. Unfortunately, the Independent Inquiry into Child Sex Abuse chaired by Prof. Alexis Jay in London has failed to investigate what took place in Northern Ireland. 

Hart, a naive and gullible man. Without making much of an effort to search for the truth, he found no evidence that MI5 and MI6 had known about the abuse before it came to public attention in 1980. Among other things, he relied on blatantly dishonest assurances from the UK’s intelligence services in arriving at this conclusion. Some of the lies were furnished by MI6. According to paragraph 237 of chapter 28 of his Report, an anonymous representative of MI6, “Officer A” assured him that MI6 did not “use homosexuality to pressurise an individual, but because homosexuality would make others vulnerable to blackmail it would be of interest” to MI6. No less a figure than Sir Dick White can be cited to contradict this assertion. White sat at the summit of the intelligence community in the early 1970s as Intelligence Co-ordinator at the Cabinet Office. Uniquely, he had served as both Director-General of MI5 and Chief of MI6 before this. He was a pivotal figure in the intelligence overhaul which took place in Northern Ireland in the early 1970s. White told his biographer, Tom Boyer, author of The Perfect English Spy (1990), that MI6 had blackmailed Archbishop Makarios of Cyprus into signing the 1959 Lancaster House Agreement which had curtailed the independence of Cyprus and granted Britain a number of military bases on the island because of “information about his homosexuality”. (231)

The height of evil: Sir Dick White, D-G of MI5, then Chief of MI6 and finally Cabinet Intelligence Supremo. He admitted the use of sexual blackmail to his biographer yet MI6 denied it deployed such a tactic to Judge Hart. 


London had gathered the blackmail material on the Archbishop during Operation Sunshine which was run jointly by MI5 and MI6. One of the protagonists was Bill Magan, an Irishman from Athlone, who ran MI5’s Colonial Affairs Department. Quite a lot is known about him because he wrote a string of books including one about his military exploits during WWII and another in which he claimed that his family had descended from the McDermott Roes; yet he never wrote about his career in MI5. The Magan family had once presided over Killyon Manor in Meath, though by the time of Magan’s birth, they were living at a mill house at Levitstown, near Athy. One of the books Magan wrote, An Irish Boyhood, described the Spartan upbringing he had endured, notably eating boiled sheep’s heads.

Blackmail victim: Sir Dick White admitted that MI6 sexually blackmailed Archbishop Makarios of Cyprus who is seen here with Colonel Grivas.

The second Irishman involved in Operation Sunshine was John Prendergast. Born in Gorey, County Wexford, in 1912, he was posted as an assistant district commander in Palestine in 1946 before moving to the Colonial Police Service with an assignment on the Gold Coast. He then served on “special duty” with MI5 in Egypt in 1952. In 1953 he became the Director of Intelligence in Kenya, a post he held until 1958 when he was put in charge of the intelligence apparatus in Cyprus.

During the operation, Makarios’ phone lines were tapped by Peter Wright of MI5 and Peter Wyke of MI6. All the calls Makarios made of an intimate nature were recorded. In addition, Stephen Hastings of MI6 (who later became a Conservative MP) was running an agent inside Makarios’ inner circle.

The man who gathered sexual blackmail material: Peter Wright of MI5

Final negotiations about the future of Cyprus took place at Lancaster House in England where, on 18 February, 1959, it looked like an agreement had been reached. At the last moment Makarios threw a spanner in the works by withholding his signature. The chairman was prevailed upon to extend the negotiations for a day. Makarios repaired to his luxury suite at Claridge’s where, some time over the next few hours, MI6’s blackmailers struck. Makarios returned the following morning and told the conference that he “had decided to relent”.

Regrettably, no one brought Boyer’s highly regarded book about the man in overall charge of all British Intelligence operations in Ireland in the early 1970s to Hart’s attention.


MI5 and MI6 were not the only British powerbrokers who gathered information for blackmail: it was a commonplace practice at Westminster. Ted Heath, who served as Tory chief whip, 1956 to 1959, brought a professionalism to the task by assembling what became known as the Dirt Book, an encyclopaedia of embarrassing information about his colleagues, designed to stop them stepping out of line. It was exploited during the Suez Crisis. This information was in the public domain long before Hart published his report and should have opened his eyes to how the British Establishment operated but it didn’t.

Keeper of the Dirt Book: Ted Heath, Prime Minister of Britain, 1970-74. He was a paedophile.

When the Labour Party took ove after Heath’s stint as chief whip, Edward Short (later Deputy Leader of the Labour Party) became the new Chief Whip. He was repelled by the ‘dirty book’ and discontinued the practice.

When the Tories returned to power again, William Whitelaw stepped into the post of Chief Whip.  He unashamedly confessed to the BBC in 1995 that he continued the practice:

“The Dirt Book is just a little book where you write down various things you know or hear about people that may or may not be true. I think you could make a very good guess what sorts of things it contains”.

We know exactly what it contained: one of Whitelaw’s successors, Tim Fortescue MP, who occupied the post of whip between 1970 and 1973, made it abundantly clear on camera to the BBC:

“Anyone with any sense, who was in trouble, would come to the whips and tell them the truth, and say, ‘Now I’m in a jam. Can you help?’ It might be debt, it might be [..] a scandal involving small boys [author’s emphasis], or any kind of scandal in which [..] a member seemed likely to be mixed up. They’d come and ask if we could help, and if we could, we did”.

Fortescue’s reference to “small boys” implies that blackmail material was gathered about MPs who were having sex with boys who were probably a lot younger than 21, the then legal age of consent. He also confessed that “scandalous stories” were of great assistance to whips.

“When you are trying to persuade a member to vote the way he didn’t want to vote on a controversial issue – which is part of your job – it is possible to suggest that perhaps it would not be in his interest if people knew something or other – very mildly”.

It takes one to know one: Heath and Jimmy Savile, two child rapists.

William Whitelaw became Northern Ireland Secretary, 1972-1974. Hence by 1972 both the British PM and the NI Secretary were experienced sexual blackmailers, hardly a deterrent to anyone in the intelligence community who wanted to engage in sexual blackmail but MI5 and MI6 had another reason to be relaxed: Heath was a paedophile. In August 2015 the Wiltshire Police launched ‘Operation Conifer’ into allegations that he was a paedophile. The force determined that there were substantial grounds to suspect him of child abuse. As a matter of law the force was not entitled to reach any conclusions about the potential guilt of Heath who was dead, and it did not. The furthest it could go was to state that if Heath were alive, he would have faced further questioning about the accusations levelled against him. Mindful of this, the Wiltshire Police opined that Heath would have faced questions under criminal caution relating to:

  • 1 incident of rape of a male 16;
  • 3 incidents of indecent assault on a male under 16;
  • 4 indecent assaults on a male under 14;
  • 2 indecent assaults on a male over 16.

The investigation spanned the period 1956-92. None of these incidents took place while Heath was Prime Minister, 1970-74.


There are other examples of MI6 involvement in sexual blackmail, often run in conjunction with MI5. Hart must not have been a well read man for the topic was covered in Spycatcher, the million selling book on MI5 by Peter Wright. By his own admission, Wright spent a lot of time in Northern Ireland in the early and mid-1970s. One would have thought this was essential reading for someone serious about conducting an inquiry into MI5 during this very period.

Christopher Herbert served as MI5’s Security Liaison Officer (SLO) with the RUC, 1968-1970. He had been educated at Trinity College Dublin where he had obtained a first-class degree in experimental science. He subsequently gravitated towards MI5’s surveillance department which employed burglars and locksmiths. Peter Wright, who had tapped Makarios’s phone in Cyprus, was one of its officers. In Spycatcher  Wright described how for five years he and his team had “bugged and burgled our way across London at the State’s behest, while pompous bowler-hatted civil servants in Whitehall pretended to look the other way”. He also revealed that the most “extensive microphoning operation [we] ever undertook was in Lancaster House [..] which hosted the Colonial conferences of the 1950s and 1960s”. He installed a “comprehensive microphoning system throughout the building” which was used “throughout the rest of the 1960s and 1970s, whenever high-level diplomatic negotiations took place in London”.

Herbert returned to London from Belfast in 1970 and was assigned to K Branch where he oversaw the blackmail of a Soviet agent, Oleg Lyalin, in London. In Spycatcher Wright revealed how MI5 and MI6 placed him and his secretary Irina Templyakova with whom he was conducting an illicit affair, under surveillance. When they felt they had enough material to blackmail him, he was confronted and coerced into working for them. Lyalin supplied a list of KGB officers in the UK, and in September 1971 Edward Heath expelled over 105 of them from Britain.

Another Soviet that MI5 tried to blackmail was Sergi Grigovin. Peter Wright described how MI5 burst in on him during one of his extramarital trysts in London. The naked spy immediately claimed diplomatic immunity and demanded his clothes back while his erstwhile companion was ushered from the building. After two hours of trying to browbeat him, MI5 gave up, returned his clothes and let him go.

Another example of MI5 sexual blackmail involved the well-known case of Andrew Ward, one of the central figures in the Profumo sex scandal. Ward, whose family came from Ireland, had befriended Eugene Ivanov, the Soviet military attaché at the British Embassy in London. When MI5 learned of this, they approached Ward to help them ensnare Ivanov. The operation was cancelled when MI5 discovered that the Conservative Minister for War, John Profumo, was also involved with Ivanov’s lover, Christine Keeler. This discovery came too late and the affair spun out-of-control and ended in the resignation of Profumo.


Ireland did not escape the pressure of sexual blackmail. In the summer of 1970 ads began to appear in Belfast newspapers advertising massage parlours. What the customers did not realise was that the establishments had been fitted out with surveillance equipment. It is not clear whether MI5 or MI6 ran the operation.

One brothel, the Gemini Health Studio was located on the Antrim Road. When it opened its doors in the summer of 1970 it promised “very attractive masseuses’ in advertisements in Belfast newspapers. Another more upmarket brothel was located on the Malone Road. The Gemini was closed down after the IRA attacked it in 1972.

Peter Wright was probably the leader of the surveillance teams which set up the monitoring stations at the brothels and other honey traps in NI. In his memoirs he revealed that MI5’s D Section employed a string of prostitutes. He was also the man MI5 used to give warnings to important people who were due to travel behind the Iron Curtain about the likelihood they would be targeted by KGB sexual blackmailers.

Village  exclusively revealed the existence of a brothel where adult males abused underage boys. It was located with a short walking distance from Belfast City Hall in the 1970s. The revelation was made in our two part series about the life of Alan Kerr. (Further details can be obtained by clicking on the ‘Alan Kerr’ tab/button at the end of this article.)



Despite its multiple faults, the Hart Report did deliver some significant new information about Kincora. MI5 carried out an enquiry into the conduct of the former MI6 Chief Sir Maurice Oldfield, 1973 – 1978, after it discovered in 1980 that he had been lying about his homosexuality for decades during routine positive vetting and – in their eyes  –  had potentially opened himself up to blackmail by rival foreign intelligence services. MI6 reviewed their files relating to the matter in 2011. According to Hart:

Officer G [of MI6] examined four ring binders with material relating to Sir Maurice Oldfield, including the 1980 MI5 investigation. Officer G made the following comments at the start of his note.

“The relationship [Oldfield] had with Kincora boys’ home (KBH) in Belfast and subsequent “rent boy scandal” is, in my view the only remaining potential sensitivity in the papers.

“The sensitivity being that [Oldfield] may have a link (by association through his friendship with the KBH Head) to the alleged crimes at the boys’ home. Given the current climate surrounding similar cases, it may at some point emerge as an issue” (Chapter 28, Paragraphs 619 ).

Porn addict, pervert and abuser of ‘rent boys’:  Sir Maurice Oldfield Chief of MI6. According to internal MI6 files, he had a ‘friendship’  with ‘the Head of the Kincora Boys’ Home (KBH) in Belfast’, a description that fits Joe Mains, the Warden of Kincora, not William McGrath who was only a ‘housefather’. 

Hart noted that paragraph 5 of the MI6 review paper contained the following comment: “More worryingly is the small collection of papers in file three which relate to the relationship [Oldfield] had with the Head of the Kincora Boys’ Home (KBH) in Belfast.”

Hart concluded that this was not evidence of MI6 involvement in Kincora because Officer G had made a mistake and was merely referring to allegations about the relationship Oldfield had had with the “KBH Head” (620).

However, neither MI6 nor the Hart Report produced any contemporaneous report alleging a friendship between Oldfield and the Warden of Kincora, Joseph Mains, the only man who fits the description of “KBH Head”.

Village  published an extensive article on Oldfield in October of 2019, entitled ‘Maurice the Mole?’ to mark the 40th anniversary as his appointment as Northern Ireland Security Co-Ordinator by Margaret Thatcher in October 1979. It can be accessed by clicking on the Maurice Oldfield tab/button at the end of this article.


Joseph Mains was the man in charge of Kincora Boys’ Home (KBH), not William McGrath. Sight has been lost of this fact because of the media’s interest in McGrath who had multiple connections to the UVF, Red Hand Commando, the Orange Order, Official Unionist Party and Democratic Unionist Party (DUP).

A paedophile with lowlife friends in high places: Joseph Mains who had a “relationship” and “friendship” with Sir Maurice Oldfield, Chief of MI6 according to internal MI6 files disclosed to the Hart Inquiry.

One of Mains’ victims was Richard Kerr who was sent to Kincora in 1975. Kerr has been at pains during media interviews to focus attention on Mains as the man at the centre of the Kincora vice ring. Mains was the ‘warden’ of the home, McGrath was merely  a “housefather”. Moreover, it is Mains, not McGrath, who best fits the description of ‘KBH Head’ referred to in the 2011 MI6 memorandum which described MI6 Chief Maurice Oldfield as a friend of the ‘KBH Head’.

While Hart spent much time analysing and ultimately dismissing the possibility that McGrath worked for MI5, the equally significant possibility that Mains was an agent was not explored.

Richard Kerr opted not to co-operate with the Hart Inquiry.

Kerr had been in care since 16 December, 1966. At the age of eight he was abused by Eric Witchell, an Anglican lay monk, who was a friend of Mains. Witchell was later jailed for abusing other boys at Williamson House, where he had been headmaster. The abuse of Kerr started one night after Witchell visited his bed. ‘I was on my side, I had a teddy bear. I was biting into that while he had his hand down my backside and fumbled around’. Full rape commenced later.

At Kincora, Kerr was forced to have sex with Mains in a hotel, a guesthouse, and in the shed at the back of Kincora which ‘had a chair and a mattress in it, that’s about all’. At 16 Mains found him a job at the Europa Hotel in Belfast where the abuse continued in the hotel’s bedrooms. Enoch Powell MP was one of his abusers at it.

Kerr was eventually sent to live in the UK at the end of 1979, or early 1980, just as the Kincora story broke. He was warned by menacing adults who approached him in Preston and  London not to speak to the RUC officers investigating the case and to keep away from Belfast during the trial of Mains and his co-defendants. While in Preston, a violent RUC officer assaulted him. Equally egregious, the RUC man threatened to arrest him for homosexual offences if he didn’t comply. While the RUC – who is still alive – spoke to Hart, none of this as put to him.

Tormented by MI5’s ongoing cover-up of Kincora: Richard Kerr, Richard Hay, and Clint Massey. The refusal of those now in charge of the Cabinet Office, Northern Ireland Office, MI5 and MI6 to admit what was done to them and other sex abuse victims is a source of torment. Massey is now dead and was denied justice.  

While at Kincora, Kerr had once walked into a room while Mains was engaged in a discussion with someone he later recognised from photographs as Oldfield along with other men in suits. Mains jumped up and forcefully ordered him to leave the room.

All of this adds credence to reports that were in circulation in the early 1980s that Oldfield personally interviewed some Kincora boys who were brought to him at an MI6 safe house in Bangor during the 1970s. However, MI6 informed the Hart Inquiry that there was no record of Oldfield ever having visited Ireland during his time as MI6 Chief. Hart believed MI6. Had he interviewed an Englishman who has spoken to Village  who worked at British Army HQ at Lisburn where MI6 was based, Hart would have learnt of at least one visit by Oldfield to Belfast and the despatch of a car to collect him from the airport.


There is a serious error in paragraph 607 of Chapter 29 of the Hart Report where it is stated that: “As we have explained, Richard Kerr has alleged that he was sexually abused by Sir Maurice Oldfield”. This is not so. Emphatically, Kerr has never made such a claim. Indeed, at paragraph 159 of Chapter 26 the following appears: “Kerr did not know at the time who Oldfield was, he says, and does not suggest that he abused Kincora boys.”

Throughout his report, Hart refers to MI6 by its alternative acronym SIS. Like MI6, Oldfield was given a clean bill of health by the Hart Report:

‘The Inquiry has examined all the material held by SIS relating to Sir Maurice Oldfield as described by SIS Officer A in his statement of 8 December 2016 and found nothing to indicate that Sir Maurice Oldfield ever visited Northern Ireland before he took up his appointment as Security Coordinator in October 1979.’ (624)

‘Having reviewed all of the evidence we are satisfied that the allegations about Sir Maurice Oldfield’s connections with Kincora have no substance.’ (625)

Emphatically, Hart did not review ‘all of the evidence’. All he did was review the evidence presented to him on a plate by the people he was investigating. He was too lazy and inept to conduct any inquiries of his own. The Englishman we have spoken to did make contact with the Hart Inquiry but it was not interested in him. (For the avoidance of any confusion, this man is not Colin Wallace – who is Irish.) He would be prepared to testify before a fresh inquiry once satisfied it would be one which would be run properly.


Richard Kerr became a favourite of Mains and was supplied to other abusers. Kerr met some of them at the Whip & Saddle bar in the Europa Hotel where he worked for a while. He was also sent to them at their homes. “One on the Shore Road seemed like he might be an Army captain, he had loads of medals,” he has revealed.

Victim: Richard Kerr

On one occasion he was taken to a hotel to be abused. Most likely, a honeytrap had been sprung to capture him on film with an abuser but the operation descended into a violent fiasco. From Kerr’s description of the incident, a minimum of seven people (including himself) were present during the operation. In all likelihood there were others hidden in the shadows he didn’t see. Kerr as revealed that there ‘was a fight [between two men]. We were outside [the hotel]. There was like a major situation happening. Two cars came up to the front of the hotel. I was directed away from the two guys. Those two guys were put into a car. I was put into another car with three men. I was sitting right in the middle. One was to my right. One was to my left and then you have the driver and then they took off. They brought me back to Kincora by the side door. Mr Mains knew about this because he had [received] a telephone call. He knew that I was coming back. I knocked on the door and Mr Mains opened up. He told me to go to my room and he said not to say anything’.

Unfortunately this incident was not analysed in any detail by the Hart Inquiry; something that is hardly surprising considering that Kerr refused to cooperate with it because it was not a fully-fledged tribunal of inquiry.


A hugely significant letter was given to the Hart Inquiry by someone in MI5. It was written by an MI5 agent called James Miller and dated 7 April 1972. In it Miller reported to MI5 that McGrath, the

‘Tara OC had been accused of assaulting small boys and that he could not account for any cash that had been handed to him over a period of 12 months.’ 

Hart reviewed this and other documents and pointed out that by November 1973 MI5 was:

‘aware that the person who had by then been identified as William McGrath had been accused of “assaulting small boys”. By virtue of section 5 (1) of the Criminal Law Act (Northern Ireland) 1967 MI5 were subject to the same legal obligation as everyone else in Northern Ireland to report the commission of an “arrestable offence” (that is an offence punishable with five years imprisonment) to the police where they knew or believed that such an offence, or some other arrestable offence had been committed. An alleged assault on small boys could, depending on the nature of the alleged assault, have been an arrestable offence which ought to have been reported to the police (228)

‘..The failure by MI5 to pass this information to RUC Special Branch may have been influenced by a desire to protect the existence of their source, and to ensure that his position was not compromised by any leak from the RUC, because it is clear that the other intelligence agencies were concerned that leaks to terrorist organisations, or hostile political figures, of loyalist and Unionist persuasion might occur.’ (230)

Put simply Hart believes that while MI5 knew  that McGrath was assaulting “small boys” it did nothing about this to protect Miller. This is simply not true. Miller was run out of Northern Ireland in 1974 by the UDA when it became clear to them that he was a British agent. Some of this was acknowledged by MI5 at the Saville Inquiry where Miller was referred to as “Observer B”. At the time of his hurried departure, Miller was a UDA intelligence officer. MI5 created a new identity for him and set him up with a small business in Devon. What possible excuse could MI5 have had for not reporting McGrath to the RUC after Miller had departed? MI5 was sent a draft copy of the Hart Report before it was published for its comments. Why did not bring this information to the attention of Hart?

The Miller episode is another example of Hart’s penchant for pro-State speculative gyration.


Colin Wallace, who worked with MI5 and MI6 in the 1970s as PSYOPS (psychological operations) officer,  has maintained for decades that MI5 knew about Kincora and was exploiting it for blackmail and other nefarious purposes.  Kevin Dowling of the Sunday Mirror provided Hart with “a copy of a telex he had sent to his editor in 1973” as a result of information furnished to him by Wallace. The telex stated that “according to Mr Wallace the CO [i.e. Commanding Officer]  of Tara was William McGrath and a homosexual” and that:

McGrath apparently uses a non-existent evangelical mission as a front to entice young Protestant men into homosexuality. Once in they are potential blackmail victims and soldiers of Tara.’ (350)

The man who paid a price for telling the truth: Colin Wallace, another honourable Kincora whistleblower who tried to put a halt to the sexual abuse of boys at Kincora. Ian Cameron of MI5 destroyed his career as a result.

Not even this managed to lead Hart to the truth.

Wallace maintained that he had been driven out of his job as a result of his unwillingness to cooperate with MI5 in a string of unsavoury operations. He was later awarded compensation for the underhand manner in which he lost his job. He was also convicted of manslaughter and pursued a campaign to prove his innocence. Paul foot wrote a book about this entitled Who Framed Colin Wallace? Wallace’s conviction was eventually overturned.

While Hart does not accept that Wallace told Dowling about Kincora, it is now officially recognised finding that he did warn the media about McGrath’s abuse of “young” men.


According to the documents supplied to Hart, some officers in MI6 developed an interest in McGrath’s paramilitary organisation, Tara, in 1976. Hart reports that:

On 19 October 1976 MI5 received from [MI6] a copy of the lengthy intelligence report on Tara prepared at 3 Brigade [of the British Army] dated 28 January 1976. .. It runs to 6 pages and gives considerable detail about what was known about Tara, its origins, membership, structures and objectives. The information was said to have come from three contacts.’

Hart then pointed out that in the portion relating to McGrath the following paragraph appeared: 

“McGrath is a homosexual and makes a practice of seducing promising young men … McGrath is currently described from the 1973 Belfast St directory as a welfare officer. He is thought to be running some form of boys’s home”. (Chapter 28, paragraph 160)

According to the Hart Report:

‘We consider it significant that there is no reference of any sort in this document McGrath engaging in the seduction of, or sexual activity with, residents of Kincora.’

The Report then proceeds to reveal that according to a report furnished by MI6 on 11 February 1977, an MI6 officer wrote that:

‘We look forward to learning more about the orbat and finances of this organisation [i.e. Tara]. When we have such information we may be able to put Tara in its proper perspective”

“Orbat” presumably means organisation of battalion or something along those lines. The MI6 officer then asked if “the Tara recruitment campaign” might offer “a loophole to penetrate Tara, if we consider it a worthwhile target”. (163)

The ‘Beast’ of Kincora: William McGrath, MI5 and MI6 let him rape boys at Kincora.

Hart concluded that the documents put a distance between MI6 and Kincora:

If, as has been suggested by various journalists and commentators, McGrath had been an agent of SIS for many years, or was an agent of MI5, and in either event was controlled by either of both agencies, it is extremely surprising that all the contemporary records from MI5 and SIS show that both devoted much effort to finding out who McGrath was, and as much as they could about Tara. That they were doing so suggests that he was not an agent of either agency. What would be the point of considering penetrating Tara in February 1977 if, as alleged, he was an agent of either agency? On the other hand, if he were not an agent, then all the effort that were made to gather the information that we have examined are entirely consistent with, and indicative of, the fact that he was not such an agent of either agency.’ (165)

Another possibility that Hart did not consider was that the Kincora entrapment operation could have been run at the highest levels of MI5 and/or MI6, and that more junior officers probing Tara might not have known about it. Since Tara did not engage in paramilitary operations, relatively minor MI6 officers might have decided to take a look at it without appreciating a hidden picture. When MI6 was running Oleg Gordievsky, one of the most senior KGB officers deployed in the West, only a handful of senior officers knew about his betrayal of the Soviet Union. Gordievsky’s recruitment was not pinned to a notice board at MI6’s HQ for all to see. If a junior officer had attempted to recruit Gordievsky, he or she would have been told quietly to back off and forget about him; or might have received an assignment to another department or operation.


The Hart Report focuses on the allegation that William McGrath was an agent of either MI5 or MI6, something that has been the subject of speculation for decades. Hart concluded that

‘There is nothing whatever in these references, or in the many files and documents that we have examined relating to the period from June 1971 to January 1976, to suggesting anyway that McGrath was an MI5 agent, or was believed by MI5 to be an agent of any other British intelligence agency. It took from June 1971 until at least April 1973 to establish that the William McGrath worked at Kincora and the William McGrath reported to the security agencies were one and the same. This strongly suggests that McGrath was not an agent.’

Even if one accepts the logic behind this argument, a question still remains unanswered: was Joseph Mains, the ‘KBH Head’ an agent? Richard Kerr certainly believes he was.

“Dennis”, a military intelligence officer, brought a man from HQNI to visit Kincora at night. He stayed at the premises for an hour, until approximately 8 pm. This undisputed fact indicates that it was Mains who was most likely present to receive him. McGrath was normally only there during the day, though as he lived very close by, he could easily have returned for it.

Kincora Boys’ Home. Richard Kerr believes he disturbed a meeting between Sir Maurice Oldfield of MI6 and Joseph Mains at it.

If, for the sake of argument, we join Hart in assuming that McGrath was not an agent, a number of dark clouds still hang over the scandal. McGrath could have been inserted into Kincora as a ‘housefather” (for which he had no qualification –  he was a barber by profession – by MI5 or MI6 in 1971 in the hope that he might lure some of his prominent friends and associates to it without appreciating that Mains was spying on him. Alternatively, if McGrath had secured the post without any hidden sponsor in MI5 or MI6, Mains might just as easily have been recruited to spy on him. The tentacles of McGrath’s network extended into the UVF, the Red Hand Commandos, and reached the highest levels of the Orange Order. In the political arena he knew James Molyneaux MP, who became Leader of the Official Unionist Party in 1979;  Sir Knox Cunningham, a  former Unionist MP who sat around the Cabinet table as parliamentary secretary to Prime Minister Harold Macmillan. Cunningham was a known abuse of young males. Molyneaux had served as his constituency secretary before succeeding him in Westminster. Molyneaux was exactly the type of man that MI5 would have been interested in: he was a bachelor and a rumoured homosexual; indeed after his death at least one former lover has come forward claiming a relationship with him. Then there was Ian Paisley, the leader of the DUP. Paisley was so close to McGrath that he officiated at the marriage of one of McGrath’s children. No doubt he knew many more Loyalist politicians. Infamously, Ian Paisley was told about McGrath predilection’s but did not report it to the RUC.


Sir Peter Hayman, KCMG, CVO, MBE was another of Richard Kerr’s abusers after he moved to London. Hayman rose to become High Commissioner to Canada and also worked for MI6. According to a slew of reports, he served as MI6’s Deputy Chief for a spell. Hayman is a link between MI6 and the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring. Unfortunately, Hart failed to make any such link despite a lot of incontrovertible evidence about Hayman’s sexual history.

Oldfield’s Deputy Chief, yet another child rapist who served as a spy. He was also a porn addict and pervert, Sir Peter Hayman.

In October 1978 London detectives discovered his collection of child pornography: 45 of his diaries describing six years of “sexual fantasies” about children; and that he was a member of a group which swapped photographs. One of them shared fantasies about torturing children to death, with yet another paedophile. The police prosecuted two of them while Hayman was given a warning not to send obscene material through the post. In March 1981, Geoffrey Dickens, a Tory MP, named him in the House of Commons. Margaret Thatcher’s Attorney-General, Sir Michael Havers, argued that Hayman’s collection was not of an extreme nature and hence he had not warranted prosecution.

Despite all the chances he was given, Hayman failed to curb his impulses and was arrested in a public lavatory in London in 1984 with a boy and convicted of gross indecency – but let off with a caution.

The London Inquiry is going to look at the Hayman case It will be interesting to see what it might dig up about his relationship with Sir Maurice Oldifeld, anther abuser of ‘rent boys’



In 2015, Enoch Powell MP was named in a Church of England review into historical child sex abuse concerning the 1980s. One of its spokespersons told the press that: “The name Enoch Powell was passed to Operation Fernbridge on the instruction of Bishop Paul Butler”. The information originally came from a cleric who has counselled child abuse victims in the 1980s.

Hart displayed no interest in the activities of Enoch Powell although he was a Unionist MP at Westminster – and once ran for the leadership of the Tory Party –  and the Church of England review emerged in 2015. The Hart Report was not published until January 2017.

Richard Kerr at the approximate age he was abused by Enoch Powell

Powell’s sexual interest in younger men was a long-standing trait. In 1937, having graduated with a double first from Cambridge, Powell had become a classics professor at the University of Sydney. He was only 25 and held the post for two years during which he wrote to his parents describing his infatuation with his male students. He told them how he was repelled by his female students, while feeling “an instant and instinctive affection” for Australian males between the ages of 17 and 23. This, he added, might be “deplored, but it cannot be altered”, and therefore had to be “endured – and (alas!) camouflaged”. Somewhere along the line Powell developed an interest in much younger boys.

Sadistic child abuser Enoch Powell who once ran for the leadership of the Conservative Party and later became a Unionist MP in Northern Ireland. 

After serving as an intelligence officer during WW2, Powell went into politics and in 1950 became a Tory MP and later served in Cabinet. In 1966 he ran unsuccessfully for the leadership of the Conservative Party against Ted Heath, another paedophile with a taste for young boys. His career went into decline after his infamous 1968 ‘rivers of blood’ anti-immigration speech. Eventually, Powell relocated to NI where he became a UUP MP in 1974.

After he died in 1998, his friend Canon Eric James, a former chaplain at Trinity College, Cambridge, and Extra Preacher to the Queen, revealed that Powell had confided in him ten years earlier that he had engaged in a homosexual relationship as a young man. Powell gave him a copy of a collection of his poems called ‘First Poems’ (1937). He highlighted some verses where he had “tried to put into words what a homosexual relationship had meant to him”. It had been assumed by many that they had described Powell’s feelings for Barbara Kennedy whom he had taken on his first date with a woman to a music hall in 1948 when he was 35 or 36 years old. Canon James explained that Powell did not identify his male lover but said the relationship was “the most painful thing in my early life’. The individual in question was probably Edward Curtis, a fellow male undergraduate at Cambridge. The Canon revealed he had promised Powell he “would not disclose what he had said to me about the homosexual basis of certain of his poems until after his death. Then it would be a matter of literary history”.

One of the lines read as follows:

“I love the fire/ In youthful limbs that wakes desire…”.

Another of his poems leaves little to the imagination: It described how he, as an “unknowing boy” was “led to sin”.

I did not speak, but when I saw you turn

And cross your right leg on your left, and fold

Your hands around your knee, I felt a flow

Of white-hot lava seething up the old

Volcano shaft. That self-same attitude,

Though not of yours, it was which long ago

Fired me, an innocent, unknowing boy,

And led me on to sin and on to learn

and onwards to the very font of woe’


By 1968 Powell was making visits to NI where he was active in the support of the Unionist cause. His interest was intense, so much so that by 1972 – if not long before – he was giving speeches at meetings of the British Army in England. Fred Holroyd, the military intelligence officer and whistleblower who worked for MI6 in NI, recalls being at one in England where Powell advocated taking a “robust” approach to defeating the “enemies” of the British Empire. Holroyd came across Powell again at the Seagoa Hotel in Portadown where he found him personally amiable but his wife to be openly racist. He claims she referred to black people as “n***ers”. Powell was elected as the Westminster MP for South Down in October 1974.

Freak: A few weeks after Powell returned from his honeymoon he had difficulty distinguishing his wife from other women

Kerr recalls that ‘David’ and his accomplice came to take him away to be abused by Powell on a summer’s day in either 1973 or 1974 when Powell was 61 or 62. By this stage of his life, sexual abuse by adult males had become “normal” for him.

Kerr was taken to Barry’s Amusements in the seaside resort of Portrush, Co Antrim. It was opened in 1926 and became – and remains – the largest theme park in NI. Located in the centre of Portrush, it is a 50-mile drive from Belfast. Kerr was either 12 or 13 at the time of the trip. The group went unnoticed as they mingled with the crowds of children who were laughing and shouting all around them. He vividly recalls being taken on bumper cars. “Maybe I am just having a fun day today”, he allowed himself to think for a spell. However, the visit to the arcade was a cynical ploy. The children at Barry’s provided the perfect cover for what was about to happen: the handover to Powell. If the kidnappers had waited at a cross-roads or outside a hotel for such a high-profile politician, it might have attracted unwanted attention.

When Powell made his rendezvous with the group, he was in the company of another two men. Powell spirited Kerr away on his own to a guest house near Portrush where he had booked a bedroom. Inside it, he sat him on a chair and then lifted him onto the bed and placed his head on the pillow. Next, he undid his shorts. After this he threw him on top of his chest and started to abuse him. Kerr wasn’t shocked at what was happening since he had been violated by countless men by this stage; nor was he unduly surprised when Powell began to beat him with a leather belt and buckle. The abuse involved a variety of other acts of degradation including oral sex and masturbation but no penetration. Powell smiled a lot during the encounter, he recalls.

Grinning paedophiles: Enoch Powell enjoying the company of fellow paedophiles Jimmy Saville and Ted Heath


Long before the Kincora scandal erupted, the Whip and Saddle Bar at the Europa Hotel had become notorious as a meeting place for older men who were sexually interested in younger men. The bar was the object of ribald jokes among the international array of journalists who stayed there, including some from the Republic. Joseph Mains, the Warden of Kincora, supplied Kerr to abusers at the hotel and, in 1977, asked his friend Harper Brown, the then manager of it, to arrange a job for Kerr as a bellhop. As it transpired, Kerr’s real function would be to provide sexual services to men who drank at the Whip and Saddle. Enoch Powell was one of them.

One night at around 10:45 pm, a man approached Kerr while he was behind the concierge’s desk. Powell was with a group of men inside the bar. The man who approached him was a friend of Powell. He “definitely did not have a Northern Ireland accident”, Kerr recalls. He told him that he had a ‘gentleman’ he wanted him to meet upstairs. “Can you go up to see him”, the man asked, but it was more an order than a request. He gave him the room number and told him to go up half an hour after the bar had closed. Meanwhile, Powell remained in the bar with his associates.

At the designated time, Kerr went upstairs to the room and found Powell waiting for him in it. He recognised him as the individual who had abused him in Portrush. He says he had the same distinctive accent and smiled a lot. On this occasion he wanted masturbation and oral sex.

Kerr recalls that after Powell had finished with him, he went into the bathroom to wash the towels that had been soiled “to hide evidence”. Powell stayed behind while Kerr returned to the bellhops’ station downstairs. Powell’s friend came up to him not long afterwards saying, “Here’s a tip for you”, and gave him a half crown.

Barry’s Amusements

Powell was playing a dangerous game. Homosexuality was outlawed in NI and many of his constituents would have condemned him for any hint of it. Only heterosexual sex between consenting adults was legal. Powell was acutely aware of these facts. In May 1965 he had co-sponsored an unsuccessful bill on homosexual law reform at Westminster. In 1967 he had voted for the Sexual Offences Act which had succeeded in decriminalising homosexuality but only in England and Wales. On 13 March 1982 he would give a speech in Ilford calling for the law to be reformed in NI (and allowing parents the right to forbid school-teachers to administer corporal punishment to their children, a mercy he had not afforded Kerr in Portrush when he had beaten him).

Kerr went to live in London in the early 1980s. One night while he was watching television he recognised on the screen Powell who was at a political rally with Ian Paisley.


The Anglo-Irish Agreement at Hillsborough was signed on 15 November, 1985.

In early November 1985, Lobby Correspondents in London received an unattributable briefing from Margaret Thatcher’s press office claiming she had ordered the Ministry of Defence to open a fresh inquiry into Kincora. This can only have had a chilling effect on the then Unionist leadership in NI.

First, James Molyneaux, the Leader of the then dominant Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), had an interest in concealing his friendship with William McGrath, the ‘Beast’ of Kincora.

Second, Ian Paisley of the DUP faced a drubbing if he was ever to be hauled before any sort of a tribunal. He would have had to explain under oath why he had done nothing about Kincora after his secretary, Valerie Shaw, had informed him about it. Moreover, Paisley had once been very close to McGrath and had officiated at the marriage of one of McGrath’s children. See Village December 2017 for further details of Paisley’s involvement in the cover-up of the abuse at Kincora. Now, Powell must be added to this list of senior Unionists vulnerable to severe embarrassment over Kincora. Suffice it to say, the threatened Ministry of Defence inquiry never took place.


Village has described how Colin Wallace, a psychological operations (PSYOPS) officer, working for the British Army at Lisburn tried to expose the Kincora scandal in the 1970s. In return for his efforts, Ian Cameron of MI5 sabotaged his career – something for which Wallace was later compensated. Later still, Wallace was framed for manslaughter, and spent years in prison only to be acquitted on appeal. By the early 1980s, Wallace was beginning to reveal some of what he knew about Kincora. As the decade proceeded, more information began to emerge including the fact MI5 had compiled information on the sex lives of MPs such as Cyril Smith, Ted Heathand William van Straubenzee.

Oath breaker: Dr Morris Fraser who abused
boys from Williamson House

On 29 October 1986 Powell wrote to Wallace’s solicitor, James Morgan-Harris, on headed House of Commons notepaper, with a request to see him. Wallace was still in prison at this time. Powell could have spoken to the solicitor on the phone if he had wanted to. Instead, he journeyed all the way to West Sussex a while later for a face-to-face meeting. At it, Powell sought general information about Wallace and his case. He appeared most interested in learning about Operation Clockwork Orange which had been run in various phases during the early and mid-1970s by both MI5 and MI6. Part of Clockwork Orange had concerned the gathering of information about the private sexual activities of MPs. Wallace was not released until 5 December 1986 after the meeting between Powell and Morgan-Harris.

Was Powell trying to find out what Wallace might have learnt about him and might yet pass to the press? As it transpired, Wallace new nothing about his private life.

Powell was defeated in the June 1987 British general election. He died in 1998.


Powell had bizarre views about women. When asked by broadcaster Michael Cockerell about his time as an undergraduate at Cambridge for a documentary about his life entitled Odd Man Out, he stated, “I had no social life as an undergraduate”. When asked about women, he responded, “They didn’t exist”. While he was aware of their presence, “I wondered what they were doing there because I didn’t think they would approach advanced learning in the same mood or manner as a man would”.

And the reason for this? “Because the analytical faculty is underdeveloped in women”.

Unionists with a lot to hide: William McGrath, Molyneaux, Powell and Paisley

Powell’s wife Pamela told Cockerell how hopeless he was at remembering women’s faces, even her own. He married her at the age of 39 and the couple went on to have two daughters. “We married. We had a three-week honeymoon and then within four weeks she found herself going to meet him in the Central Lobby of the House of Commons where a number of women had gathered and ‘watched him go all the way around wondering which one he had married and been on a honeymoon with”.

Powell had a number of female admirers including Margaret Thatcher who said of him, “Enoch was the best parliamentarian I ever knew”.


Presumably, the London branch of the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring kept Powell supplied with boys while he was in England too. It is unclear how many victims he beat, abused and raped during his lifetime. It would be in the public interest to establish what is in the Church of England counselling notes referred to by Bishop Paul Butler.

These are questions that IICSA must investigate if it is to unearth the truth about VIP abuses by Westminster MPs. At the very least, it must demand of MI5 (which is attached to the Home Office) that it hand over every memo, telex, page, file and dossier it possesses about Powell and anyone associated with him.

MI6 (which is attached to the Foreign Office) admitted at the Hart Inquiry into Kincora that it monitored the sex lives of important individuals. At paragraph 237 of Chapter 28 of the Hart Report, an anonymous representative of MI6, ‘Officer A’, was quoted as having acknowledged that since “homosexuality would make others vulnerable to blackmail it would be of interest” to it.

This appears to be the only sliver of truth that MI6 presented to Hart. Hence, IICSA should also demand the production of all its records on Powell to see what they knew about him.

Sexual deviant:  A photo which Enoch Powell allowed Michael Cockerell to broadcast during his documentary about his career, Odd Man Out, to illustrate his dislike of getting his hair wet




During the summer of 1977, Richard Kerr, a resident at Kincora Boys Home in Belfast, was summoned by the man in charge of his welfare, Joseph Mains. Mains, who ran Kincora, told Kerr that Joss Cardwell had called and wanted him – Kerr – and another Kincora resident, Steven Waring, to proceed down to Belfast Harbour.

Joss Cardwell was a paedophile as was Joe Mains. Cardwell was also Chairman of Belfast Corporation Welfare Committee and in overall charge of Kincora and other homes such as Williamson House in Belfast. He was also a key figure in the A-IVR.

Kerr knew exactly what Cardwell’s ominous edict entailed for him: he would be going to England to be sexually abused yet again. On this trip, he would be delivered into the grubby hands of a TV star in London.

Kerr knew Caldwell as ‘Joseph’ Cardwell and recalls how he wore a ‘funny’ hat and drove a blue minivan which he used to take boys out of Kincora. Some of these trips terminated at the Adelphi Hotel in Portrush where the boys were abused.


Stephen Waring and Richard Kerr boarded the ferry to Liverpool. In Liverpool they were met by Michael ‘A’. Kerr was familiar with him from Manchester where he had been abused at the Rembrandt Hotel. Michael ‘A’ was in the company of a man called Derek.

The group headed to a premises in Liverpool near Lime Street train station. By now it was well into the morning of the following day. The boys were ushered down a flight of steps into a basement with mattresses strewn across its floor. Approximately five others boys were being held. They were aged between 11 and 13. Kerr and Waring were kept with them for three or four hours.


Later that morning, Michael ‘A’ and Steven ‘J’ brought the two Kincora boys to the train station. The other – younger – boys did not travel with them.

Richard Kerr

Steven ‘J’ served the A-IVR in a number of ways, one of which was to take salacious photographs of the boys ensnared in the vice-ring. Stephen ‘J’ also knew Joe Mains and Eric Witchell who was the first member of the A-IVR to have abused Kerr – while he was only 8 at Williamson House. During the 1970s Witchell resided in both Liverpool and Belfast. Witchell was later put in charge of Williamson House where Kerr resided before being sent to Kincora in 1975.

Witchell and Cardwell supplied boys from Williamson House to abusers favoured by the A-IVR. Kerr was one of these boys. Village has the names of others. Some of them went on to commit suicide.

On this trip, Kerr and Waring reached Manchester with their two escorts, alighting and switching to another train. They were confined inside a first-class compartment on the final leg of the journey – which would take them to London – and were abused by Michael ‘A’ and Steven ‘J’ en route. The abuse was perpetrated in a clandestine manner and was manual.

19 (d). THE UK TV STAR 

After they reached London, the boys were were separated and Kerr was brought to the Wimpy Bar in Piccadilly Circus. Piccadilly was notorious for the presence of so-called Dilly boys, unfortunate urchins who had been groomed, bullied and manipulated into becoming male prostitutes. Kerr was escorted to the upstairs floor of the Wimpy Bar and placed behind a table. There were two men inside the Wimpy Bar who were running the Dilly Boys at the time. Kerr recalls that one of them was the late Jack Murry, a welldressed Englishman who smoked cigars and wore glasses. He does not know who the second man was.

Later, Kerr was ordered to go back downstairs and delivered to a TV star who was waiting outside for him. The man , who was much taller than Kerr, beckoned him to follow and walked approximately two feet ahead of Kerr in case anyone saw them together.

Kerr and the TV star walked up to a very well known street. The man opened a door on street level with a key. The door led immediately to a flight of stairs. He was brought upstairs. The man had a small room on the left-hand side of the stairs. It was sparsely furnished. Kerr was then abused in a degrading manner.

The adult gave Kerr £20 and he was then ushered downstairs, put back on the street and told to find his own way back to the Wimpy Bar.

What the adult did not realise was that Kerr was seething with resentment at the men who abused him and had perfected the practice of memorising detail about his abusers. He sometimes even managed to take photographs away with him as proof of their identity. Some of the photographs were of cars with their registration plates clearly visible and are now in the possession of Village. On this occasion, although the room was barely lived in, he managed to remove an item which he has described to Village.

Kerr later recognised the man from a guest appearance on the then hugely popular ‘Minder’ TV show, one of the actor’s numerous TV appearances in hugely successful BBC and ITV programmes, some of which were made for children. Richard Kerr does not wish to reveal the identity of the TV star at this point in time.

Stephen Waring was abused by Lord Mountbatten in August 1977. He committed suicide in November 1977.




An honourable soldier: Brian Gemmell, one of the few intelligence officers to emerge from the Kincora cesspit with his honour intact.

Hart also reviewed the case of Brian Gemmell, a man who has revealed that he was a military intelligence officer in NI in the 1970s where he had run Loyalist agents for MI5. Gemmell also decided not to co-operate with the Inquiry. Nonetheless, MI5 confirmed to Hart that Gemmell had indeed been an intelligence officer. So far so good.

Gemmell also disclosed that he had attended a meeting with MI5 officers in a hotel at Buckingham Palace Road, London, in the mid-1970s where he was told MI5 possessed a compromising film of John McKeague engaged in homosexual acts, something that was still illegal in NI. McKeague was the leader of the murderous Red Hand Commando, a terrorist group which was associated with the UVF. At the meeting, MI5 discussed the possibility of recruiting McKeague through blackmail.

MI5 acknowledged to Hart that a meeting had indeed taken place on 10 May 1976 which Gemmell had attended and that a suggestion had been made to blackmail McKeague. Another meeting had taken place on 7 September 1976. MI5 stated that

one MI5 officer did put forward an operational proposal (which was never endorsed) which involved using McKeague’s homosexual activities in London in an attempt to recruit him.’ As Hart explained, this happened while McKeague had been ‘the subject of surveillance during a visit to London in June 1976 when he was suspected of being part of a UVF arms procurement operation. Photographs were taken of him in public places which suggested to those conducting a surveillance that McKeague had contact with young men to establish homosexual assignations.” (156)

It is also likely MI5 had recordings of McKeague engaging in violent sexual activity with boys on the firstvfloor of the Park Avenue hotel in Belfast.

While MI5 denied possession of actual blackmail material, this part of the Hart Report now establishes clearly that MI5 officers were prepared to consider the use of sexual blackmail. According to Hart, MI5’s Officer 9004

‘said that there was a proposal in November 1976 by the MI5 officer with whom Brian Gemmell had lunch in September that “serious consideration should be given to using [McKeague’s] homosexual tendencies to recruit him”. Officer 9004 related that although the proposal was examined by other officers, including management, it was not endorsed. He also said that MI5 neither took nor possessed any compromising photographs of McKeague’. (157)

Child rapist, MI5 agent and serial killer: John Dunlop McKeague of the Red Hand Commando. MI5 made a limited admission about him to Hart, namely that they knew he was a homosexual and they considered recruiting him. 

Readers can decide themselves whether they believe the portion where MI5 claim that the proposal was not approved. Had they said otherwise, many of McKeague’s victims, including the relatives of Seamus Ludlow who was murdered in the Republic in May 1976, would be up in arms. The inquiry into the Ludlow murder continued for a number of years. An admission by MI5 to Hart hat it had recruited McKeague  would have also ignited a reappraisal of the Garda mismanagement of the Ludlow investigation under the former head of Garda intelligence, Larry Wren. Inexplicably, Wren rejected an opportunity to solve the murder when evidence became available in 1979. Interested readers may care to consult the Barron Report on the Ludlow murder which is available online. The relevant paragraphs in the Hart Report concerning McKeague begin at paragraph 153 of Chapter 29. Wren was appointed Garda Commissioner in 1983 by Garret FitzGerald. Wren had a close relationship with MI5 and MI6. (See the Larry Wren tab at the end of this article for further details about Wren’s career.)

Turning a blind eye to murder: Garda Commissioner and former Garda Intelligence chief Larry Wren seen here with Michael Noonan.  Wren ignored evidence about the Red Hand Commando murder of Seamus Ludlow in the Republic of Ireland while in charge of intelligence in the 1970s. He had an exceptionally close relationship with MI5 and MI6.


When Brian Gemmell spoke to the press, he was adamant that he had become concerned about what was going on at Kincora and had informed MI5: ‘The Kincora information was part and parcel of my Intelligence Reports (Intreps) on [William McGrath’s paramilitary group] Tara. It was classified Secret and sent/taken by me to HQNI and handed over to MI5 staff there.’

Gemmell had obtained his information from three different sources: James Miller, Roy Garland and Jim McCormick. Garland had served as the second-in-command of Tara. After he submitted his report to MI5, Gemmell was summoned to a meeting by Ian Cameron, a senior MI5 officer. “Ian Cameron was very much a father figure to me at the time,” Gemmell has explained. He was then in his mid-20s while Cameron was in his early 60s. According to Gemmell, the MI5 Mandarin was “normally a very nice chap, but he reacted very strongly. He told me that MI5 did not concern itself with what homosexuals did and he ordered me to stop using an agent I had within Tara, who we had codenamed Royal Flush.” Royal Flush was Roy Garland of Tara, who was gravely concerned about the young residents at the home.

Adding yet further credence to Gemmell’s account, Hart revealed that MI5 had confirmed to his inquiry that {i} Gemmell had indeed reported on Tara to Cameron and {ii} that in 1982, Cameron had acknowledged secretly that he had told Gemmell to desist from further enquiries into allegations concerning homosexuality. (Chapter 29, paragraph 175)

Despite all this, Hart dismisses the claim that Gemmell reported the abuse  at Kincora  to MI5 because Gemmell had stated that he had done so in a four page written report. The problem with this was that MI5 could not find such a report. Elsewhere in his report Hart identifies how MI5 had contemplated forging records. If they were prepared to create forgeries would they not be capable of losing a file or two as well? How could Hart have dismissed Gemmell in light of all of this information? (See also the section below about the Northern Ireland intelligence which were allegedly destroyed.)

The man who risked his life to halt child abuse: Roy Garland, another honourable Kincora whistleblower. He told Brian Gemmell what was going on at Kincora.


Gemmell also told the press that one of his colleagues had once been asked to drive a man in civilian clothing from HQNI to Kincora. At the time MI5 had offices at HQNI alongside those of the British Army. A similar account had appeared in Chris Moore’s book on Kincora. Hart was able to confirm this too.

At page 145 of his book The Kincora Scandal, Chris Moore refers to an account by a former Military Intelligence Officer he refers to as “Dennis” driving a civilian to Kincora “at the end of 1975 or early in 1976”. The Inquiry has been able to identify “Dennis”, and at the Inquiry’s request the MoD traced Dennis who provided a witness statement to the Inquiry. In it he described how he was instructed to drive an unnamed visitor to East Belfast. He collected his passenger at HQNI at night, he believes around 7 pm. At his passenger’s direction he drove to a house in East Belfast that he now knows to be Kincora. His passenger entered the building where he remained for a period which Dennis describes as not being sufficiently longer or shorter than an hour, i.e., approximately one hour. When this passenger emerged Dennis drove him back to HQNI. (Paragraph 603)

Hart’s response to this was to revert to speculation to defeat hard facts stating that it:

‘may be that there was a visit, but some of the detail may have been affected by the passage of time. If Dennis’s account is reliable, it suggests that the Army provided transport to and from Kincora, probably in early 1976, to a person who wished to visit what was by then known to several agencies to be McGrath’s place of work. That such an occasion occurred cannot be ruled out. There are two possible explanations for such a visit. The first is that there was a political, or security, intelligence purpose for the visit. Although Tara was believed to be of peripheral importance in early 1976, that does not mean it was necessarily of no importance. We cannot exclude the possibility that an official might wish to speak to McGrath about political matters, unlikely though that may appear to be in light of all the references to which we have referred in which it is said that little was known of Tara in early 1976’. (604)

If such an enquiry was made, none of the intelligence services who maintain they cooperated with Hart supplied any record of such a meeting.

There is a pattern in the Hart Report where – faced with strong evidence of British Intelligence complicity in Kincora – Hart resorts to speculative gymnastic gyrations to reject the possibility of intelligence involvement with the staff at Kincora.

According to Hart:

‘The other reason could be that it was for some form of sexual assignation or enquiry. Such a reason appears highly unlikely in view of all the evidence we examined in chapter 26 to the effect that none of the residents recall visitors by men coming to the building for such purposes’. (605)

However, not all of the boys at Kincora were traced and asked fir statements. Hence, the picture is far from complete. Some like Richard Kerr were warned to keep their mouths shut after the scandal erupted in 1980. Hart should not have treated the sanitised statements from the 1980s he read as the full picture.

One important victim, Stephen Waring, a friend of Richard Kerr, threw himself into the sea from a car ferry in 1977 and drowned. Waring was driven by Joe Mains to Classiebawn where he was abused  Lord Louis Mountbatten. (For more details on this please click on the Mountbatten tab below.)

A man with a black soul:  Sir George Terry, the former Chief Constable of Sussex. He covered up for child rapists by preparing a fraudulent report on Kincora in 1982. As a result countless paedophiles were let continue their abuse of children. The Hart Report exposed one aspect of his cover up of the Kincora scandal.

Corrupt efforts were made to cover up the Kincora affair in the 1980s by Sir George Terry of the Sussex Police. It is entirely possible that some of the witness statements provided by victims were interfered with by him and a cabal of corrupt RUC officers or that the witnesses were coerced into removing passages from them or simply told to sign statements someone else wrote for them. This type of practice was rife in the 1970s. Against this background, there is little reason to have any confidence that visitors did not prey on boys at Kincora simply because the boys who made statements did not provide details about them. Furthermore, a lot of the sexual abuse took place outside of Kincora as Richard Kerr has explained. Indeed,  Kerr had been abuse since the age of eight. Kincora was but a part of a larger network that extended all the way to London. Hart failed to grasp any of this.


Hart’s criticism of Gemmell based on the fact he could not find files to support him is ludicrous. Many of the files held at the British Army’s HQ at Lisburn were kept by the Information Policy Unit (IPU), a propaganda department. The British Army destroyed the IPU’s files in 1976 after the IPU was disbanded, or at least claimed it did.

An internal MoD investigation was critical of the destruction. Some ‘policy files’, however, did survive until 1981.

Generally, the absence of files permitted the MoD to misrepresent whistleblowers such as Colin Wallace who worked for the IPU and tried to expose the Kincora scandal.

Another honest whistleblower: Clive Ponting who revealed that MI5 was “genuinely worried that Colin Wallace had far worse things to say’ about dirty tricks in Ireland.

UK Ministers were assured by their officials that Wallace was a fantasist, a Walter Mitty-type character. Yet inside the upper reaches of the MoD there was no doubt that he was telling the truth. The Belgrano whistleblower, Clive Ponting, a former senior official in the MoD, has described meetings he attended with MI5 officers in 1983 to discuss how to prevent Wallace from making allegations about ‘dirty tricks’ in NI. Ponting has revealed that MI5 was “genuinely worried that Wallace had far worse things to say’ about dirty tricks. The Sunday Times quoted Tony Stevens, who chaired the MoD meetings, as stating that he did not dispute the fact that the MoD/MI5 meetings had taken place in 1983.

The tide turned in Wallace’s favour in 1989 when Sir Michael Quinlan, Permanent Secretary at the MoD, informed Margaret Thatcher that he had established a secret internal investigation into Wallace’s allegations because he believed that Ministers had probably been misinformed about Wallace’s role in NI. The investigation substantiated much of what Wallace had said.

The mandarin who told Thatcher she had been lied to about Colin Wallace: Sir Michael Quinlan, the man in charge of the Ministry of Defence, told Thatcher the role played by Colin Wallace in Ireland had been misrepresented.

The Hart Report found that there was no evidence that the Army knew anything about Kincora prior to 1980. That is hardly surprising since the IPU files were not available to it for review.

Of course, there is every possibility that some – or all – of these files were in fact preserved. A report by journalist Willie Kiely on 28 March 1982 in the Sunday Journal reported that IPU files were removed from Lisburn earlier that month. If Kiely’s sources were accurate, it means at least some files survived the alleged 1976 and 1981 purges. In turn this means that the Hart Inquiry was misled – yet again.

Clive Ponting (born 1946) did not appear at the Hart Inquiry.



John McKeague and the RHC pursued a murderous agenda during the late 1970s and, by 1981, was plotting to kill Charles Haughey and his family. Hart looked at none of the terrorist activity committed by the Red Hand Commando after McKeague had come to MI5’s attention in 1976, i.e. when he was recruited by them. Hart did not even bother to read the book by Michael Stone, one of the highest – if not the highest profile – Loyalist paramilitaries of the Troubles. It outlined a RHC plot to murder Charles Haughey in the summer of 1981.

The RHC plot involved a bomb attack aimed at Haughey’s yacht, the Taurima II, while it was berthed at Dingle Harbour. The RHC conspirators wanted to avenge the murder of Lord Louis Mountbatten whose boat, the Shadow V, had been destroyed in an IRA explosion off the Sligo coast in August of 1979. The RHC operation gathered momentum during the summer of 1981, a few months after Haughey and his Fianna Fáil party had gone into opposition but with a healthy 45.3% of the vote. Haughey had repaired to Kerry to relax after the election. If Haughey had been assassinated, George Colley would probably have succeeded him as FF leader.

Michael Stone, a former member of the RHC, and later a UDA assassin, learnt about the RHC plot in the 1990s while serving a sentence in the Maze with the bomb-maker who was the driving force behind the operation. Stone referred to him as ‘M’, someone who held ‘rank’ in the RHC.

The RHC unit which murdered Thomas Ludlow in the Republic of Ireland in 1976 had reported directly to McKeague. Presumably, as a holder of ‘rank’ in the RHC, ‘M’ also reported directly to him.

According to Stone, ‘M’ had “seen” a “massive” file which disclosed a large amount of information on all aspects of Haughey’s life. This was hardly something ‘M’ or the RHC had assembled on their own. It was, however, exactly the type of information which MI5 and MI6 had been collecting on Haughey for over a decade.

In addition, ‘M’ carried out his own fieldwork. According to Stone, he “watched the [Haughey] boat for two weeks and knew it would be easy to breach its security and plant the bomb once it berthed in Dingle”. ‘M’ told Stone “the plan was that Charles Haughey would die in exactly the same way as Lord Mountbatten – blown to bits on his boat”.

Haughey kept the Taurima II in Howth during most of the year but took it to Kerry during the summer holidays. In 1981 it was skippered by a man called Brian Stafford. Haughey and members of his family including Sean and Conor and family friends were often on it. The boat would sail between Dingle and Inisvickillane where it moored just off the island. It also went on longer trips around the Irish coastline. Hence, any number of people could have been killed by the RHC bomb, not just Haughey. Indeed, Haughey might not have been killed at all.

In the eyes of the RHC, Haughey’s wife and children were fair game for this act of revenge; probably because Mountbatten’s grandson had been killed in the Sligo explosion. It need hardly be stressed that Haughey and his family had deplored the Mountbatten atrocity but this mattered little to the extremists of the RHC.

‘M’ had business interests in Dublin which provided him with an excuse to explore landmarks both commercial and industrial that could be attacked. His business associate had a car and that meant ‘M’ could travel throughout the island without attracting suspicion. He said he made the most of all opportunities and even took an unsuspecting girlfriend on holiday to County Kerry, where Haughey had a holiday home and a yacht. ‘M’ said he loved Kerry; it was a beautiful landscape. The couple spent two weeks in the caravan park in Dingle.

According to Stone, ‘M’ planned to “wire Haughey’s boat with five pounds of commercial explosives. … [‘M’] would attach the bomb to the on-board radio using an electrical detonator. Once the radio was switched on, the bomb would explode”.

Fortunately for the Haughey family, the operation ran onto the sand when two of the RHC conspirators were arrested during a bank heist a week before the proposed attack in Dingle.

There was a second hitch: the gelignite for the attack “was purchased from a quarry in Scotland and transported by a sympathetic Ulster freight firm, to the province. Unfortunately, the journey did not agree with the explosives and when the sticks were unwrapped they were covered in beads of liquid. The long transit had caused them to sweat, which meant they were volatile and ready to explode at any time. M disposed of them. He had to go back to the drawing board and look for a new device”.

In the end ‘M’ abandoned the operation.




The Hart Inquiry did not speak to Eric Witchell, a convicted serial paedophile, who was a key figure in the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring. He is currently living in London and is in his early 70s. Witchell, who hailed from England, was born in 1948. He became a Franciscan at the age of 19. Before his appointment to Williamson House, he had been a housefather in an English boys school attached to the Franciscans. He became the Officer-in-Charge (OiC) of Williamson House in May of 1975 at the age of 27.

The small boys Witchell abused were abandoned, vulnerable and powerless waifs. A select few were later sent to Kincora.

Suffer little children: some of the children of Williamson House

Witchell betrayed the trust bestowed upon him by Belfast’s child welfare authorities but also by the Anglican Franciscan Order of which he was a member. He was, however, a godsend to MI5 bosses like Michael Hanley and Ian Cameron.

The Williamson House scandal is worse than the outrage at Kincora insofar as younger children were abused at it.

Witchell supplied very young children to VIPs including Enoch Powell MP. The Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse (IICSA) was set up to investigate allegations of child abuse by VIPs including Westminster MPs. There is no indication yet that Witchell will be questioned by IICSA either despite the fact that Witchell is one of the most important living witness to the existence of a VIP vice ring and lives in London.

Witchell secured the post at Williamson House despite the fact his tutor at the National Children’s Home Training College in England had advised the appointment panel of Belfast‘s Welfare Department that at “this stage I would have some doubt in commending him to be the Officer- in-Charge… I would commend him to you for employment, but I would not commend him to you for employment as Officer-in-Charge”. It was fortuitous for MI5 that Witchell became OiC despite this because he was the vilest sort of paedophile, someone who was prepared to farm out the children in his care to a wider network of child molesters.

This suited MI5 because it enabled them to manufacture blackmail opportunities and ensnare Loyalist politicians, paramilitaries and Orangemen and force them to do their bidding.

A taste for raping children: Witchell in the mid 1970s

After Witchell became OiC at the home, he moved into an apartment in the attic. It had a TV, sofa, sleeping quarters and a drinks cabinet. This was where he abused the young boys. He would usher his chosen victim upstairs and lock the door behind them. Physically, he was tall, thin and imposing. He wore glasses and had black longish hair. He was an exceptionally cruel and violent man with an insatiable sexual appetite. His preference was for prepubescent boys but he assaulted teenage boys too. His taste ranged from masturbation to anal rape. At least three of his victims would never recover from the assaults he and his associates perpetrated, and committed suicide; another two attempted to kill themselves.

Officially, he held the post of OiC at Williamson House until 1 March 1980 but he actually left before then as the RUC and MI5 were losing control of the secrecy surrounding the scandal.

Witchell knows the full inside story of the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring and the key figures in it including Councillor Joshua (Joss) Cardwell, a Unionist politician and paedophile, who was also Chairman of Belfast Corporation Welfare Committee. The Committee was responsible for both Williamson House, Kincora and other homes in Belfast where sexual violence was commonplace.

Cardwell was also a friend of Joe Mains, the Warden of Kincora. Together Cardwell and Mains supplied boys from Kincora to England and Scotland. As Village reported in February 2018, it was Cardwell who instructed Joe Mains to send Richard Kerr, who had been at Williamson House but was now residing at Kincora, to London in the mid-1970s. He was abused by a high-profile TV star there: a man still well known to the public, so much so that his photograph recently appeared in an Irish national daily newspaper.

On another occasion, while still at Kincora, Kerr was sent to be abused by a Tory MP in London. Another Kincora boy, Stephen Waring, was also sent to the UK from Kincora. He committed suicide in 1977 by jumping into the sea at night from the Belfast-Liverpool ferry rather than face any more torment.

Another key figure who aided Cardwell and Mains in running the Ulster branch of the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring was the Town Solicitor, John A Young. He was involved in deliberately losing some of the complaints about abuse that were sent to his office in August of 1971.


The links between the key suppliers of children to the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring such as Eric Witchell at Williamson House and the trio of abusers at Kincora were strong. The Kincora trio consisted of Joe Mains (an MI6 and later MI5 agent); William McGrath (also an MI6 and MI5 agent); and Raymond Semple (who did what Mains told him). All of them were visitors to Williamson House. Mains sometimes stayed overnight. At one stage Mains ran Williamson House for a few weeks, presumably because Witchell or some other member of staff was on holiday or ill.

In 1975 a group of 14-year olds under the care of Witchell at Williamson House was transferred to Kincora. Up to this point, Kincora had normally housed 16 –18 year olds. Some, if not all, of the new influx from Williamson House had already been crushed and remoulded to the point where they were fearful and compliant sex drones; probably the very reason for their transfer. They were now earmarked as bait for an MI5 ‘honey trap’ operation based at a series of hotels in Belfast and at least one in Bangor. Over time, some of the boys, especially Richard Kerr, would begin to resist, but not at this stage.

Most, but not all, of the new boys installed at Kincora hailed from Williamson House. They included Richard Kerr who arrived in August 1975; ‘F’, who is still alive; ‘B’, who later shot himself, and ‘S’.

Steven Waring, who had not been in Williamson House, joined a few months after. He committed suicide in 1977.

The reinvigorated Belfast and Bangor hotel ‘honey trap’ operation recommenced in September 1975, a few weeks after Kerr’s arrival at Kincora.

Another young boy, ‘D’, would be consigned to the hell of this existence the following year.  He is still alive. Collectively, these boys will be referred to as the Hotel Victim Group.

Kerr, who has described what took place to Village, was the first of the Hotel Victim Group to arrive at Kincora. On the surface, there was no logical reason for the transfer of the new residents. Ian Cameron and MI5, however, were the beneficiaries of the new arrangement because it allowed them to replenish their ongoing “honey trap” blackmail operations in Belfast and Bangor with a fresh batch of younger teenagers who were sexually compliant. In addition, MI5 was in complete control of Kincora, a detached house which was smaller and more manageable from their perspective than Williamson House which consisted of two buildings. Kincora was also controlled by three men, all of whom were paedophiles. Witchell – as a paedophile – was very much on his own at Williamson House, at least at that point in time. In a nutshell, MI5 could remove the members of the Hotel Victim Group from Kincora at will.

Joss Cardwell, a paedophile, served as Chairman of the Welfare Committee of Belfast Corporation. It was responsible for Williamson House and Kincora. He committed suicide after being interviewed by the RUC about Kincora

Members of the Hotel Victim Group were also shipped to England and Scotland by Mains on the orders of Joss Cardwell, an influential Loyalist politician. (See Village February 2018.)


When Kerr’s social worker rang Kincora looking for him while he was out of the home being defiled, Joe Mains would brush her off by saying he had gone on some sort of an outing. She was not fooled and would eventually expose the scandal through the Irish Independent in the Republic of Ireland.

To cover his tracks, Joe Mains would sometimes enter false destinations for the boys into the Kincora logbook, or make no entry at all.  Hart examined a written account Richard Kerr had provided concerning his trips to England to a third party which could not be tallied with what Mains had put in the logs. Hart ultimately decided:

{i} to accept the veracity of the Kincora logs at face value and

{ii} use them to dismiss Kerr’s account of his trips to England and

{iii} dispute his credibility.

Does it need to be stressed that the organisers of paedophile rings have never been known to:

{i} make accurate and incriminating records of their crimes,

{ii} preserve them and

{iii} ultimately furnish them to the police?


After the departure of Kerr and the others from Williamson House in 1975, Witchell found a set of new victims to torment. ‘Charles’ (not his real name) was a few years younger than Kerr. His ordeal began in 1975. The Hart Inquiry did not talk to ‘Charles’.

Charles recalls how Witchell presented himself as “plausible”, and how he ‘hoodwinked people into thinking that he was a man of God”; how he “wore a cloak, portraying himself as a man of God but was a paedophile”. Witchell, an Anglican Franciscan, should not have worn the habit of his Order as it was a condition of his employment that he would not.

Witchell’s horrific abuse of Charles lasted five years, only ending when he left Williamson House at the age of 18.

Charles had been abandoned by his parents at Brefne Residential Nursery in Belfast as an infant. He was transferred to Williamson House at the age of 4 at the end of the 1960s.

Charles’ motive for talking to Village is to tell the story of what happened at Williamson House on behalf of the victims who took their own lives. Richard Kerr shares this identical motive, as does his brother Alan Kerr.


Charles has many happy memories of Williamson House but they all pre-date 1975. For a start, the children were always well fed and clothed, and the home boasted a full complement of staff to mind the children. Charles remembers games of tennis and football; playing in a recreation room which had a television; visits from well-wishers. Christmases were memorable too for all the right reasons: Charles and his friends spent time with kindly families who welcomed them into their homes over the festive season. There was also a string of Christmas celebrations around Belfast to which they were taken.

The children were integrated into the wider community by being enrolled at various primary and secondary schools nearby. Some of the Catholic boys, for example, went to a Christian Brothers school.

Charles recalls how the Catholic and Protestant children got along perfectly well with each other. ‘The Catholics were like my family”, Charles, a Protestant, recalls.

Sleeping easy at night: Ian Paisley inside Martyrs Memorial Church. He knew that children were being raped and brutalised for years yet did nothing to help them.

Charles got to spend time with two other families in the community who treated him kindly. He went with one of them to the Martyrs Memorial Church on Sundays where Ian Paisley gave his sermons. Charles recalls having chatted to Paisley, something that occurred a few times as the family he accompanied to Paisley’s church often turned up half an hour before the sermons began, when Paisley came out to mix with them.

Charles enjoyed Paisley’s captivating style of preaching. “He was charismatic”, he recalls. Paisley would quote scripture and make the occasional reference to Catholics but, insofar as Charles recalls, he didn’t really dwell on the issue. “The implication was that the Catholics were going to go to hell. He didn’t say so in so many words”  but that was what he meant. Charles, who clearly had a mind of his own from a young age, took no heed of Paisley’s bigotry and continued to get on perfectly well with his Catholic “family” at the home.

What Charles did not know was that Paisley knew what was going on at Kincora from at least 1973 (see Village December 2017). Paisley – one of the best informed men in Ireland about the seedy underbelly of Loyalist politics and paramilitarism – must have learnt or at least suspected that Kincora was not an isolated aberration and that similar violations were being perpetrated at other homes. Yet, while he occasionally visited care homes and orphanages in Northern Ireland  – including Williamson House – he never once lifted a finger to end the suffering of a single victim at any of them.


Eric Witchell used the existence of Kincora to intimidate and control the children he abused at Williamson House. “He threatened us with Kincora,’ Charles has explained. “If you are a bad boy, you’ll end up in Kincora”, he would warn.

William McGrath, the Housefather at Kincora, was a familiar face to the children at Williamson House. Witchell introduced him to them as “Master McGrath”, his idea of a joke as Master McGrath was then a popular dog food.

He described McGrath as “his friend, someone who worked in another home” but he did not tell them it was Kincora. To the best of Charles’ recollection, Witchell never once mentioned that McGrath worked at Kincora. “They were often together having cups of tea and biscuits. [McGrath] would chat with Eric in a room”. He saw them together “many, many times”.

Richard Kerr confirms what Charles has to say about McGrath’s regular visits to Williamson House.

Raymond Semple, the third abusive staff member at Kincora, also visited Williamson House. However, he may have been visiting a relative who worked there, a ‘lovely’ person who was not involved in any abuse’, according to Charles.

Mains, McGrath and Semple were all convicted of child abuse in December 1981.

How and when did Witchell first become acquainted with Mains and McGrath and what did they discuss? Some of their deliberations must have involved the selection of suitable candidates for the transfers from Williamson House to Kincora. These are questions Witchell might have answered had he been brought before Hart. Similarly, the Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse in London had the opportunity to interview Witchell but spurned it. Professor Alexis Jay who leads the Inquiry has denied herself the opportunity to understand the sinister underlying reason for the toleration of the sexual abuse which took place in England, Scotland and Wales – much of which was successfully concealed by the Special Branch on orders from MI5. Put simply, she has opted to ignore the research and evidence available about the modus operandi of MI5 in Ireland to help her understand what was afoot in Britain.

Had Witchell been asked to tell the truth, and chosen so to do, he could have provided details about the trafficking of Richard Kerr to Enoch Powell MP, something that is definitely within Jay’s remit.

Witchell could also have been asked about what he knew about Anthony Blunt, again something within Professor Jay’s remit.


Hart failed to secure evidence from another key living witness to the Kincora scandal, Albert ‘Ginger’ Baker. Hart ignored him despite the fact he has spoken about what he and the UDA knew about Kincora in the 1970s. Baker is still alive and living in Belfast.

Albert ‘Ginger’ Baker, yet another Kincora whistle blower. An Englishman who worked at British Military HQ at Lisburn in the 1970s has confirmed to Village   that Albert ‘Ginger’ Baker worked for the MRF. On the left, Baker while in the British Army; Baker in the 1970s (middle); Tommy Herron of the UDA’s Inner Council (right). Baker spied on Herron and the UDA for British military intelligence. He also carried out a series of gruesome murders during his operation. He appears to have had some sort of a nervous breakdown and confessed to murder. He was then thrown to the wolves by his handlers and spent years in prison. He made many revelations about dirty tricks which were ignored by the UK media. 

Baker was a British soldier who infiltrated the UDA for the British Army’s Military Reaction Force (MRF). The MRF was created by Brigadier Frank Kitson who is still alive. Kitson was obsessive about intelligence gathering. No fact was too small for his attention as a string of books he wrote about intelligence gathering attest. It is inconceivable that he did not know about Kincora through the MRF, Baker and MI5/6. We have described Kitson as a ‘covert war criminal’ in an earlier article on this website. He has yet to sue us. We are now accusing him of complicity in the orchestration of sexual abuse of children in Northern Ireland for intelligence gathering purposes.

Chris Moore of BBC NI, author of ‘The Kincora Scandal‘, managed to track William McGrath down to Ballyhalbert, on the Coast of County Down, after his release from prison for the sex attacks he had perpetrated at Kincora. Moore extracted an amazing comment from McGrath who said, “This whole matter does not stop at Lisburn”. (p210) Lisburn, of course was home to a swathe of intelligence organisations including Military Intelligence, MI5 and MI6. This is consistent with a mountain of evidence which points to the fact that Kincora and other parts of the Anglo Irish Vice Ring (A-IVR) were ultimately controlled by officials at the Home Office/MI5; the Foreign Office/MI6 and officials at Downing Street.

According to Baker’s family, his handler was a ‘Capt. Bunty’ whom he met in a Belfast coffee bar. Not only did Baker succeed in joining the UDA, he became a bodyguard to its Inner Council and monitored its leaders including Tommy Herron.

Baker had enlisted in the Royal Irish Rangers in Belfast in March 1970 at the age of nineteen with a character reference from Ian Paisley’s wife Eileen. He was sent for training in Ballymena, where he won prizes as a crack shot. From there he went to Warminister in England where the Regiment’s 2nd Battalion was based. After Warminister Baker received special forces training at Fort Hood, Heuston, and may have become a member of the SAS. He was then sent to the Persian Gulf where the SAS was being deployed. He returned to Belfast in 1972.  At first, he told people he was on leave from the British Army; later that he had deserted from it. He may have been on a mission to join the UDA all along.

Baker became a part of a barbarous torture and murder gang controlled by the Inner Council of the UDA. He slipped out of Belfast at some stage before May 1973 with a lot of blood on his hands. One of Baker’s victims was Philip Anthony Faye, a twenty-one year-old waiter who had been serving the UDA Inner Council drinks at the Girton Lodge Hotel on 18 August, 1972. He was murdered on the orders of Tommy Herron.  Baker has admitted that: “There was me, V, ‘R’, and a few others doing security in the hotel. We’d move into the hotel and take the waiters’ coats and things. We’d be armed and we’d be walking through the hotel and down the lobbies and the corridors underneath. So the Inner Council was in this room and Faye came in with drinks. Tommy Herron found out the geezer was a Catholic and ordered his assassination in case he’d overheard anything. I went down to Island Street and assassinated him”.

On 24 May, 1973, a meeting took place in London. It was attended by Major General Frank King, the General Officer Commanding Northern Ireland (GCO NI), and the Vice Chief of the General Staff (VCGS), Sir David Fraser. Fraser was based in London. A declassified record of the meeting reveals that: “We have now got good intelligence on [Tommy] Herron [of the UDA] and the Protestant extremists”. Baker was Herron’s bodyguard, something that is consistent with him being the source of this information.

The document also reveals that Fraser brought GOC King “up to date and discussed the problem of protection of the ‘source’ of their information”.   Baker fits the bill as the ‘source’ perfectly. He certainly would have needed ‘protection’ from his erstwhile UDA colleagues who by then must have suspected he was a spy who had been privy to all of their secrets – including orders to murder – after he had disappeared from Belfast.

The source was codenamed “Broccoli”. Tom Griffin, a highly astute and intelligent observer of these matters, was the first to deduce that since the recipient of the information about “Broccoli” was Major General King – who was still in charge of the British Army in NI – “Broccoli” must have been an agent who had recently served in NI. An Englishman who worked at Lisburn, British Army HQ NI, has confirmed that Griffin was right. Baker was a British spy and his codename was indeed “Broccoli”.

Masterminds of Murder: Baker’s superiors General Sir David Fraser (left); Maj. General Robert Ford (middle); UDA marchers (right). Fraser and Ford bear a huge responsibility for the torture and murder perpetrated by Baker and the UDA.

‘Broccoli’ cannot have been James Miller, another British soldier who also penetrated the UDA as he was not uncovered as a spy until the following year.

Griffin may also have struck the nail on the head with the observation that Baker’s “name would account for the Broccoli designation in a most apposite way, since he shared a first name and initials with James Bond producer Albert ‘Cubby’ Broccoli”.

After leaving NI, Baker suffered some sort of a breakdown. His direct involvement in a string of brutal tortures and murders may have contributed to this. A short while later he went to Warminister County Police Station to confess to murder. From this point on damage limitation became the order of the day: MI5/6, the MRF and the RUC would be protected though a few UDA killers would go on trial – and be acquitted – while Baker was locked away until 1992.

Tommy Herron was murdered by Loyalist opponents as part of an internal UDA feud in September 1973. Ian Paisley led prayers outside his home on the day of his funeral.


In July 1988 Baker told Ken Livingstone who was an MP (and later Mayor of London) what he knew about Kincora. “The whole Inner Council of the UDA knew about it”, he revealed, “but no Inner Council members were involved in it. There were politicians and senior Northern Ireland Office officials involved in it. I know one who’s in the House of Commons. He’s one of your own men [i.e. the British Labour Party].” He also revealed that: “Well, as far as they were concerned it was being organised by British Intelligence and they kept away from that. They knew the intelligence services were running it.”

A man with the courage to call out murder and dirty tricks: Ken Livingstone, one of a tiny number of British politicians who tried to expose the truth about Kincora. He was jeered in the Commons when he brought up MI5 dirty tricks.

William McGrath was particularly well known to the Inner Council. He was friendly with UDA men like Davey Payne and John McMichael. Indeed, McGrath had been pivotal in establishing the UDA. He also ran his own paramilitary organisation called Tara and had connections to the UVF. The UVF fell out with McGrath in 1971 because of his boasts about his links to British Intelligence. All of this made it likely – if not imperative – for the UDA to monitor McGrath who had been assigned a job at Kincora in 1971 and was close to other paramilitaries and politicians such as Ian Paisley, James Molyneux and Knox Cunningham. Hence, Baker’s assertion that the Inner Council knew about Kincora is entirely credible.

“I know for an actual fact that a Conservative MP was involved”, Baker further informed Livingstone. “The Inner Council members discussed Kincora and knew who was there because they had them under surveillance. The UDA have photographs of the people going into Kincora, of politicians, Unionist politicians. The Inner Council knew who was operating behind them. They knew they could be arrested, but given what they knew they could never be charged or face imprisonment for any length of time”.

It is interesting to note that Baker made reference to a Tory MP nearly three decades before Liam Clarke published a story in January 2015 in the Belfast Telegraph describing how a pair of whistleblowing RUC officers had revealed their knowledge of visits to Kincora by a Tory MP to him. (See also Village November 2017.)

The Inner Council’s knowledge of Kincora would also explain the precautions Tommy Lyttle took in and about the transport of Richard Kerr to his abusers. Lyttle knew better than to have been spotted anywhere near the shameful premises.


Paedophiles in positions of power: Edward Heath, paedophile prime minister (left); Van Straubenzee, a paedophile NI minister appointed by Heath; Sir Maurice Oldfield, (right) appointed by Heath as Chief of MI6. He abused rent boys and had a ‘friendship’ and a ‘relationship’ with Joe Mains the Warden of Kincora according to internal MI6 files released to the Hart Inquiry.

Ted Heath appointed Sir William Radcliffe Von Straubenzee MBE as the Deputy Secretary of State for NI in 1972. Just like Heath, Van Straubenzee was a lifelong bachelor and a paedophile. His role as a child molester emerged in July 2015 when ‘formerly’ missing files about paedophile politicians were ‘discovered’ in London at the Cabinet Office. The files, which included details about Van Straubenzee, were sent to the Independent Inquiry into Child Sex Abuse in London.

A contemporaneous note made by Colin Wallace in 1974 while he worked at Lisburn British Army HQ as a PSYOPS officer. They reveal British Intelligence knew Von Straubenzee  was vulnerable to sexual blackmail. Dr Julius Grant, an international documents expert, verified these notes as authentic in 1987. 

Van Straubenzee is a likely candidate as the Tory MP who visited Kincora and was known to Baker and the UDA. Indeed, Baker’s probable knowledge about Van Straubenzee’s visits and his – Baker’s – work for the MRF offer likely explanations as to why Baker was able to secure a meeting in prison with Van Straubenzee after his conviction. At the time Baker was trying to secure a deal with Van Straubenzee about where he would serve his prison sentence.


John L.L. Imrie, formerly of MI5 and the Northern Ireland Office (NIO), had the unique distinction of being the only British official ever linked to the Kincora Boys’ Home sex abuse scandal by name in the press during his lifetime. Imrie had served as an Assistant Secretary at the NIO in the early 1970s.

Imrie was a convicted sex pest. In 1979 he went ‘cottaging’ in London, that is to say, looking for sex with random strangers in gentlemen’s lavatories. He was arrested at the gents at Victoria Station when, after an attempt to attract a sexual partner by displaying his genitals, he was charged with indecent exposure.

Pontificating Parker: Andrew Parker the present Director-General of MI5. Will he see out his term as D-G without establishing and revealing the full truth about Kincora and the AIVR?

The last thing MI5 needed in 1979 was a sordid scandal involving an MI5 officer who had served in Belfast in the 1970s. At this time the Kincora scandal was bubbling under the surface ready to erupt across National headlines. The fact that Imrie was a figure whom Whitehall wanted to protect became public knowledge thanks to Private Eye magazine. On 17 August 1979 it reported that: “Up until the trial strong pressure was brought to bear by a variety of authorities to drop the charges in the national interest”.

Ken Livingstone noticed a discrepancy in the way Imrie had been treated compared to the mauling Sir Maurice Oldfield had received after the exposure of his sexual predilections in 1980

Imrie was brought before the Magistrates’ Court at 70 Horseferry road, London, (now the City of Westminster Magistrates Court) where he pleaded not guilty to the charges preferred against him and submitted a preposterous defence maintaining that he had been caught short with a weak bladder and, fearing disastrous consequences on the train he intended to take at 11.10 to Sydneyham – which had no toilet – he had been compelled to display him- self to the gentlemen in the vicinity of the urinals. The presiding magistrate – another honourable individual who was prepared to do his job without fear or favour – concluded Imrie was lying since he had been arrested at 11.25, i.e. 15 minutes after the bladder-bursting train had departed. Imrie was convicted, conditionally discharged and ordered to pay £50 costs.

Imrie’s conviction did not deflect the upward trajectory of his career.

After Kincora was exposed in January 1980, the RUC set out to track down the child molesters involved, or at least some honest officers in the RUC tried to do so before they were stifled. At least they managed to question Imrie before the vice grip of the cover-up took a hold.

Against this background, it is hardly unfair to ask if Imrie was a pederast (i.e. an abuser of teenage males), if not an outright paedophile himself. Why else would the RUC have made inquiries about him? The answers to these questions may have been found lying in the pages of Imrie’s personnel file which gathers dust somewhere in the vaults of MI5 but Hart was not interested.

The Independent Inquiry Into Child Sexual Abuse in London still has an opportunity to demand sight of Imrie’s personnel file and that of another NIO pervert, Peter England but time is running out fast.

Inevitably, a cloud of mystery hangs over Imrie’s career. A little speculation must be forgiven. Despite claims to the contrary, he probably never worked for the Ministry of Defence (MoD). References to him in the Civil Service Yearbooks during the 1980s as an MoD employee were probably nothing more than a cover for his true role inside MI5, a department that was not officially acknowledged as part of the British Government at that time. Countless MI5 officers were held out as MoD officials for decades to perpetrate the myth MI5 did not exist.

Imrie definitely worked in Germany during an earlier phase of his career, perhaps with Ian Cameron at the British Services Security Organisation, which was based in Berlin and responsible for the security of British forces in Germany in the 1960s. Cameron later headed up MI5 in NI in the 1970s and was Central to the Kincora operation. (See Village  March 2017).

Blackmailer: William Whitelaw

What did Imrie do in NI? We are on more solid ground here. Village  has obtained a ‘confidential’ NIO file which was circulated to Imrie and provides an indication of the type of work he undertook: it was political in nature. The file is dated 19 December 1972 and concerns a meeting between Ian Paisley and others and the NI Secretary of State William Whitelaw. The file was also circulated to Franke Steele of MI6, the Chief Constable of the RUC and the General Officer in Command of the British Army.

By the late 1980s, Imrie was working inside MI5’s ‘B’ Branch as a recruitment officer while being listed in the Civil Service Year Book for 1988 as a Grade 5 officer in the MoD Civil Administration Department. Just how a convicted sex pest rose to become a Grade 5 officer with responsibility for MI5 recruitment is staggering – even by the weird standards of that unorthodox organisation.

Or is it ? If we have learnt anything about MI5, it is that anything is possible once you drop down the MI5 rabbit hole. Imrie’s conviction may have been something that commended him to the Mad Hatters at the top table at MI5.

MI5 and MI6 recruiters are the only people who are briefed to scrape beneath the sludge at the bottom of the barrel. At that time both organisations needed people with the stomach to oversee and direct torture, murder and blackmail operations.

Monster: Cyril Smith seen here with the Queen Mother.

They also needed psychologically and emotionally stunted agents who could photograph and record paedophiles in the act of abusing children. MI5’s surveillance targets in this underworld included an array of degenerates ranging from lowly knuckle-dragging Loyalist paramilitaries to elevated Knights and Lords at Westminster such as Sir Edward Heath, Lord Greville Janner, Sir Cyril Smith, Sir William Van Straubenzee and Sir Peter Morrison, all of whom they hoped to blackmail, control and, if necessary, destroy. And who better than a lavatory-creeper like Imrie to recognise the type of rat capable of performing this sort of work in return for a miserable salary? Who better than Imrie to know when to inch open the secret side doors at MI5’s HQ when the type of creep who would get a kick out of this sort of work was loitering nearby ?

Imrie enjoyed a number of years of quiet anonymity after his conviction as a flasher. Then, on 7 February 1988, the late Liam Clarke published a story in The Sunday World  which named him as one of a group of four senior NIO officials who had been interviewed by the RUC about Kincora. One of the others was Peter England, who had been a Deputy Undersecretary with overall responsibility for the intelligence services in NI and a friend of Sir Anthony Blunt. (See Village November 2017.)

Clarke also described how Peter England had tried to force his sexual attentions on a male civil servant at the NIO; and had been recognised in a photograph by a boy he had abused. The boy was undoubtedly John Louis Baird. According to a report broadcast by BBC NI and supplemented by an article in Phoenix magazine, John Louis Baird was abused by England at a house on the Old Hollywood Road in Belfast which had been used as the pick-up point for Provisional IRA leaders during peace talks with the NIO and MI6 in the 1970s. The boy spoke to Chris Moore who broadcast an interview with him on the BBC in 1982. He was shown in silhouette and described how signals were exchanged via flashing headlights with England’s car before he was transferred to it. Moreover, a briefing document on personal security which was found in Kincora was linked to England. Several phone numbers appeared in the margins of pages 5, 7, 11 and 13 in England’s hand-writing.

28 (b). Ken livingstone questions Thatcher about imrie’s failure to sue The Sunday World

Ken Livingstone MP (and future Mayor of London) was one of those who pursued the Imrie affair back in 1988. He noticed a discrepancy in the way Imrie had been treated compared to the mauling Sir Maurice Oldfield had received after the exposure of his sexual predilections in 1980. Oldfield had served as Chief of MI6 1973-78, and Security Coordinator NI, 1979 1980. He was pushed to the side-lines by Margaret Thatcher after she discovered he had confessed to having been a homosexual. This had cost him his “positive vetting” i.e. his licence to operate within the intelligence community ? The harsh treatment of Oldfield was not generated by homophobia since Imrie, a convicted flasher who opportuned men in toilets, and had been quizzed about Kincora, managed to retain his job and achieve promotion. Perhaps the explanation is that Oldfield had become an enemy of the ultra-right-wing faction that controlled MI5 and held Thatcher in their thrall whereas Imrie was presumably well got with them, especially after his service for them in Northern Ireland. Oldfield had enraged the Mad Hatters at MI5 by interfering with their plots against Labour Prime Minister Harold Wilson.

Ken Livingstone holding Margaret Thatcher to account

Livingstone brought the Oldfield-Imrie discrepancy up in the house of Commons on 8 March 1988.

“Will the Prime Minister take time in her busy day to reconsider the statement that she made to the house last year about Sir Maurice Oldfield ?”, Livingstone asked her. “Will she consider the inconsistency of the withdrawal of his positive vetting while no action was taken against Mr Peter England, a deputy secretary in the Northern Ireland Office, and Mr JL Imrie, an assistant secretary at the Northern Ireland office, following investigations into the buggery of young children at the Kincora boys’ home ? Is she not disturbed that Mr Imrie has taken no action against the newspaper that named him and his activities four weeks ago, although he continues to work for the government in the Ministry of Defence ? Can she assure the house that she is convinced of Mr Imrie’s innocence?

“If not, will she now finally concede a genuinely independent enquiry into what went on in the home in Kincora, irrespective of the damage that may do to MI5 when its role is exposed ?”.

Thatcher replied: “I have nothing further to add to the statement that I made on Sir Maurice Oldfield in the house. I note that the honourable Gentleman uses the privilege of the house to name people who are unable to answer back”.

Thatcher’s answer was patently absurd. In the first instance, Peter England was dead and could not sue so parliamentary privilege was a red herring. Secondly, the whole point of Livingstone’s question about Imrie was to highlight the fact that Imrie’s name had appeared in the Sunday World yet he had not sued the paper. Thatcher, who had practised as a barrister, surely knew that newspapers did not enjoy parliamentary privilege for stories that did not arise from an exchange in parliament.

Imrie was also named twice by Private Eye in 1988 in connection with Kincora.


Imrie never sued Liam Clarke, the Sunday World or Private Eye, and maintained a very low profile until his death. After his resignation from MI5, he lived in Dulwich, South London where he died last June. The only clue as to what he did in retirement is to be gleaned from a death notice which appeared on the website for St Stephen’s Church, Dulwich. Imrie, it reported, had been a devout member of the Church of England and attended St Stephen’s on a regular basis. The death notice read as follows:

“It is with sadness that we share in the news of the death of John Imrie. For many years he was a sidesperson at the 8am Sunday service as well as a regular at our mid-week Holy Eucharist on Wednesdays. During his working life he was a senior civil servant in the Ministry of Defence, serving both in Germany and Northern Ireland before reaching the highest level of the Ministry in London. His funeral will be here at St Stephen’s on Tuesday 11 July at 12 noon. May he rest in peace and rise in glory”.

There is no mention of Imrie having had a wife or children in his death notice, something that indicates he remained a bachelor throughout his life.

As someone who was able to attend St Stephen’s Church as a ‘sidesperson’ on such a ‘regular’ basis, Imrie was hardly suffering from dementia or physical infirmity. A ‘sidesperson’ acts as an usher, greeter of worshippers and collector of donations at church ceremonies.

Clearly, Imrie was hale and hearty and could have testified at the Hart Inquiry in 2016. Equally clearly, this would have been the last thing he would have countenanced. It is inconceivable that he could have told the truth about Kincora without being sidestepped at St Stephen’s upon his return and shunned by every parent in Dulwich and beyond.


On 23 January 2015 the late Liam Clarke reported in The Belfast Telegraph  that two RUC officers had told him that a Tory MP had “visited Kincora during the 1970s”. Both officers, he reported, were “willing to help any inquiry into Kincora either here or in England. They revealed that the MP died before they could arrange to interview him”. There are only a tiny number of MPs who match this description. One of the officers revealed that the MP had visited NI “quite regularly…We were told by criminal records in Scotland Yard, London, that he had a conviction many years ago for indecent behaviour or something in a gents’ loo against another boy but his death meant we never got a chance to question him”.

The chances are stratospherically high that these two RUC officers were also the source of Clarke’s 1988 Sunday World story about Imrie and England.  Hart did not interview them. It is statistically unlikely that both RUC men have died since 2015. Since they know at least something about the Westminster MP, they should be asked to testify at the Independent Inquiry Into Child Sex Abuse (IICAS) in London. Their evidence about Imrie and the MP must surely be of some relevance to IICAS. Unfortunately there is no sign that IICSA has bothered to find them.

Devout Hypocrite: St Stephen’s where John Imrie of MI5 held himself out as an upstanding member of the Church of England


The Hart Inquiry did not speak to any of the former staff of the hotels where Mains brought his charges to be abused. They included the Park Avenue Hotel, the Europa Hotel and the Girton Lodge in Belfast. The Queen’s Court in Bangor was another part of the hotel network.

Her Majesty’s hitman-child pimp: Tommy Lyttle

The Girton Lodge was a short walk from Kincora Boys’ Home. Richard Kerr was abused by John McKeague, a notorious Loyalist killer, at tit on three or four occasions. Kerr would receive a phone call ordering to go down to it, and would then walk down and arrive in about six minutes. There was a reception area on the ground floor with a small corridor off it which had rooms. The abuse took place in these rooms. There was also a bath at the venue. Kerr was given alcohol prior to the abuse he suffered at it.

McKeague, Tommy ‘Tucker’ Lyttle of the UDA and their associates would gather at the hotel. Lyttle was a self-confessed Mi5 agent.

There was an area where cars could park out of sight from the road. All the abuse took place on the lower level.

Girton Lodge Hotel where boys from Kincora were abused.

There is no suggestion that Lyttle himself was an abuser. Indeed, no one has ever claimed anything remotely of the sort. He presumably mixed with the likes of McKeague for network and intelligence gathering purposes, something that suited both his UDA and MI5 associates.

Colin Wallace, the PYSOPS officer at British Army HQ NI, was aware of some of what was going on at the Girton and other hotels. Wallace wrote up and submitted this information to his superiors at British Army HQ NI in 1974 seeking clearance for the disclosure of it to the press. A second hotel was the Park Avenue, a third was called The Queens Court. One of the reasons General Peter Leng, one of the most senior British Army officers in NI in the 1970s, became worried about the Kincora allegations in 1974 was that he had been told that Kincora inmates were being lured into the UDA’s paramilitary activities. He also was aware that the two hotels where allegedly paedophile activities were taking place were also used as meeting places by the Leadership of East Belfast UDA. He also was aware that the Girton and Park Avenue were used as meeting places by the East Belfast UDA.  Indeed, the UDA had an office approximately three blocks away.

Contemporaneous evidence: Colin Wallace’s 1975 letter with a reference to “homosexual prostitution at a children’s home in Belfast”. Judge Hart was supplied with a copy of this letter and failed to appreciate its value.

Was Tommy Lyttle one of the sources of information that reached HQ NI about these hotels?

In September 1975, Wallace was disciplined for allegedly passing a restricted document to a journalist. During his disciplinary hearing, he wrote to his former boss at Army HQ NI referring to “attempts made by the Security Service to discredit various Loyalist politicians, including the Rev Ian Paisley, by linking MPs with Loyalist paramilitary figures involved in homosexual prostitution at children’s homes in Belfast”. Wallace gave copies of these documents to the HIA Inquiry in 2016 though it ignored them. Hart reported in 2017. He concluded that the State did not know about the abuse at Kincora.

Mains was involved in paedophile activities at these hotels too. William McGrath lived very close to it.



On 16 September 2019 Paul Graham told RTE’s ‘Liveline’ that he had been sexually abused by a senior figure in the Orange Order. Although not named, the abuser was Thomas Passmore, the County Grand Master of Belfast Loyal Orange Lodge.

Hart was urged to investigate the Passmore case by Colin Wallace but passed on the opportunity

Orangeman and child rapist: Thomas Passmore, child rapist, friend of William McGrath and County Grand Master of Belfast Loyal Orange Lodge

In 1973 Passmore was named in a press briefing prepared by the British Army at Lisburn. The briefing concerned Tara, a Loyalist paramilitary organisation led by William McGrath, the notorious child rapist and Housefather at Kincora Boys’ Home. McGrath, who acted as an agent for MI5 and MI6, was convicted for child rape in 1981.

The 1973 Tara Press Briefing (’73 TPB) described how ‘other people closely associated with [William] McGrath and aware of his activities are, Thomas PASSMORE, Rev PAISLEY, Rev Martin SMYTH, James MOLYNEAUX and Sir Knox CUNNINGHAM QC MP’.

Paul Graham’s RTE interview can be heard at

Passmore was not named during the RTE interview but is the Orange Order figure mentioned briefly (at 13 minutes 30 seconds).

The fact that Passmore abused Paul Graham would explain why he did nothing to halt the rape of children perpetrated by his friend and brother Orangeman William McGrath when he was informed about it. It is extremely unlikely that Paul Graham was Passmore’s only victim.

Richard Kerr, who was a resident at Kincora, has long since described how he too was abused by Orangemen.

Thomas Passmore JP, was a senior Loyalist politician and Orangeman who operated at the highest levels of Unionist politics in the 1970s and 1980s. He became County Grand Master of Belfast Loyal Orange Lodge in 1973. He was unmarried and lived in Townsend Street, Belfast.

He was not only an associate of McGrath but purchased the printing press which McGrath’s paramilitary group Tara used for its publicity. Passmore published an evangelical magazine with it. Like McGrath, Passmore believed that the Protestants of Ireland were descendants of one of the lost tribes of Israel.

He was briefly a member of the Woodvale Defence Association in 1970s. It was set up by Alan Moon who was soon replaced by Charles Harding Smith who later became Chairman of the UDA. Passmore later became Chairman of the Woodvale Unionist Association. It supported the Ulster Workers Council (UWC) strike that brought down the 1974 power-sharing Government of 1974.

Victim: Paul Graham who was abused by Passmore as a boy

Roy Garland was a member of Tara but walked out of it in 1971 when he discovered that McGrath was abusing boys. He immediately began trying to put a stop to it by telling the Orange Order of which McGrath was a senior member. Passmore was one of those who blocked the taking of any action against McGrath. He may have done this for any one of three reasons: first, because he wanted to protect a fellow child abuser; second, because he was being blackmailed by MI5 and MI6 for whom McGrath was an agent; third, because by 1973 he had become an MI5/6 agent. Perhaps it was a combination of all of the foregoing. Roy Garland persisted in his efforts to put an end to McGrath’s abuses but  met brick walls everywhere he turned.

In 1976, the IRA killed Passmore’s father in an attack which he claimed was aimed at him.

Passmore’s interest in boys was no secret in Northern Ireland. In the 1980s the Northern Ireland writer and Kincora whistleblower Robin Bryans told Colin Wallace and Fred Holroyd that Passmore was a child abuser. Bryans was a cousin of John Bryans, the Grand Master of the Orange Order.

Passmore died in 1989.

Passmore operated at the centre of Orange and Unionist politics. MI5, MI6, the NIO and the PSNI Special Branch (as successor to the RUC Special Branch) must all hold files on such a significant political figure. Hart should have secured them but didn’t.

What is shocking is that Passmore was ever appointed as a Justice of the Peace. His appointment was made by the mid 1960s which was after his rape of Paul Graham. He continued to serve as a JP and rose in the Orange Order despite his links to at least two paramilitary leaders, i.e. Charles Harding Smith of the UDA and William McGrath of Tara.

The file relating to his appointment as a JP must still exist. Who nominated him and who provided character references?

Courageous whistle blower: Colin Wallace. The interview Paul Graham gave RTE is the latest in a very long line of revelations that yet again confirms the accuracy of what Colin Wallace has been telling the press for decades. 

Colin Wallace discovered that Passmore was the abuser and tried to interest the Hart Inquiry into historical sex abuse in the Belfast part of Graham’s story. He wrote to them on 27 October 2016 and received a puzzling reply on 2 November. When he wrote them again on 7 November he started by pointing out that the Inquiry’s response indicated that ‘either I did not make myself very clear, or your Inquiry did not read my letter very carefully’. This was because the Inquiry had replied stating that: “You will appreciate that allegations in respect of the Bethany Home, which was in Dublin, fall outside our Terms of Reference and therefore cannot be considered by this Inquiry.”

Wallace proceeded to state that:

“I fully understand that, but I did not refer to any allegations involving the Bethany Home. My letter referred to a former resident of that Home, Paul Graham … who claims that he was sexually abused by Thomas Passmore after he left the Home and had been adopted by Edith and William Graham who lived in Belfast. It is further claimed in the press that at the time of the alleged offences, Thomas Passmore worked in a ‘flower shop’ run by Paul Graham’s adopted mother. It should be clear from the foregoing that I was referring to sexual offences that (a) occurred after Paul Graham left Bethany House and (b) that the offences took place in Belfast.

‘What I attempted to highlight in my previous letter was that in my earlier submissions to you there exists credible evidence that, in the 1970s when Roy Garland was attempting to get the Orange Order to take action on his allegations relating to William McGrath’s activities, at least two of the most senior figures in the Orange Order had themselves, it is claimed, a track record of unlawful sexual activity. Clearly, if those allegations are true, there could have been a serious conflict of interest within the Orange Order leadership, and that could account for (but not justify) why the Orange Order appeared to be less than enthusiastic about dealing with Roy Garland’s allegations. Had Roy Garland’s allegations been acted upon at that time, it is likely that years of sexual abuse of children could have been avoided. The thrust of my previous letter was, therefore, to highlight just one of a number of possible reasons why no action was taken against William McGrath until 1980.

‘You will, of course, recall that Thomas Passmore was one of the individuals named in my 1973 press briefing document on McGrath and Tara as being “aware of” McGrath’s activities.

‘As a separate issue, I feel the PSNI should investigate Paul Graham’s allegations, if only to bring some form of closure to the issue. I accept, of course, that this is not part of your Inquiry’s remit”.


32 (a).  THE 1973 TARA PRESS BRIEFING (’73 TPB)

Hugh Mooney was a Trinity College Dublin graduate and ex-Irish Times sub-editor, who went to work for the Information Research Department (IRD), the UK’s black propaganda department. See

The IRD was attached to the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO).

Hugh Mooney

Hugh Mooney’s handwriting appears on the 1973 Tara press briefing (’73 TPB’) mentioned earlier in this article. It was prepared by the British Army at Lisburn NI, to brief journalists about Tara, a Loyalist paramilitary organisation led by William McGrath, the Housefather at Kincora. According to Hugh Mooney, the document was written by Mike Cunningham. It was furnished to Captain Colin Wallace, a British Army psychological operations (PSYOPS) officer at Lisburn.

At this time Wallace and the British Army were not aware that MI5 and MI6 were running a vile blackmail operation involving the rape of children at Kincora. This would generate a lot of trouble for Wallace later on when Ian Cameron of MI5 would derail his career with venal lies because Wallace was persisting in his attempts to end the child rape at Kincora.

Mooney left HQ NI at the end of 1973, so the Tara document must have been created before then.

Not everyone working in intelligence in NI swam in MI5’s river of filth. Peter Broderick, who was Wallace’s boss at British Army HQ NI in 1973 and 1974, was one such person. He instructed Wallace to disclose the information in ’73 TPB to journalists. Moreover, years later he had the integrity to state on public record that he had initialed it. He made this admission to two journalists, Paul Foot of The Daily Mirror and Private Eye, and Barry Penrose of The Sunday Times.

Another victim of a corrupt system: Lt. Colonel Adrian Peck and Peter Broderick. Broderick was later pushed out of the Ministry of Defence for telling the truth about Kincora to the media and for supporting Colin Wallace.

Wallace retained a copy of ‘73 TPB. It described how the ‘OC’ or Officer-in-Command of Tara was ‘William MCGRATH. He is a known homosexual who has conned many people into membership [of Tara] by threatening them with revealing homosexual activities which he himself initiated. He is a prominent figure in Unionist Party politics and in the Orange Order’.

Also that McGrath ‘uses a non-existent evangelical mission as a front for his homosexual activities and also runs a home for children on the 236 Upper Newtonards Road, Belfast (Tel: B’fast 657838)’.

Suffice it to say, this was address and telephone number of Kincora.

When Peter Broderick was given ‘73 TPB, he scrawled the words “Clerks IP” across the top of it. ‘IP’ stands for Information Policy, the unit Wallace worked for. In 1990 Broderick spoke frankly to the renowned journalist Paul Foot about the ’73 TPB document. On 8 February of that year, Foot reported in the Daily Mirror that, “This week, for the first time, Peter Broderick, Wallace’s boss at the time – 1974 – confirmed to me that he saw the document (The TARA press brief used by Wallace to highlight McGrath’s homosexuality and his role in running a children’s home) and wrote on it. ‘That is certainly my writing’, he told me. ‘I saw the document and approved it’.”

Peter Broderick also confirmed this to Barry Penrose of The Sunday Times on 11 February 1990.

‘73 TPB also bears the handwriting of Lt Colonel Adrian Peck, who was head of PSYOPS at HQNI in 1973 and early 1974, i.e. GSO1 Information Policy.

Broderick – a hero of this story – was pushed out of the MoD for telling the truth and supporting Colin Wallace.


A number of journalists have confirmed that they either saw ‘73 TPB or received a briefing from Wallace in 1973 about Tara based on the information that was contained in it.

Kevin Dowling of the Sunday Mirror was one of them. He gave the Hart Inquiry “a copy of a telex he had sent to his editor in 1973” as a result of information furnished to him by Wallace. The telex stated that “according to Mr. Wallace the CO [i.e. Commanding Officer] of Tara was William McGrath and a homosexual” and that ‘McGrath apparently uses a non-existent evangelical mission as a front to entice young Protestant men into homosexuality. Once in they are potential blackmail victims and soldiers of Tara’.

So, we have a string of journalists, Colin Wallace and Peter Broderick all confirming the authenticity of ‘73 TPB which bears the handwriting of no less a figure than Lt Col. Peck and also Hugh Mooney.

On 13 March 1977, The Sunday Times published an article entitled: ‘The Army’s Secret War in Northern Ireland’ by David Blundy. It reported that at a British Army briefing in 1974 ‘at which a Sunday Times reporter was present attempts were made to link Paisley with the Protestant para-military group called Tara, a small, obscure and ineffective group as Ulster’s para-military organisations go. The Sunday Times has a copy of an Army intelligence summary on Tara which contains accurate details about its organisation. .. One member, which the summary names, is called a ‘homosexual and has conned many people into membership by threatening them with revealing homosexual activities which he had initiated’.

David Blundy, another journalist who was not afraid to tell the truth. He was killed by a sniper aged 44 in 1989.


A man called Roy Garland had been involved in Tara but walked out in 1971. He then spent years trying to expose McGrath and Kincora and became another of the heroes of this appalling saga. He was one of those who told Capt. Brian Gemmell of British military intelligence about the scandal only for Ian Cameron of MI5 to shut down Gemmell’s inquiries. See Village March 2017.

A handwritten note appears on the 1973 Tara Press Briefing which refers to Garland and records that “he said he resigned” from Tara. These words were added in by Hugh Mooney and are entirely accurate.


The Hart Inquiry at least establishes that Hugh Mooney had known something about Kincora. At paragraph 6 of Hart Inquiry document KIN-200535 it is recorded that: “Mr. Mooney said [he] recalled one meeting referring to the Kincora Boys’ Home, but no reference to it as a homosexual honey-trap run by MI5. IP [PSYOPS] had only been interested in TARA the alleged Protestant paramilitary group.”

So what was the meeting about then? PSYOPS [psychological operations] officers did not convene to discuss the weather. Their operations were mainly directed at paramilitary groups such as Tara. Why would a PSYOPS meeting take place during the relentless murderous bedlam of 1973 with Kincora Boys’ Home on the agenda, if it did not relate to McGrath, TARA, sexual abuse, or all three of these topics?

One thing is certain: Hugh Mooney’s account of the PSYOPS meeting is at odds with the Hart Inquiry’s conclusion that Kincora was not referred to by name at Army HQ NI as early as 1973.


The words ‘Some off-the -cuff information on Tara for the Press’ appear at the top of ‘73 TPB. According to the Hart Inquiry (see KIN-190004 and KIN-190002), Hugh Mooney asserted that the handwriting was that of ‘Mike Cunningham’. Mike Cunningham was in fact John Cunningham. Mooney, it must be stressed, was not asked by Hart to give evidence to his inquiry. Instead, Hart relied on a number of documents which were furnished to him by the British Government which concerned Mooney.

For his part, Wallace was aware that Cunningham was indeed an MoD officer who had been assigned to the Army Intelligence staff at HQ NI in 1973/74.

Cunningham, it appears, later went on to join MI6.

There is no evidence that Cunningham was ever interviewed by the RUC, or that he provided a statement about ‘73 TPB to any of the many Kincora inquiries including the one led by the callous and deceitful Sir George Terry, Chief Constable of Sussex, a bent cop whose true legacy is that he protected child rapists and enabled them to commit countless further violation of vulnerable children in care. Judge Hart certainly deserves credit for exposing the lies of Terry in his 2017 report.

Although the Hart Inquiry did acquire a copy of the ‘73 TPB, there is no evidence that Hart asked Cunningham to provide him with any evidence about it.

Hugh Mooney

Assuming Mooney was correct about Cunningham, he is another of those who emerge from this abyss of lies and horror with credit: he tried to put a halt to the rape of children at Kincora through the production of the ‘73 TPB. Had he been asked to give evidence to Hart, he would have undoubtedly told the truth.

Bearing in mind that ‘73 TPB also bears Hugh Mooney’s annotation, it is most unfortunate that Hart did not speak to Mooney either. Mooney died in December 2017.

Hart did not have the advantage of talking to Broderick either who appears to have died before he would have had an opportunity to make contact with him had he wished so to do

Hart failed to realise the significance of ’73 TPB; moreover, failed to use it as a basis for concluding that the British State knew what was really afoot at Kincora i.e. the exploitation of the children at the home for intelligence purposes.


According to the Hart Report, Tara was of no significance to the Security Forces until 1974. Yet another document involving Hugh Mooney debunks this mistake.

Colin Wallace asked Gerald Bartlett of the Sunday Telegraph to see if he could find out anything about Tara. Village can reveal here for the first time that a memo headed “Tara” which was dated 19 October ,1973, was sent by Mooney to Ms. Judith Bunbury at the NIO after Bartlett interviewed members of Tara. Mooney’s memo states:

1. I understand that you have interest in this extremist Protestant organisation and I attach a recent proclamation.

2. This and the booklet by Clifford Smith (of which I attach a copy) were sent to PR by Gerald Bartlett of the Sunday Times (sic), who obtained it from Tara in the course of an interview that he had with the leaders recently. [Bartlett actually worked the Sunday Telegraph.]

3. Bartlett told Colin Wallace of PR that the Rev Ian Paisley is implicated with Tara, according to Tara leaders. The booklet is interesting since [Clifford] Smith is known to be close to Paisley and has given sermons in Paisley’s church.”

The memo was copied to Army Intelligence at Lisburn and reinforces the fact that the NIO, IRD and British Army Intelligence had, at the very least, an interest in Tara prior to October 1973, and that Wallace was encouraging the press to do likewise.


The disputed findings of the Hart Report are further undermined by a report in The Sunday Correspondent newspaper dated 18 March 1990. Kevin Toolis, one of the newspaper’s more accomplished reporters, secured an interview with “Hugh Mooney, a former Foreign Office ‘black propagandist’ expert who had worked in the same unit in Northern Ireland as Wallace.”. The report went on to say that, “Mooney also admitted that Mr Wallace had told him about the above sex scandal at the Kincora boys home in Belfast – casting further doubt on Government claims that the security forces had no knowledge of the long-running rape and buggery of children in care. ‘I do know he mentioned it. He was dropping it in and feeling his way. He kept pushing it. But I could never understand why. I thought it was totally irrelevant to our concerns. I did get the feeling he was pushing this’.

Kevin Toolis, the significance of his crucial interview with Hugh Mooney in The Sunday Correspondent was overlooked by the Hart Inquiry.

In the extremely unlikely situation that Hugh Mooney was somehow misquoted by the Sunday Correspondent, there is absolutely no evidence that he made any sort of a complaint to the newspaper about that.

Despite the extremely serious nature of what Mooney revealed to Toolis, neither the RUC, nor the Hart Report appear to have asked either man to make a formal statement about any of the issues raised here, nor provide them with any sort of evidence.


There is yet more. In the early 1990s the House of Commons Defence Committee investigated some of the claims made by Colin Wallace. Hugh Mooney was aware of what was going on and sent a letter dated 1 December 1992 to the “Information Department of the FCO. It read as follows

‘Dear Margaret,

‘Since talking to you about the House of Commons Defence Committee’s special report on Colin Wallace, I have had a chance to look at the documents and fear that the Ministry can be accused of misleading the Committee.

Paul Foot’s book on the framing of Colin Wallace.

‘In his letter dated 14 February, the clerk to the committee asked for a copy of a document relating to TARA reproduced on page 292 of Paul Foot’s [book] Who Framed Colin Wallace [i.e. the ‘73TPB’]. In reply, the private secretary said: .. “We have not been able to establish whether this is an official document.”

‘This is surprising since the MoD has identified the official who originated the document from his distinctive italic note which said “Some “off-the-cuff” information on TARA for the Press”. I myself recall passing the document to Wallace. Other manuscript notes on the page show that it was entered as page 45 of Information Policy file at Headquarters Northern Ireland. All of this is known to Wallace and his supporters, who can be expected to raise it. The MoD will be found to have lied and Wallace’s credibility will have been increased’.

A thorn in the side of the British Establishment, the late Paul Foot, a rare example of a British journalist who had the guts to take on MI5. He died in 2004 aged 66 of a heart attack.



Partners in crime: MI5 and the RUC Special Branch used Kincora Boys’ Home and other institutions to recruit agents inside Loyalist paramilitary groups.

The Hart Report did unearth some useful information. Directly and indirectly the Hart report establishes the following facts:

  1. MI6 lied to Sir Anthony Hart about its use of sexual blackmail;
  2. James Miller, an MI5 agent, told MI5 that William McGrath was assaulting “small boys” in 1972;
  3. In 1973 Colin Wallace warned the Sunday Mirror that McGrath was assaulting boys;
  4. An internal MI6 document revealed that Maurice Oldfield had a “friendship” with the “KBH Head”, presumably Joseph Mains;
  5. That in the mid-1970s a military intelligence officer drove a man from HQNI to Kincora one night where he stayed for an hour for an unknown reason and probably had a meeting with Mains and/or McGrath;
  6. That MI5 has acknowledged that it contemplated the sexual blackmail of a notorious murderer, John McKeague in 1976;
  7. That Brian Gemmell is exactly what he claims to be: a former intelligence officer who ran Loyalist agents and became aware of McGrath’s abuse of boys; that he reported this to Ian Cameron who was then one of the most senior MI5 officers in Northern Ireland; and that Ian Cameron (now deceased) by his own admission instructed Gemmell to abandon any further enquiries into McGrath’s homosexuality;
  8. That a group of MI6 officers was interested in penetrating Tara in 1977 but do not appear to have proceeded and certainly provided no documentation to the Hart Inquiry indicating that they did;
  9. The Report also reveals that a file which could have sparked a proper investigation into the Inquiry went missing in the RUC’s internal mail, or at least that is what was is alleged by the RUC. Hart does not believe that a file bearing the name of an assistant chief constable (ACC) could have gone missing . Whether the ACC it was destined for was told to mind his own business by MI5  or if the file truly disappeared, something untoward happened.
  10. That Sir George Terry of the Sussex Police, who conducted an inquiry into Kincora in 1982, lied in his report about having received co-operation from MI5.


Murderous, callous, corrupt and deeply evil: Sir Michael Hanley, Sir Howard Smith and Sir John Jones  of MI5. These men oversaw the sexual blackmail and exploitation operations in Northern Ireland from MI5’s HQ in London. They all served as director-general of MI5. They permitted the rape of children to gain an intelligence advantage in Ireland.  A string of ex-Kincora and Williamson House boys committed suicide as a result of their pernicious and callous disregard of human life. Many other lives were destroyed. Their successors at MI5 refuse to admit what they did and continue the torment of those who were abused in Ireland in the 1970s.  These men also implemented a policy of collusion with Loyalist murder gangs and shoot-to-kill units consisting of British soldiers. 

Throughout his report Hart provided logical reasons for his decisions and fair-minded people can make their own minds up by reading them. Unfortunately, the combination of the lies fed to him by the intelligence services, a string of missing documents, a pro-State bias and the unwillingness of a number of vital witnesses to cooperate, along with his failure to ask others such as Baker, Witchell, Imrie to talk to him, renders it unlikely his report will lay the Kincora scandal to rest.