4 July-August 
Issue 83
June-July 2024
Michel Smih
J Vivin Cooke
Lenny Rooney
Ashling Gormley
Boylns, Droghed,
Co Louh
Ormond Quy Publishing
 Ormond Quy Upper
Dublin 
Nationalism, a scourge
Brrett: Ntionlism wers old clothes
In light of comments received
after publication from Gript.ie
about our cover story in the last
edition, we acknowledge and
have changed in the online ver-
sion a number of minor
inaccuracies; we removed an
inaccurate reference to Gript
failing to apologise to Eamon
Ryan over the awarding of a
bicycle-hire contract, that Gript
had wrongly said was nepotis-
tic; and we deleted an
inaccurate statement that John
McGuirk had either mistakenly
or dishonestly claimed that Leo
Varadkar had intervened in the
asylum application of the Alge-
rian to whom Gript wrongly
attributed the Parnell Square
We also corrected the state-
ment: "47% of misinformation
and disinformation across a
range of hotbutton issues came
from just two alternative media
outlets, Gript and TheLiberal.
ie, with Gript receiving 30% of
all social-media shares" which
was based on a misreading of
the ISD report 'Uisce Faoi
Thalamh An Investigation Into
the Online Mis- and Disinfor-
mation Ecosystem in Ireland'
which actually states that 30%
of media shares, of any kind,
within what the ISD referred to
as "the mis and disinformation
ecosystem" comes from Gript.
Nationalism as a
policy is that it tells
you who governs
you (your Nation
through its government) not
how you are governed (what
your government’s policies
are). The problem with that is
that day-to-day government
aects people through the how not the who.
Nationalism doesn’t help with that.
Once you’ve got your independence, which is
certainly a big deal, Nationalism provides no
guide. It is politically self-erasing, vacuous.
Republicanism is no better in this respect than
Nationalism since it provides no guide once a coun-
try gets rid of its monarch or emperor, the primary
targets of Republicanism.
Nationalism allows left-wing and right-wing,
conservative, liberal, xenophobic; and indeed eve-
rything else, all at the same time.
In Ireland, Nationalism gave us the parties that
emerged from our independence from the UK.
That was bad enough. Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil
stand for little. While that has allowed them to
make a sort of incremental progress in policies that
has not been evident in many other countries, it
has also held them back from imaginative or radi-
cal policies, such as the ones this magazine
espouses and that this, now rich, country needs
and deserves.
It prevented them representing solidly and per
manently Socialism. Or equality and sustainability
and accountability. Or Quality of Life. Or indeed
anything else consistent this magazine — or
anyone else — considers good.
If a party is ideological in any way it can no
longer really claim to be primarily either National-
ist or Republican.
Rude as it may sound, for Village Nationalists
and Republicans are political sluts.
They’re missing the opportunity to choose a
transcendent ideas-based platform or ideology
that would drive their attitude to particular issues,
and optimise the lives of the citizenry. Of course
they can improvise one, but they are at a disadvan-
tage to those whose guiding ideology gives them
their clear platform.
Worse, the vacuums at the heart of Nationalism
and Republicanism create an opening for the dis
tortion of agendas by frailty, mediocrity,
inconsistency, vested interests and corruption.
That vacuum was filled in Ireland by the Church,
by the gombeens, by the mohair-suited property
speculators and the Galway tent.
Nationalism provided no bulwark.
In the last thirty years Sinn
in has become a major
nationalistic force in Irish pol-
itics. It seemed like it would
be socialist. But let’s be
clear: it no longer defines
itself as socialist, so it has
stopped being socialist.
It’s not really even clear
that for example on immigra-
tion, on hate legislation, on property tax, or on
economic and social policy in Northern Ireland, it
isn’t in part….conservative.
Sinn in fudged its policies on immigration, the
aspirational €300,000 Dublin house-price, re-run-
ning the care referendum, meeting Biden while he
funds the war in Gaza. It’s talking to Davys Stock
brokers and Johnny Ronan.
Nationalism has taken it in precisely the same
shifting, improvised direction Fianna Fáil and Fine
Gael have gone, and that’s before it’s even served
in government in the Republic.
Its Nationalism has been toxic for it. (It’s not
even advancing the United Ireland most of us ulti-
mately want for practical reasons since borders get
in the way. The best politics to unite Ireland is
patience, to wait for momentum and avoid a pre-
dictable Unionist backlash.)
It is therefore dicult to be sanguine about the
current rise of some individuals, and parties like
Independent Ireland and the Irish National Party,
that want to be more nationalistic (by which they
mean more anti-immigrant) than Sinn Féin and a
lot more anti-immigrant than Fianna Fáil and Fine
For Village they are all a regression. Sinn Féin
risks being Fianna Fáil for slow learners. The Anti-
Immigrant Nationalist parties risk being Sinn Féin
for slow learners.
They risk ignoring the lessons for faster learners
of 100 years since the formation of the Sation and
its first political parties. It’s not so much the new
forces keep stealing the clothes of the older ones
as that they all finish up wearing the old clothes.
Nationalism has held back Fianna Fáil and Fine
Gael, it has recently corrupted Sinn Féin. The nutty
right have it tightest now and are welcome to it.
Ideally its toxicity will ultimately alienate every-
body, leaving an isolated last man standing, the
Nazi-uniformed Justin Barrett.
We need a substantive politics. Just conceding
that is a start, a start that opens endless opportu
nities, of which Village’s agenda is just one, albeit
a rare coherent and progressive one!
Dump Nationalism. Equality of outcome, sus-
tainability and accountability is a full and fair
agenda, for all.


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