PB May-June  May-June  11With the new year came an onslaught of continuing anti-immigration protests around the country, often taking place at refugee reception centres in working class and rural areas. The vast Le Chéile march in Dublin on 18 February shows that most Irish people abhor racism but there is a lot to play for still. A Sunday Independent poll in February showed 56% think the country has taken in too many refugees over the last year.A recent article in the Irish Times was headlined ‘Ireland’s flirtation with liberalism may be coming to an end’ and a few weeks ago a Guardian piece opened: “After years of bucking the European trend an anti-immigration backlash has finally hit Ireland”. The protests over the past few months at East Wall over an asylum seeker accommodation centre have caused huge disruption in Dublin, with hundreds of protesters blocking the Port Tunnel on multiple occasions and promising to continue to do so until their demands are met. As recently as 3 April there were continuing reports of fighting.A violent incident where immigrants were allegedly beaten up in Ashtown in Dublin by locals with dogs, sticks and baseball bats sparked a wave of denialism and antagonism to Irish Times journalist, Kitty Holland, who stood by her story. Consistent protests against the arrival of refugees have taken place at an accommodation centre in Ballymun, with videos circulating widely on social media of crowds chanting “get them out”. Hundreds attended a protest in Dublin’s city centre in January, when feelings appeared to peak, with the anti-immigration protesters appearing to outnumber a pro-refugee counter-rally, a contingent of Garda present to separate the two sides. Trac was disrupted outside State broadcaster, RTÉ. The unrest has not been confined to Dublin, with similar demonstrations blocking trac in Fermoy, Co Cork and showing no signs of abating. The British far-right agitator, convicted criminal and self-described ‘journalist’, Tommy Robinson, clearly felt there was a niche for him in this country though recent reports are scarce.The people of East Wall, Ballymun, Fermoy and all over the country have a legitimate right to protest against successive government policy failures that have led to a record 11,000 people in emergency accommodation, and an on-going and worsening health care crisis, with record numbers of patients on trolleys in need of a hospital bed. Worrying reports emerged, however, of the apparent co-option of the asylum-seeker protests by far-right proponents of racist conspiracy theories, with the Social Democrats TD for Dublin Central Gary Gannon describing one protest as “a far-right rally” and the Lord Mayor of Dublin Caroline Conroy expressing concern about the orchestration of the various demonstrations by the far-right. Speaking at an Oireachtas Justice Committee meeting, Labour TD Aodhán Ó Ríordáin stated that he does not recognise Dublin any more and that “We are now in a massively dangerous moment where… we are at a crossroads. You have children at these protests.” He flagged the circulation of a (fabricated) ocial-looking leaflet with a Rialtas Dublin Central Gary Gannon described one protest as “a far-right rally” and Lord Mayor of Dublin Caroline Conroy expressing concern about the orchestration of demonstrations by the far-rightNEWSFar-right co-option of asylum-seeker protests highlights growing anti-minority sentiment in our societyBy Seána Glennonna hÉireann name and logo warning households to keep girls indoors after 6 o’clock due to the dangers posed by immigrant men. He suggested a campaign akin to some of the Covid information campaigns to counter misinformation in this context. Minister for Justice Simon Harris, addressing the same committee, called out those on the streets shouting “get them out” as an intimidating mob rather than protesters. He went on to note that he was “acutely attuned to some of the individuals behind these protests and some people who move from town to town and county to county trying to stoke up division”.However, the government recently stated it would accelerate decisions on international protection applicants, aording the International Protection Oce more sta and aiming for decisions on applications made by people from safe countries of origin to be made within three months, rather than 17 to 24 months, as currently. The government was warned about its use of language in this context by the Irish Refugee Council (IRC), following the Taoiseach’s February proposal of a “hard” policy on immigration. The IRC’s chief executive flagged the use of such terms as “false story” and “illegally coming to our country”, noting that people may be forced to travel “in illegal or irregular ways, including using a smuggler who may take a passport back o the person when travelling”. Leo Varadkar clarified that his reference to a “hard” policy related to human trackers rather than migrants, but acknowledged the importance of being “careful” with language in this respect. The ongoing controversies, temporarily sidelined by the public outcry against the end of the evictions embargo, coincide with a broader then gin…EMIGRATIONNATIONIMMIGRATIONNATIONbecomes 12 May-June  May-June  PBThe Criminal Justice (Incitement to Violence or Hatred and Hate Offences) Bill 2022 is currently before the Dáil aimed at combatting hate crime and hate speech but legislation alone is not enough to achieve cultural changetrend of rising far-right sentiment in Irish society, characterised by a hostility toward racial, ethnic and other minorities and a sense of nativism. The pandemic provided fertile ground for the spread of dangerous conspiracy theories, such as the white nationalist Great Replacement conspiracy – the false claim that white populations are being “replaced” and rendered “extinct” by non-white immigrants. The Irish Freedom Party has recently put an Irish twist on this conspiracy theory, equating the acceptance of those seeking asylum as the “new plantation of Ireland”. Infamous anti-immigration activist Derek Blighe recently registered a political party tellingly called Ireland First. The rise of the far-right was reflected throughout the period of lockdown in the large scale organised anti-mask protests in Dublin, some of which descended into violent clashes between protesters and Garda. The available data paint a worrying picture for minorities in Ireland. In 2021, the Garda reported that incidences of hate crimes had increased by an extraordinary 84% in the previous 12 months. In addition to the increased reports of hate-motivated crimes based on race and ethnicity, there appears to be an increasing hostility towards the LGBT+ community since the landmark same sex marriage referendum in 2015. The deteriorating situation has been flagged by Paula Fagan, the chief executive of LGBT Ireland, who has noted the huge under-reporting of violence and harassment. The murder of two men in Sligo, who had been targeted through an online dating app, and a spate of vicious homophobic attacks in the past year have caused widespread shock across the country. Data from LGBT Ireland’s helpline indicates a rise in both homophobic violence and general harassment. The Global Project Against Hate and Extremism has noted a trend of disparate and previously fringe anti-immigrant, anti-LGBT and anti-lockdown groups connecting with one another and amplifying each other’s rhetoric, in Ireland and many other countries. There is no doubt that Ireland is not alone in experiencing an uptick in anti-minority sentiment and indications of the organisation and coalescing of far-right groups. Events in the past few years such as Brexit, the election of Donald Trump, the January 6 Capitol riots in the US, Trump’s recent indictments, and the January 8 storming of government buildings in Brazil by far-right extremists following the country’s recent election have served to embolden those pushing this agenda. Elon Musk’s drive to dismantle content moderation on Twitter is another step towards normalising the public expression of extremist views. Musk, a self-proclaimed “free speech absolutist”, reinstated a host of Twitter accounts that had previously been banned for spreading misinformation and harassment, prompting the EU to threaten to ban the app in Europe if its standards on policing content are not brought up to scratch. Unlike many countries across Europe, Ireland does not have a well-established far-right political party, and the more socially conservative stances on rights issues such as LGBT+ rights and abortion have generally been represented by a smaller number of independent members of parliament. The years since the last general election have witnessed the seemingly inexorable rise of the left-wing and socially liberal Sinn Féin party. The question arises, however, as to whether the recent visible rise in intolerance towards minority groups is evidence of demand for a far-right populist representation in parliament. If this is the case, we will need to come to terms with what this could mean in the future for hard-won progressive gains that have been achieved in recent years. At a time when the world watches women and men of all ages putting their lives on the line in Iran to protest for the most basic freedoms, we should never take for granted the constitutionally protected right of free assembly. It is becoming clear, however, that the apparently isolated incidents of intolerance towards minority groups in the past few years are not so isolated anymore and may be reflective of a trend of organised far-right action. New legislation – the Criminal Justice (Incitement to Violence or Hatred and Hate Oences) Bill 2022 – is currently before the Dáil aimed at combatting hate crime and hate speech. While this is a positive step, legislation alone is not enough to achieve cultural change. We need to take a closer look at why this is happening, and what we can do about it, beginning with listening to the warnings of those most at risk from a far-right turn. Seána Glennon is a lawyer and PhD candidate at the Sutherland School of Law, UCD. She is currently a visiting scholar at Osgoode Hall Law School, York University, Toronto, Canada.n Dublin Region (226)n Eastern Region (69)n North Western Region (70)n Southern Region (83)REGIONAL INCIDENTS BREAKDOWNn Race (212)n Sexual orientation (73)n Nationality(67)n Religion (34)n Ethnicity (31)n Colour (30)n Gender (17)n Disability & Age (19)DISCRIMINATORY MOTIVES **An incident may have more than one motiveHATE CRIME AND HATE RELATED INCIDENTSn Hate Crime n Hate related (Non-Crime) 1501209060300Q1 2021 Q2 2021 Q3 2021 Q4 202112010080604020092951129020 17 189TOP CRIME INCIDENT TYPES (COUNT>10)Public Order OffencesAssault MinorCriminal Damage (Not by fire)Assault Causing HarmMenacing Phone CallsMurder ThreatsProhibition Incitement Sec.21357142332917 17Information on hate crimes in Ireland from Garda PULSE system, correct as of July 2022