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The Anglo-Irish Vice Ring. Chapters 4 – 7.



Richard Kerr is the key figure in a full appreciation of the magnitude of the scandal. His horrific experience joins the dots between all of the key figures and developments involved in it.

One of the important points to arise from his story is the role played by Joseph Mains. While the attention of the media has fallen on McGrath, Mains was actually as important – if not more important – in terms of MI5 and MI6 activities for who he worked. Mains was run directly by Sir Maurice Oldfield, the Chief of MI6 in the 1970s. Oldfield retired as Chief in 1978 but was sent to Northern Ireland the following year as the supreme controller of all intelligence operations.

Kerr was born on 12 May 1961, and lived with his family off the Botanic Gardens in Belfast until he was placed into care at Williamson House in North Belfast on 16 December, 1966. Williamson House catered for Catholic and Protestant children. Kerr was abused by Eric Witchell from the age of 8, starting one night after Witchell visited his bed.

“I was on my side, I had a teddy bear. I was biting into that while he had his hand down my backside and fumbled around”. Full rape commenced later. Years later, Witchell was jailed for abusing other boys at Williamson House.

Kerr has informed Village that Witchell became the head of Williamson House “for the Catholics’ side in early 1975 while I was there. Before that he was visiting it and from my memory he was working part-time. He was living in Liverpool at a church, but had his own place in Belfast that he would go to when he would visit Williamson House”. Witchell, he adds, arranged “for me to meet him in the Liverpool at a church; then he abused me there. I was still in care, living in Belfast. But please realise there were others who came to Williamson House who abused us”. One of the “others” who abused the children from Williamson House was Dr Morris Fraser. Both Witchell and Fraser are alive and there is no sign yet that either of them will ever be prosecuted by the PSNI for the abuse of Kerr.

“My school records from Mount Vernon”, Kerr has also told Village, “were destroyed because it contained information indicating that I was being abused at Williamson House. The staff at the school suspected I was being abused but, when asked, I would not answer their questions because I was afraid of my abusers”.


In 1975 Kerr was sent to Kincora. He was only 14 and became its youngest resident. He was forced to have sex with Joseph Mains, the Warden of Kincora, in the shed at the back of the home which “had a chair and a mattress in it, that’s about all”, and in a hotel and a guesthouse. Witchell continued to abuse him. “Eric was a good friend of Mains” and they were often on the phone together. “Eric would call Mains and I would speak to him on the phone when I was in Kincora and [he would ask] me to come over to Williamson House; then he would abuse me. His room was on the top floor”. Kerr had no choice but to submit to Witchell if he wanted to see his sister at Williamson House.

At the age of 15 Kerr was taken to the Whip and Saddle bar at the Europa Hotel by Mains and others who supplied him to men staying at the hotel.

The deeply flawed conclusion of the 2017 Hart Report was that abuse at Kincora was an isolated aberration limited to a handful of miscreants on its staff. Significantly, while Kerr was at Kincora, he was spirited out of Ireland to Manchester, London and elsewhere. He has supplied Village with a photograph taken of him aged 16 in London. This photograph alone sinks the central finding of the Hart Report.

Witchell introduced him to two men who exploited him in Manchester. Abuse took place at the Rembrandt Hotel and elsewhere. The two men “had other boys living with them. They took photographs of us tied up with our clothes off to put in boys’ magazines. They said they were sending some to Amsterdam”.


In June 1977, when he was 16, Joe Mains secured a job for Kerr at the Europa Hotel. He was rostered to work in the “late evening”. This was an excuse to make him available to abusers, many of whom congregated at the Whip and Saddle bar.

Harper Brown, the manager of the Europa Hotel, 1971-84, was a “very, very good friend” of Mains’ and Kerr has no doubt he “knew what was going on there”. Kerr’s employment lasted until October 1977.

“I met Englishmen and Americans at the Europa Hotel where I was abused. Some of these men arranged for me to meet them in England. I was also taken to Larne many times where I was abused at the Harbour Inn Hotel. I was also transported to Scotland from Larne and taken to the North of England and London. This happened quite a bit. I was taken there many times by men who were in the Orange Order. They would come up to Kincora. Two of these men did not abuse me but would take me to meet men that did”. Kerr knew they were Orangemen from discussions with Mains. “When I was in Mains’ room in the late evening and he was drinking he would tell me about his membership in the B Specials, and also about the men he knew in the Orange Order. I met one of these men before Kincora and I met the other two when they came to Kincora. They would take me out to places and they would become intoxicated and would have conversations about the Orange Order. I remember one of them said that he was a member of the club behind the West Circular Road. Mains would write down a false address of where I had been to cover-up where they would take me”.


In 1980 MI5 (which is attached to the British Home Office) carried out an inquiry into the conduct of the former Chief of MI6, Sir Maurice Oldfield, 1973-78. MI6 is attached to the Foreign Office. This happened because Oldfield had been caught lying about his homosexuality. Oldfield was also an abuser of ‘rent boys’, underage male prostitutes. MI6 reviewed their files relating to the matter in 2011. According to the Hart Report, “Officer G” of MI6 “examined four ring binders with material relating to Sir Maurice Oldfield, including the 1980 MI5 investigation”.

Officer G proceeded to describe a “relationship” Oldfield had “had with Kincora boys’ home (KBH) in Belfast”. Oldfield was linked to Kincora “through his friendship with the KBH Head”. Hart concluded that this was not evidence of MI6 involvement in Kincora because Officer G had made a mistake and was apparently merely referring to allegations about a relationship. However, neither MI6 nor the Hart Report quoted a single contemporaneous report alleging a friendship between Oldfield and Joseph Mains, the only man who fits the description of “KBH Head”. Indeed, Village can find no trace anywhere of such a report, nor one about a friendship with any of the other staff members at Kincora.


There is an error at paragraph 607 of Chapter 29 of the Hart Report which was published in 2017 where it is stated that: “As we have explained, Richard Kerr has alleged that he was sexually abused by Sir Maurice Oldfield”. This is not accurate. Indeed, at paragraph 159 of Chapter 26 of the Report, the following appears: “Kerr did not know at the time who Oldfield was, he says, and does not suggest that he abused Kincora boys”.


Kerr came to the attention of the police in October 1977 over an incident involving a car. He had been in the company of some older men who had left it behind, possibly after it had suffered damage to a bumper. After they departed, Kerr was picked up by the RUC. An investigation into the events of that night threatened to unravel the vice ring. “I was taken to the police station in October 1977. They allowed me to privately speak to Joseph Mains but the police officers were not in the same room. Joseph Mains told me as long as I kept my mouth quiet about what was going on, he would get me out of the situation I was in. There was a statement that was meant to be signed; I could not read so if I signed the statement, I did not know what I was signing. Joseph Mains ended up signing the statement as well”.

The statement Kerr signed made him appear a full year older than he was. Mains knew Kerr’s date of birth perfectly well, as of course did Kerr. Kerr believes “they were trying to cover-up by saying I was the driver of the car but it was actually the older men. I was 16, and back then you could only drive when you were 17”.


Two of Richard Kerr’s social workers became aware of what was going on and tried to get the authorities in Belfast to intervene but they met a blank wall because of abusers like Joshua Cardwell. He was Chairman of Belfast Corporation’s Welfare Committee which was responsible for Kincora. He was also a friend of Mains. Another key figure was Belfast Town Solicitor, John A Young, a legal official who helped suppress the scandal.

Kerr knew Cardwell as “Joseph” Cardwell and recalls that he wore a “funny” hat and drove a blue minivan. He does not believe that he “owned the minivan but one was provided for him and others as transportation for outings out of Kincora”. Cardwell took his victims to the Adelphi Hotel in Portrush. Kerr recalls the “evening bar” was “down the stairs back then”. He was plied with alcohol by abusers, there.

Cardwell committed suicide in March 1982 after being interviewed by the RUC about Kincora.


Although there is an entire chapter on John Dunlop McKeague later in this report, his relationship with Kerr will be addressed at this juncture.

The Park Avenue Hotel was another venue of abuse for Kerr. Mains “went there a lot”, according to Kerr. RUC men frequented it too, he recalls. Significantly, Kerr has revealed that “John McKeague and other men” were patrons too. McKeague’s group would occupy the “red seats in the bar area”. Kerr would be sent to a room to await abuse.

Over time McKeague became a sadistic sectarian serial killer, with a penchant for torturing victims before finishing them off.

McKeague would become close to another UVF man, Lenny Murphy, who later achieved infamy as the leader of the Shankill Butchers.

All of this violence was evident in the brutality he meted out to his rape victims.


Richard Kerr was used as bait in paedophile ‘honeytrap’ operations. One of them went badly wrong. Kerr was taken to a hotel. “There was a fight [between two men]. We were outside [the hotel]…Two cars came up to the front of the hotel. I was directed away from the two guys. Those two guys were put into a car. I was put into another car with three men. I was sitting right in the middle. One was to my right. One was to my left and then you have the driver and then they took off. They brought me back to Kincora by the side door. Mr Mains knew about this because he had [received] a telephone call. He knew that I was coming back. I knocked on the door and Mr Mains opened up. He told me to go to my room and he said not to say anything”.

The side door to Kincora

Two of Kerr’s close friends and fellow victims were to die young. One of them, Stephen Waring, couldn’t take any more of the brutality and horror, and committed suicide in 1977 by jumping into the sea during a trip on the Liverpool-Belfast Monarch Ferry. There were other victims who died.


In 1977 Richard Kerr was driven by Joe Mains, the Warden of Kincora, and Raymond Semple, a member of the staff at Kincora, to the Whip and Saddle bar at the Europa Hotel in Belfast. Kerr was familiar with the Europa where he had been abused since he was 14 years of age. One of his abusers at the hotel was Enoch Powell MP. On this particular occasion Kerr was introduced to some Americans in the bar. One of them did not give his correct name but was in fact Roy Cohn, perhaps the most famous US lawyer of the second half of the twentieth century and the mentor of the youthful tyro Donald Trump.

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He was there with two other Americans, Fred Ferguson and Daniel S.

Daniel S’ father owned a company in Wichita Falls, Texas, which supplied parts to the oil industry.

The encounter at the Europa has all the appearances of a sleazy appraisal by Cohn and Ferguson to see if the young Irish teenager whetted their sexual appetites. He was 15 or perhaps had just turned 16 having been born in May 1961. According to Kerr, “nothing happened with [Cohn] at the Europa hotel”.

The plan for Cohn and Ferguson at this time was to visit Venice two weeks later and they sought a compliant teenage boy for sex. Kerr clearly passed the test and arrangements were made for him to join them and Daniel S. on their trip.

Two weeks later Mains ordered Kerr to take a ferry to Liverpool – presumably on the ‘Ulster Monarch’ – where Ferguson and Daniel S were waiting for him. They took a train to London. Ferguson left Kerr with Daniel S who took him to the Bonaparte restaurant at the Napoleon Club, on Lanchashire Place in London. Kerr was kept in London overnight or perhaps two nights at a guesthouse.

The traffickers were now joined by two vice-ring enforcers: Mike Anderson, from Manchester and Stephen Jackson.

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Ferguson re-joined the group which ultimately consisted of Kerr, Ferguson, Daniel S, Anderson and Jackson. They headed to the coast by train, presumably to Dover from where it crossed the Channel by ship. After that, “I was put on another train and [we] went through Europe then I ended up in Venice”.

Despite the fact the trafficking of Kerr across Britain and Europe and back again involved four adult males, Judge Hart denied the existence of a vice ring of any sort in his execrable 2017 report on Kincora.

Cohn was waiting for Kerr in Venice at the world-renowned Gritti Palace Hotel, at a glass table. Richard Kerr was struck by the marble floor and majestic pillars close to the ballroom. Cohn “didn’t talk too much [and] just took me up to the room and we had an encounter”. He learned his correct name later. “I believe that I was there three or four days”.

Ferguson also abused Kerr in Venice.

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Kerr was not taken to see any of the sights of the city by the Americans. They had only one purpose in mind for him: sexual abuse.

The two British enforcers were present to make sure he did not cause any trouble i.e. he did not run away, talk to strangers or go to the police.

Presumably, the two British enforcers were also brought along to coerce Kerr with physical violence if he refused to submit to Cohn and Ferguson’s sexual demands. However, Kerr had become conditioned to sexual abuse over the previous seven years. He had first been raped in the night while he clutched a child’s toy in his bed in Williamson House.

Kerr was also abused by a string of terrifying and violent men. Foremost among them was John McKeague, the notorious UVF/Red Hand Commando terrorist and serial killer. McKeague was a friend of Mains and a sadistic sexual abuser. Details about him can be found at chapter 8 of the ‘Anglo-Irish Vice Ring’ online book. Please see:

Kerr had also been bullied by older boys at Kincora.

In the event violence was not necessary to force him submit to the demands of Cohn and Ferguson and he was subjected to days of incessant rape whenever the whim took the Americans.

The sex was clearly satisfactory for both men. At the end of the visit, Cohn said to him, “I’d be open to seeing you again”.

Ferguson would become a significant figure in Richard Kerr’s life after he left Northern Ireland and went to live in London for a few years before relocating again to Texas.


During the trip to Venice in 1977, Kerr was taken through Switzerland where the travelling party stopped over for approximately four hours. It appears the break occurred at Geneva although that is not certain. A photograph taken during the stop in Switzerland is reproduced below. Richard is crouched on the banks of a lake, perhaps part of Lake Geneva.

Unfortunately, the destination names on the sign on the lamp are not legible, at least not in this copy of the photograph. It is possible a reader of this will recognise the location.

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The mere fact of the trip to Venice establishes that a string of official reports into the Kincora scandal can now be discounted, namely {i} Terry Inquiry (failed due to deceit); {ii} Hughes Inquiry (the terms of reference were secretly neutered by Thatcher’s NI Secretary James Prior); {iii} the Hart Inquiry/HIA (led by a biased and gullible judge who was out of his depth and lacked attention to detail); and now {iv} the sterile Jay/IICSA farce (ongoing but with an inexplicable lack of interest in examining evidence relevant to its terms of reference.) None of these futile probes talked to Richard Kerr or other key witnesses.


Kerr would suffer further abuse outside of Northern Ireland.

The notorious paedophile, Sir Cyril Smith MP, was one of those who abused Kerr in Manchester.

In London he was abused at the Philbeach Hotel in Earl’s Court; raped at Dolphin Square; and brought to Elm Guest House (EGH) which was frequented by Cyril Smith, Jimmy Savile and others. He was abused by a barrister at EGH.

Some of Kerr’s abuse in Britain took place before he left Kincora and moved to live in England.

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Yet, if you were to read the error-strewn Hart Report, you would be led to believe that Kerr was in Kincora throughout 1975-1977 and never set foot in Britain, let alone Venice. In this regard the reader is directed to the photograph of Kerr in front of Westminster, London which was also taken while he was meant to have been in care across the Irish Sea in Belfast.

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The Westminster picture was broadcast on television before Hart produced his report. He simply ignored it as it did not suit his agenda, i.e. that the only abuse suffered by Kincora boys was that perpetrated at the home by the three staff members.

The black and white photograph above was also taken in London by one of Kerr’s abusers, a political figure still well known to the public in Britain.


There is a strong possibility that Roy Cohn was put in contact with Joe Mains, the Warden of Kincora, or at least told about the children available at the home, by Dr Morris Fraser, a member of a number of paedophile rings including at least one in New York (see chapter 17.)

In addition, Cohn may have known about the existence of the abuse network in Northern Ireland though his connections to the intelligence services (discussed in Chapter 25.) A third possibility is that his friend Fred Ferguson heard about the boys available in Belfast from a member of the Anglo-Irish vice ring in London and organised the trip to Belfast.

Cohn, who died from AIDS in 1986, was a figure of enormous notoriety during his life. His story had become of great interest to the public again due to a number of developments: {i} the election of Donald Trump as President of the US in 2016, {ii} a recent Netflix Original documentary, ‘Where’s My Roy Cohn?’, {iii} the documentary; ‘Bully. Coward. Victim’, and {iv} perhaps most sinister of all, his links to the Jeffrey Epstein-Ghislaine Maxwell scandal.

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Cohn was a ruthless and amoral lawyer. He graduated from Law School at the age of 20. He was involved in the prosecution of the nuclear spies, Ethel and Julian Rosenberg. After they were convicted, he requested the Court to hand down a death sentence. They were both electrocuted. One of his ploys had been to prosecute Ethel Rosenberg although he knew she was innocent of espionage. He gambled that he could use her life as a bargaining chip to get her husband to spill the beans on others who were involved in his actions. Cohn knew full well that Ethel Rosenberg was not a Russian spy.

In other words, a perfectly innocent woman was electrocuted due to his machinations. It has since emerged that Cohn also deployed forged documents, perjury and other perversions of justice to secure her false conviction.

Cohn also worked with J. Edgar Hoover at the FBI and was recommended by him to join Senator Joseph McCarthy’s Senate subcommittee where he participated in aggressive witch hunts of left-wing activists and homosexuals. Indeed, throughout his life, Cohn opposed all civil rights reforms in the area of homosexuality.

 After his stint with McCarthy ended in ridicule over his behaviour when his boyfriend was conscripted into the US Army, Cohn established a lucrative private legal career in his hometown of New York. There, he acted for Donald Trump. Cohn is on record as having described Trump as “a genius”. At one point, he wanted him to become America’s lead nuclear-arms negotiator with the Soviet Union. Many of his aggressive tactics can be discerned in Trump’s presidential modus operandi. Cohn was also a supporter of Republican leaders such as the future president Ronald Reagan.

Cohn was the lawyer of choice for the Mafia and drug cartels operating in North America. His links to the Mafia enabled Donald Trump to construct Trump Tower out of poured concrete as opposed to building a metal-based structure. Many of Trump’s competitors did not use poured concrete because the industry was controlled by the organised crime. Yet, in this instance, Cohn’s links to the gangsters enabled Trump to conclude an affordable deal with them.

Cohn denied during television interviews that he was suffering from AIDS and continued to enjoy the company of his lovers.

The two documentaries mentioned earlier are well worth watching to glean an understanding of the man. In the sequence about his sexual habits in ‘Where’s My Roy Cohen’, it is revealed that there “were rumours that he was picking up male prostitutes all around [New York] city”.

The documentary was released in 2019. Richard Kerr told Village  about his experience with Cohn long before this documentary aired.


Kerr has told Village how, “detectives from the RUC also interviewed me in January of 1980 [after the Kincora scandal erupted] in Preston, Lancanshire. I was taken out of the place and threatened when they got me to the police station. Because of their threats I was scared to tell them anything. I kept my mouth shut knowing that the abusers I met were still in contact with me, and the police put me in a cell and made me feel that I was responsible for what happened as if I was the guilty person”.


Kerr later moved to London where other detectives – this time not from the RUC – visited his home, “and did the same thing. They intimidated me and wanted me to not speak any more about what happened. So you can understand why I was scared because they always tried to make me feel I was responsible. I knew too much about what was going on, and the people that were involved – who I became afraid of”.

By this stage in his life Richard had come to see his abusers as ‘sharks’ and ‘dolphins’. He had abandoned any hope of a normal life and now resolved that, having been thrown into the water, he was going to swim with the ‘dolphins’ rather than the sharks. It is a sad indictment on the world in which he existed that he viewed Ferguson in a benevolent light, a ‘dolphin’.

Clarence Fred Ferguson is the man in the photographs above and below. The one below was taken in Venice during Richard Kerr’s 1977 trip to the city.

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He was born in March 1926 so was 51 at the time of the trip to Venice. He went to Breckenridge High School in Texas and later served in the US Army. He obtained a qualification as a chemical engineer from Texas Tech University. In 1952 he went to work for Marathon Oil Company and relocated to Houston, Michigan, Ohio and Alaska. After the became Marathon’s UK Engineering Manager he resided in London.

Again, perhaps some readers will know more about his private life especially his friendship with Cohn and his relationship with figures in the Conservative and Labour parties during his time in the UK in the 1970s to 1990s including whether he made donations to them on behalf of Marathon Oil.

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This is another photograph from the trip taken from roughly the same angle at which the photo of Ferguson was taken.

In the 1980s Ferguson set Kerr up in a flat in London at 44 Baker Street. For the avoidance of confusion, this was after Kerr had left Kincora and was living in London.

Kerr also met Roy Cohn again in London. On one occasion he was impressed by a jacket Cohn was wearing. Cohn purchased him a cashmere version of it as a gift from an Austin Reid outlet near the Piccadilly Hotel in London. Kerr has identified the jacket Cohn wore – or one just like it – from a photograph of Cohn which is available on the internet.

In London, Kerr secured work as a “bell hop” at the Cumberland Hotel near Marble Arch in London. As the pressure built up around the Kincora scandal in the early 1980s, the people behind the cover-up adopted a policy of carrot and stick to contain Kerr. By way of carrot, his financial security was assured: he was able to afford to live in Flat Number 1, 44 Baker St, around the corner from Oxford Street with the help of Fred Ferguson. Kerr has furnished Village with documentation which confirms he lived there. There was no conceivable way a teenage “bell hop” from Belfast could have afforded such a desirable residence without considerable financial assistance.

By way of stick, the intimidation continued: a group of men came to his flat at 44 Baker St. Some were in police uniform, others in civilian clothing. They knocked him to the ground, told him that they were from the British “Secret Service” and that he was to keep quiet about what he knew or they would arrest him as a ‘terrorist’.

The hard-cop-soft-cop routine was also deployed: the next day he received an apology for the rough treatment he had experienced.


While Kerr was living in London, he continued to suffer abuse. At the time he was a teenager, but it mattered little to the abusers that he had been groomed, brutalised and desensitised since the age of eight.

Piccadilly Circus


Sir Peter Hayman, KCMG, CVO, MBE was another of Richard Kerr’s abusers. Hayman rose to become High Commissioner to Canada and also worked for MI6. According to a slew of reports, he served as MI6’s Deputy Chief for a spell. He was also a member of the notorious Paedophile Information Network. (Hayman’s connections to PIE will be discussed later in this article.)


AS the 1970s drew to a close, Kerr’s social workers – who are still alive – were furnishing details about the abuse at Kincora to Peter McKenna of the Irish Independent. It took a while but he eventually exposed the scandal in January 1980.

At the time Kerr was living in London.

After the Kincora story broke, Kerr was visited at the Cumberland Hotel by Ian Paisley, an incident described elsewhere in this book.


Fred Ferguson retired in 1986 and returned to Texas. Richard also moved at around this time. He decided he wanted to go to having watched episodes of the TV soap opera ‘Dallas’, especially the scenes where the Ewings raised horses. CRoy ohn helped make the arrangements for his relocation. Cohn advised Fred Ferguson to secure the help of the law office of Richard S. Goldstein, a New York immigration specialist. Goldstein and his associates were professionals who had no connection to any of the wrongdoing described in this article and were merely providing an expert service in a perfectly proper manner.

Kerr was flown from London to New York City for two weeks to take care of the necessary paperwork.

A member of Margaret Thatcher’s cabinet, Leon Brittan, was directly involved in helping Kerr obtain documentation to go to the US.

After New York, Kerr returned to London where he was instructed to meet someone at the back of the American Embassy. He then received his immigration papers at the US embassy in London.

Kerr went to live in Dallas. Ferguson and Daniel S became fixtures in Richard’s life. Richard was with Daniel S when he died at the Royal Hospital in Dallas. He never married.

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Much of the truth about the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring – and its overlap with US paedophile networks – could have been established by Judge Hart if he had seen fit to talk to Fraser, Witchell, the ‘Sadist’ MP and the ‘Wife Beater’. Regrettably, he neglected to do so. Instead, he used his report to vilify a string of whistle blowers and sex abuse victims.

Fraser and the others mentioned above are still alive. Professor Jay of the IICSA appears to have no interest in talking to them either. Overall, she appears to have little or no appreciation of the existence of a VIP Anglo-Irish Vice Ring, let alone its exploitation by the intelligence services of the UK despite a mountain of available evidence. All of the material referred to above, most particularly the photographs and financial statements, could have been made available to her. Sadly, there is now no prospect she will develop any interest in it the extraordinarily relevant and crucial evidence which Richard Kerr could provide to her about a VIP abuse network which included Roy Cohn, Enoch Powell MP, Eric Witchell, a senior member of the DUP (the ‘Wife Beater’) other MPs including a member of Thatcher’s cabinet and the terrorist John McKeague. [For the avoidance of any suspicion: the Cabinet minister was not Leon Brittan. Kerr has never made an allegation of sexual misconduct against him rather that he assisted him obtain travel documentation when Cohn and Ferguson were relocating him to the US.]

Had Professor Jay engaged in the inquiry process in an appropriate manner, she would have been provided with financial statements showing the staggering level of funding which was put Kerr’s way by Ferguson, perhaps with contributions from other members of the vice ring after he went to Dallas. Ferguson also bought him a house and started transferring considerable sums of money into his bank account, perhaps with contributions from other memebers of the vice ring. The sums dispersed were truly jaw dropping. Unfortunately, Kerr and his friends gambled virtually all of it away. Still, the records of the transfers and deposits exist.

Ferguson continued to fund Kerr up to his death in Texas on 26 August, 1995. All of this is traceable.

Ferguson died a batchelor.

In summary, a boy in care was trafficked by a wealthy man who was undoubtedly well known to the most senior politicians and officials in London; a man who along with Cohn had trafficked the boy to Venice for sexual abuse; a man who later financed the boy’s life. Yet, none of this is of interest to Professor Jay whose remit is specifically to ascertain if there was a VIP child abuse ring with links to Westminster. Her apathy is staggering when viewed in light of the available evidence.

The material she has so far produced relating to VIP sex abuse and Westminster is lacking in insight, detail or serious analysis.

Outlined below are a sample of the financial statements that could have been furnished to her inquiry for analysis by forensic accounts:

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Ferguson was a wealthy man who never married or had children. He was employed at a senior level by Marathon Oil for most of his adult working life and accrued a large amount of stock in it. The company is still in existence. Its revenue in 2019 was 5.063 billion dollars; 5.902 in 2018. Ferguson was clearly a wealthy man but just how wealthy? In Texas he gave Richard Kerr staggering sums in the region of $1,169,233 and $1,432,064 among other donations. Was he that rich or did others contribute? It is quite likely that Ferguson was joined by other wealthy figures who wanted to get Kerr out of the UK and were prepared to finance a new life for him. At the time panic was rising inside the British Establishment over Kincora, especially at MI5 and Buckingham Palace. The threat to the Palace was acute: journalists in Dublin were inquiring into Lord Mountbatten’s role in the affair with the whistleblower Robin Bryans and would eventually name Mountbatten in ‘Now’ magazine as a member of the Anglo-Irish rape gang. Richard Kerr, for one, certainly believes there was a group who financed his life in the US becasue of a fear he would talk in public about what he knew about Kincora and all of the various vice rings which overlapped with it.

Patrick Walker

Kerr was also lucky that he was not murdered. Although the serial killing Loyalist terrorist John McKeague was dead, there were others who could have carried out the task. MI5 would have had no compuction in murdering him: in 1989 while Patrick Walker was D-G of MI5, his subordinates murdered a perfectly respectable solicitor called Patrick Finucane. So why didn’t MI5 order the murder of Kerr? Perhaps by this time Kerr had encountered too many VIPs and an inquiry into his death would have resulted in too much unease among a group of MPs, cabinet ministers and other VIPs who knew him. It may also be the case that if Richard’s murder was mooted, Ferguson or someone else might have opposed the initative. (In so far as MI5’s murder capacity is concerned, please see:

Patrick Walker, who served as D-G of MI5, 1988-92, is still alive. Professor Jay of the IICSA could call him before her inquiry if she wants to get to the truth about these deplorable scandals. Walker knows both chapter and verse. Sadly, the chance of this happening is next to zero.

Looking back on his life now, Richard believes he was in effect held hostage by these men for deades of his life.

There is a lot more to the story of Fred Ferguson and certain other figures – victims and abusers – that cannot yet be told but may be one day.


Cohn once admitted that he would do anything to ensure his clients prevailed in their legal battles. “There isn’t anything I would not do because I believe there is only one answer in an adversarial profession like law and that is winning”. 

The gangster Joseph Bonnano was one of Cohn’s clients. His son Bill told a US TV documentary in 1996 that Cohn had incriminating pictures of FBI boss Edgar J. Hoover in a dress which he used to blackmail him and prevent federal investigations of his clients. While the allegation about the photograph of Hoover in the dress has gained a wide traction, it sounds fanciful but there may be an element of truth to the story, namely that Hoover – who was almost certainly gay – may have been subjected to blackmail by the Mafia and Cohn, inter-alia, over his relationship with his boyfirend Clyde Tolson.

James Angleton, a towering figure at the CIA, was also reputed to have had blackmail material about Hoover.

What is absolutely certain is that Hoover failed to deploy the FBI against organised crime refusing to believe it existed. He may have been the only person in law enforcement at the time who held this view.

Eventually Cohn went too far and was disbarred from acting as an attorney as a result of fraud and theft from his clients.

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He continued to deny his homosexuality. He was also dying of AIDS.

After all this his so-called friends including Trump deserted him.    

Trump, however, let another child abuser with political and ‘intelligence’ connections into his life, Jeffrey Epstein.


For a while Richard Kerr co-operated with the Hart Inquiry to which he was a central witness. However, in the end he withdrew. His solicitors KRW Law said: “The State bodies/agencies that are Core Participants to the inquiry appear to have been provided with bundles of documents of up to 16,000 pages. In contrast, Mr Kerr was provided with around 740 pages.

“It is not clear why the inquiry wish to conceal these documents from Mr Kerr or his legal representatives. In the context of an inquiry that is investigating allegations that the British security forces and security services knew that abuse was and would be perpetrated on the children in Kincora and covered this up, this is inherently unreasonable”.

Richard Kerr now lives in Dallas where he has made many enduring friends and has received support, counselling and encouragement from a variety of kind and generous people all of whom he values enormously including Casey Gates. Nonetheless, he is angry at his former abusers, and the mind games they played with him as a child. He has benefited from years of counselling and is now determined to tell his story. Above all else he wants to achieve “a little justice” for those who died, especially Stephen Waring. He has a lot more to reveal. What appears in these pages is merely the beginning.



At least one boy from the North was trafficked to the Republic. He is referred to in the tepid Kincora report furnished by Judge William Hughes in 1986 who described him as Resident 18 (R18).

R18, an orphan, was born in May 1962.  He was adopted but his placement was unsuccessful and he was taken back into care. At some stage in either 1973 or 1974, when he was still 11, he was taken to Dublin to be abused. The Hughes report did not identify who trafficked him, nor who abused him. All it revealed was that he was forced to perform oral sex on a man in a Dublin cinema toilet.

In 1977 R18 was sent to Kincora where he caught William McGrath’s eye. The abuse which followed started with embraces and ‘long and intimate talks’ about sex which the boy found disturbing. He complained to the local authorities and an investigation was launched. The investigator spoke to Joe Mains who ran Kincora and was himself a prolific child abuser. Mains concocted a defence which argued that since R18 had been abused earlier in his life, he had become oversensitive and was overreacting to what McGrath had done. At this point in time McGrath had not yet engaged in physical abuse.

When pressed for details, Mains refused to say anything else. He must have suddenly realised that he had made a potentially catastrophic mistake because any disclosure of R18’s earlier abuse would have exposed the abuse in the cinema in Dublin.  Crucially, R18 had been unable to disclose these details to the investigator. Hence, Mains would have had to explain how he knew about it and why he had not reported it.

In the event, Mains was not obliged to provide any further details. Nothing came of the complaint and R18 was subsequently raped by McGrath. McGrath was convicted for the buggery of R18 in December 1981.

All of this raises a number of questions:

Who took R18 to Dublin in 1973/4?

Who abused him at the cinema?

Was this part of an operation to reward an agent of British Intelligence in the South or blackmail a figure of some importance?

Unfortunately, none of these questions have been raised, let alone answered, by the Terry, Hughes, or Hart inquiries.


Her Majesty’s spies decided they needed eyes and ears in Belfast and Derry to learn what was happening in Loyalist and Nationalist communities. Hence in the early 1970s they organised the establishment of ‘massage’ parlours and a number of brothels in Belfast which were fitted with hidden microphones and 35mm Olympus cameras. The Gemini Health Studio located on the Antrim Road, catered for heterosexual clients while the Gardenia on the Stranmillis Road attracted gay men.

The Gemini opened its doors in the summer of 1970 promising “very attractive masseuses’ in advertisements in Belfast newspapers.

A more upmarket brothel was located on the Malone Road.

The operation was directed from offices in Churchill House, Government Building in Belfast. The objective was to gather information and recruit informers through blackmail. 

Bernie Silver, the vice king of Soho, helped set them up. He was flown into Belfast in 1970 and taken in an MoD vehicle to Lisburn where the general objective of the operation was discussed. Over the next ten days he scouted Belfast with bodyguards looking for suitable premises to convert into brothels and massage parlours and advised his intelligence partners how they should be run. On his return to London, Silver set about recruiting prostitutes for the establishment. The girls he selected were warned that they would be taking part in a risky but rewarding enterprise. The impression most of them got was that they would be entertaining British officers. They paid well above the going rates with their money going directly into UK bank accounts.

The prostitutes were required to sign the Official Secrets Act and Silver was allowed to keep a large part of the money paid to them.

The sparsely decorated Gemini was run by two Catholics who had been recruited by the MRF (a branch of military intelligence), a man and wife. For the sake of appearance, it had a rudimentary gym, sauna, and a solarium, which were rarely if ever used. Most clients headed for the dimly lit corridor flanked by a string of curtained cubicles. Inside there were iron-framed beds, wooden chairs and wardrobes. More significantly, large two-way mirrors were hung on the wall to hide cameras which took pictures of the customers in flagrante delicto. The other establishments were more plush with soft lighting and thick pile carpets. Here, targets waited for the prostitutes in a lounge and were served cocktails or coffee free of charge. All the rooms were fitted with concealed microphones. Conversations were recorded by operators in the attic. The spies also took pictures of various bedrooms, using remote controlled 35mm Olympus cameras. These were fitted with what were then quite sophisticated technology: the cameras had battery-powered motors so that  after the shutter had been fired electrically, it wound the film to the next frame. To cover any sound from the mechanisms, the bedrooms had music piped to them.

In March 1971, a masseuse working at the Gemini managed to get a Belfast SDLP councillor to reveal the names of the IRA men who had murdered three young Royal Highland Fusiliers. The identities of those apparently responsible were known inside the Catholic community but it had not yet been penetrated by British informers, at least not to any appreciable extent.

The IRA uncovered the existence of the brothels and attacked them on Monday 2 October, 1972. They claimed they killed a man codenamed “Bossman Jim” and one of the girls during the attack. Bossman Jim was a retired British Army major. His assistant was the daughter of an Army brigadier. After the attack, witnesses saw the British Army remove a series of cameras and tape-recorders from theestablishment.

‘Mr Frances’, the Welshman who ran the Gardenia for homosexual clients disappeared after the attack on the Gemini.


Two of Silver’s prostitutes, including one from Dublin, died unnaturally shortly afterwards. It was never established if their deaths were linked to the Belfast operation.

Some Garda officers who went to London for meetings or on training courses were invited to go on ‘tours’ of the city. Soho, the notorious vice centre, was sometimes suggested as a destination. No doubt MI5 had access to brothels there which were equipped with cameras in case any of the Irish visitors were foolish enough to succumb to temptation.

It is not the beyond realms of possibility that brothels in the Republic have been managed by British Intelligence assets. Indeed, one of Bernie Silver’s Soho partners came to live in Dublin in suspicious circumstances for a while in the mid-1970s. In any event Dublin was a hot house for sexual tittle-tattle. In the mid to late 1980s deployments of Gardai and military personnel assigned to protect Leinster House at night habitually relieved their boredom by keeping ‘a book’ on the sexual dalliances of the Nation’s more virile politicians. One well-known Fine Gael figure emerged as the overall winner having lured more female visitors to unlit and unoccupied offices late at night than anyone else. His shenanigans kept the security gossip mills churning for years. It is inconceivable that word of his exploits failed to reach the ears of the spooks at the British Embassy.


Whether Silver’s partner set up a brothel for the British in Dublin or not, a number of establishments were placed under observation by the Gardai and soon became the subject matter of gossip which circulated in political, journalistic and diplomatic circles. One Oireachtas member was spotted entering a massage parlor in the 1980s by a unit of Gardai, something that generated a wave of gossip in Garda circles. Since the dogs in the street soon heard about the incident, there is no doubt it reached the British Embassy. No doubt the same fate was suffered by the small number of male politicians who sought the company of male prostitutes in the Phoenix Park and at gay brothels.


Sexual blackmail persisted as one of MI5’s tools throughout the Troubles. Denis Donaldson, a senior Sinn Fein figure, fell into MI5’s grip as a result of it. He had acted as an ambassador for the Republican movement to Europe, the US and the Middle East; and was involved in attempts to secure the release of Brian Keenan in the Lebanon. He was a friend of Gerry Adams and had been in the Maze with Bobby Sands. He was also an incorrigible womaniser.  Since everyone knew his pedigree, he was not regarded as being vulnerable to blackmail on account of it. Marie Mulholland wrote of him: “Denis stood out, all five foot nothing of him. Yes, he was a small man but somehow it never seemed to matter because he had charm – buckets of it. Not the smoozing of an operator, but real charm. It worked wonders with women and Denis loved women – lots of them.”  Yet he did something that was a departure from his nomal womanising that enabled MI5 to arm twist him into spying on Sinn Fein for them.

One rumour – and it is nothing more than that – is that he was caught by MI6 in the middle east engaged in homosexual acts.

In any event, all Donaldson  was prepared to disclose when he confessed his double role at a press conference in 2005 was that he had been recruited “after compromising myself during a vulnerable time in my life”. He was assassinated in Donegal in 2006.


The chilling Belgium case of Marc Dutroux is relevant to this discussion. Dutroux kidnapped, imprisoned, raped, tortured and let young girls starve to death. He served 3 years of a 13 year sentence for rape. After his astonishingly early release, he was provided with an income from the Belgian state. Back on the outside, he built a secret room at one of his seven properties. He videotaped its construction to show others in his network how it could be replicated. After two shocking kidnappings, the police searched his property. A civilian locksmith who accompanied them could hear the cries of the two 8 year old girls who were trapped in the secret compartment only feet away from them yet the police insisted on abandoning the search. They also took Dutroux’s videotape but allegedly never watched it. Their excuse was that they did not have access to a video player. The girls starved to death.

Police cameras monitored Dutroux’s property but detected nothing because they were switched off at 6 p.m. each night. Dutroux became overconfident and was eventually caught prowling around the streets of Belgium in his white van acting suspiciously. After his arrest, he revealed that he was part of a paedophile network which enjoyed high-level protection. One of the victims of his network later emerged to reveal she had been taken to parties where men had abused her, including an official who had been pivotal in securing Dutroux’s early release from prison. Dutroux was also present at some of the parties. She revealed that videotapes were made of a number of them. Rudy Hoskens, a detective who attempted to pursue her claims, was suddenly yanked off the case. The team that replaced him altered her statement and those of other witnesses.

Jean-Marc Connerotte was appointed as the investigating magistrate of the Dutroux case. Connotte’s integrity was beyond question: he had rescued two of Dutroux’s kidnap victims. In January 1996 he wrote to the King of Belgium complaining that his investigation into the network he suspected revolved around Dutroux was being blocked because the suspects “apparently enjoyed serious protection”. He pressed ahead until November 1996 when he was dismissed on spurious grounds. There was outrage. On 20 October, 1996, the two survivors he had saved and 300,000 others marched through Brussels, many dressed in white and carrying white balloons, in protest. Connotte was replaced by a magistrate who had never carried out an investigation in his life and failed to find any evidence of a wider network.

Officially, the Belgian government denied – and continues to deny – that Dutroux was part of a network. Aside from some small fry such as his wife and driver, no one else has been convicted.

Twenty witnesses associated with the Dutroux case died in mysterious circumstances: one was crushed under a train; another was poisoned, another perished in a suspicious road traffic accident; another disappeared with his foot turning up in a canal later.

There is no reason to doubt Dutroux’s claims that he supplied children to a paedophile network with high-level protection. The likely explanation for this is that the Belgian officials involved in the cover-up were dancing to the tune of MI6 and the CIA who were prepared to descend to any depth during the Cold War to advance their interests. Brussels has provided fertile ground for all sorts of sexual blackmail for decades, not just that of paedophiles. Prostitution is legalised and its brothels are frequented by all sorts of EU and non-EU politicians and diplomats. In addition, Brussels attracts military officers from NATO and non-NATO armies alike as is the capital of NATO. At least one well-known Fianna Fail TD frequented these and brothels in other countries. He was also known to pester women for sex despite the fact he was married. He surely is not the only Irish politician to have visited these sorts of establishments.



Paisley was nearly ten years younger than McGrath whom he got to know in 1949 through their joint involvement in the Unionist Association in the Shore Road area. Paisley had moved into the locality to study at a bible college. Like McGrath, Paisley would become a British-Israelite.

Throughout his career Paisley became involved with a bewildering array of Loyalist organisations. The names of the groups matter little.  However, the paramilitaries in them – who were also in Paisley’s orbit – are significant. They included:-

  • William McGrath, paedophile, Orange Order, Tara, UCDC, British agent and Housefather at Kincora;
  • John Dunlop McKeague, paedophile, sadistic torturer, serial killer, member of UCDC, UPA, UVF and Red Hand Commandoes;
  • Gusty Spence, Leader of the UVF; imprisoned in 1966 for the murder of Peter Ward, a Catholic barman in 1966. Forged an alliance with McKeague’s Red Hand Commandoes in the 1970s;
  • Billy and Eddie Spence (brothers of Gusty Spence),
  • Noel Doherty, Orange Order, UPA, UVF, Orange Defence Committee and editor of Paisley’s Protestant Telegraph. He used to refer to Paisley as ‘our Moses’;
  • Billy Mitchell, UVP, Tara and UVF.


In 1966 Paisley and Noel Doherty created the Ulster Constitution Defence Committee (UCDC). Concealed inside it, they organised a paramilitary branch, the Ulster Protestant Volunteers (UVP) which included former B Specials, McKeague, McGrath and Mitchell.

Doherty became the leader of the UVP.  Under Paisley’s instructions, he was tasked with setting up “cells” throughout the Province and acquiring arms.

A printer by trade, Doherty also oversaw the establishment of Paisley’s Puritan Printing Press, which produced Paisley’s literature, including his newspaper, The Protestant Telegraph


In 1968 the PM of NI, Terence O’Neill, tried to persuade his fellow Unionists that if Catholics were given houses, jobs, cars and televisions, they might accept Stormont, and Partition would become permanent. “He is a bridge builder, he tells us. A traitor and a bridge are very much alike for they both go over to the other side,” Paisley thundered in response.

The animosity between Paisley and PM O’Neill dated back to the start of O’Neill’s premiership in 1963. He had sinned grievously in his eyes by seeking a rapprochement with the Republic. Paisley, N. Doherty, the Spence brothers, McGrath and McKeague would become the key protagonists in a clandestine plot to topple him.


The long defunct UVF had also reformed to help oust O’Neill.

On 21 April 1966 Paisley took Doherty and Billy Mitchell to meet a Loughgall farmer, James Murdock. It was later alleged that Paisley left that meeting to attend another one in Armagh and that during his absence the three others discussed the supply of arms and explosives to the UPV.

In 1968 Doherty was tried on bombing charges , convicted and sentenced to two years. On the day of his imprisonment, Paisley made a speech outside the prison in which he denied all knowledge of Doherty’s offences before announcing that he was forthwith expelled from the UPV and the UCDC.

The UVF also publicly denied that Doherty was one of its members.


Contrary to Paisley’s posturing, there are grounds to suspect he had been involved in the anti-O’Neill bomb campaign.

Before his imprisonment, Doherty and Billy Mitchell had been introduced to James Marshall and a supply of explosives from quarries in Lurgan had been secured. The explosives would be used to cause explosions at a Castlereagh electricity station, Silent Valley Reservoir and a further electricity station at Ballyshannon in County Donegal.  The most intense period of UVF/UPV violence took place between 30 March and 23 April 1969. McKeague was deeply involved. The objective of the bomb campaign was to make it look as if the IRA was responsible for it and thereby undermine O’Neill’s authority. The bomb plotters wanted the public to believe that the IRA had smelt blood in the weakness of O’Neill’s moderation. O’Neill resigned on 1 May, 1969. “Either we live in peace or we have no life worth living’, he told his party. These were prophetic words.


An indication of McGrath’s importance to Paisley at the close of the 1960s can be demonstrated by the fact he was at Paisley’s side during the early hours of 14 August, 1969, after the eruption of the tumultuous violence that gave birth to the Troubles. Paisley led a delegation to see new PM of NI, Major James Chichester-Clark who was monitoring events at the RUC’S HQ at Knock in Belfast. One of the delegation, Roy Garland, commented in 1982 that it was surprising that ‘at the height of this violence McGrath, Paisley, myself and a man called Black from Armagh were talking to the Prime Minister, Major James Chichester-Clark about it. [..]  We were demanding that the B Specials be mobilised and a “People’s Militia” be formed’. The PM, however, was not interested.

Meanwhile, McKeague was leading rioters, arsonists and looters in a hate-filled rampage against Catholic homes in Belfast.


Paisley, McKeague and McGrath continued to co-operate after the eruption of the Troubles.

On 10 November 1969, John McKeague, Samuel Stevenson and others were charged with a bomb attack at Dunadry on 24 April 1969. Stevenson confessed and was charged with the unlawful possession of gelignite. 

McKeague’s trial took place before a jury in Belfast in February 1970. Stevenson, who had already been sentenced, was called as a Crown witness. He told the court that when he had been in the police station, Paisley had visited him and whispered: “Did you talk?”

Meanwhile McGrath had circulated a document about the affair which the trial judge had to instruct the McKeague jury to ignore.

McKeague and his co-defendants were acquitted.

At some stage after this, the paths of McKeague, McGrath and Paisley began to diverge.


While Colin Wallace was based at Thiepval Barrack in Lisburn, he learnt that Paisley and Desmond Boal had been ‘closely involved in the re-formation of UVF in mid 1960s with Gusty Spence’.  Paisley and Boal later went on to form the DUP.

Intelligence also emerged that Paisley had been present when N. Doherty and Billy Mitchell had collected explosives in Lurgan. 

Unfortunately for Paisley, McGrath knew about the events at Lurgan, something that undoubtedly enabled him to blackmail Paisley in later years when he desperately needed help after the eruption of the Kincora scandal.


TARA flourished for a while but it fell into decline after McGrath refused to deploy his troops during the August 1969 riots. Tara had enjoyed strong links with the UVF whose members now began to lose faith in McGrath. Additional doubts were raised because McGrath was given to boasting about having links to British Intelligence.

UVF inquiries led them to conclude McGrath was indeed connected to one of Britain’s intelligence services. McGrath may have helped MI6 convey anti-Communist propaganda pamphlets behind the Iron Curtain. He had forged a route to smuggle bibles to Eastern Europe probably with the connivance of Eastern European sailors whose ships docked in Belfast Harbour. McGrath, a part-time preacher, often visited the port to evangelise. McGrath’s homosexual relationship with a British diplomat in Dublin in the 1950s may have served as his introduction to MI6 and kickstarted the smuggling arrangement.

The UVF decided to undermine McGrath by highlighting his homosexuality instead of denouncing him as a British agent. He was challenged by the UVF leader, Samuel “Bo” McClelland, at a Tara gathering in 1971. According to Chris Moore author of the ‘Kincora Scandal’: ‘McClelland’s questions were aimed at pressing McGrath into revealing whether or not he was homosexual. McGrath became embarrassed and responded by calling for McClelland to be “drummed out”. The UVF leader stood up and called for his men to leave. They left, never to return.’

Paisley assiduously cultivated every branch of the Loyalist grapevine. It is inconceivable that by 1971 he was unaware that McGrath was pestering teenagers and young men for sex and had a widely rumoured connection to MI6 which had led to the split with the UVF.

TARA took a battering but struggled on. A declassified British file dated 13 February 1976, which was furnished to the Hart Inquiry, revealed that a ‘source’ had alleged that Tara ‘had been destroyed in 1972 by a smear campaign. They had then been 300 strong and included a number of UVF members. Now they were much smaller and of a higher calibre and were UVF’s main rivals. …  McGrath (according to source) has long made a practice of exploiting other people’s sexual deviations and Tara is vulnerable on this account. Paisley has expressed strong animosity towards McGrath’.


In 1971 McGrath, a man with a well-deserved reputation as a sleazy sexual predator, secured a job at Kincora looking after teenage boys. Moreover, he did so without any type of welfare training or experience. His only qualification was that of a hairdresser.

As the 1970s dragged on, McGrath and McKeague would become increasingly sharp thorns in Paisley’s side because of their links to MI5/6 and their addiction to abusing children.

The obvious candidate for passing on the information about Paisley’s involvement in the collection of the Lurgan explosives to the British was McGrath.


Ian Cameron was not the only person protecting McGrath, Ian Paisley was too. In October 1973 Valerie Shaw, a member of Paisley’s church, informed him that McGrath was abusing children at Kincora. Paisley fobbed her off with empty promises to do something about it.

There were probably others who alerted him but it was all to no avail. From this point on – if not long before – Paisley had to live with the fact that a witness – if not a congregation of them  – existed who could reveal that he knew about Kincora.


Paisley officiated at the wedding of two of McGrath’s children; William Worthington on 15 June 1971, and Elizabeth on 22 January 1976 so it is difficult to know what he really felt about McGrath. What can be noted it that by early 1976 he gave some of his circle the impression that he despised him.

A declassified British file dated 13 February, 1976, which was furnished to the Hart Inquiry, reveals that a ‘source’ had reported that ‘Paisley has expressed strong animosity towards McGrath’. Paisley’s anger was fuelled by the manner in which their long-standing association had enabled MI5 to smear him by linking him ‘with Loyalist paramilitary figures involved in homosexual prostitution at a children’s home in Belfast’.


According to Wallace the first IPU ‘planned attempt to discredit Paisley’ by linking him with McGrath took place in 1974. It ‘was an attempt by the Army to weaken the power of the Loyalist paramilitaries’ during the Ulster Workers Strike (UWC) which was aimed at toppling the Sunningdale-inspired Power Sharing Government. However, the Army ‘plan was not put into action during the strike because of the adverse reaction of the RUC to the Army operation which led to the arrest of quite a few figures in those paramilitary organisations’.

There were subsequent operations against McGrath and Tara. Wallace believes they ‘were initiated by the Army because of the threat he posed to the political process and to the discussions between Loyalist and Republican paramilitaries. I think Paisley was a target at times because he kept changing his stance on key issues’. 


As described earlier, Wallace was supplied with forged share certificates and a bank account in Paisley’s name which indicated he had made a substantial purchase of shares in Canada with misappropriated funds.

In 1990 he sent the materials to Mrs. Thatcher “in the hope that she would initiate a proper investigation”.   However, no one from the Government ever contacted him as a result.


MI6 held the upper hand in the intelligence bear pit in NI until 1974 when MI5 assumed the dominant role. From this point on, there was a concerted effort to protect McGrath and the operation at Kincora from the threat posed by British Army/IPU destabilisation operations. Paisley would become entangled in the crossfire.

Dark clouds were now hanging over Lisburn. Wallace began to receive propaganda briefs from NIO Intelligence officers in 1973 and into 1974. The new targets included British MPs such as Harold Wilson. In September 1974 Wallace refused to descend into this abyss of treachery.

Shortly afterwards he was informed that his life was in danger – a blatant lie – and that it was going to be necessary to transfer him to England for his own safety. However, he was soon pushed out of the British Army altogether by means of a dirty tricks operation mounted against him by MI5 (for which he was later compensated). It was alleged behind his back that he was working for the UVF, an atrocious libel, one of many deployed against him. Ultimately, he would be framed for killing a man in England; spend years in prison before his conviction was overturned because of the exposure of falsified evidence. When the Lord Chief Justice, Lord Bingham, quashed Wallace’s conviction and sentence in 1996, he said that if the trial jury had relied on the forensic evidence provided by the Home Office pathologist Dr. Ian West in the decision to convict Wallace,  then they had been “seriously misled”.  West should have been prosecuted, but he was terminally ill at that time and no action was taken.

The urgency in destroying Wallace almost certainly sprang from the fact that he was engaged in – and was personally committed to – the attempts to end the Kincora child abuse scandal by exposing McGrath. Once Wallace had received authority from his military superiors to turn the anti-McGrath propaganda tap on again, MI5 had little choice but to destroy him or watch the Kincora operation unravel. They also wanted to replace him with compliant individuals who would engage in treachery against Westminster MPs.

As described earlier, the moving force in the plot against Wallace was Ian Cameron. For example, Cameron made a formal complaint against Wallace for allegedly “breaching security by briefing the press about Tara and McGrath,” Wallace has explained.  “This was based on a piece that Robert Fisk wrote for The New Statesman .. Cameron knew, of course, that I had being briefing the press about McGrath since 1973 at the request of my Army superiors”.   Wallace’s boss at HQ NI in 1974, Peter Broderick, is on public record saying that he initialled the briefing document about Tara that Wallace used and instructed him to disclose it. The document was also initialled by Lt Colonel Peck, the then head of PSYOPS.

“Cameron,’ Wallace believes, “was worried that my attempts to expose McGrath – at the behest of my superiors – was a threat to what MI5 were doing with McGrath and TARA”.

Wallace has also revealed that it “was later made clear to me by a totally reliable source that the ‘leaks’ allegations were just a means of having me removed from the Province because the NIO – particularly MI5 – wanted to take full control of the so-called information war.  In effect this is what happened!”


In early 1976 Paisley had become convinced that the NIO – which acted as a front for MI5 and MI6 – was plotting against him with information about McGrath.

Wallace has revealed that in “1976, a member of Ian Paisley’s church contacted a member of my family and said that IRKP (i.e. Ian Kyle Richard Paisley) wanted to get in touch with me because the press had told him that the Army had been attempting to discredit him and that I had been identified as being involved in that activity.  In 1976 I was living in London, having left Northern Ireland in February 1975”. 

Wallace and Paisley “met briefly near Parliament”.  Wallace recalls that Paisley “began by clearly referring to the material that I had given to the press in 1973/74 relating to William McGrath and TARA.  I confirmed that I had briefed the press about McGrath and TARA, but that he and a few other individuals we referred to, such as the Rev Martin Smith [the Head of the Orange Order], were simply mentioned as being people whom we believed were aware of the sexual abuse allegations relating to McGrath”. 

Paisley then proceeded to tell Wallace that “he had it on good authority from a source at the NIO that a Foreign Office psychological warfare team at Stormont was engaged in a project to discredit him and key members of the DUP”. Paisley then “asked me what I knew about such a Committee and I told him that I didn’t know anything because I had been away from Northern Ireland for more than a year”.


Wallace also says that “looking back on it, I find it interesting that Paisley was clearly aware of the potential danger of his association with McGrath.  He didn’t discuss the matter with me in any way, or volunteer any information, he just asked me questions about the briefings I had given to the Press about McGrath and about the [NIO] Information Co-ordinating Committee”.    

Wallace “got the distinct feeling that Paisley was almost frightened of McGrath, or the extent to which McGrath could damage him”.

In February 1976 Paisley told the House of Commons that a smear campaign against him and other Loyalists was afoot. He specifically referred to the Jeremy Thorpe affair, a scandal which had involved an allegation that Thorpe, the Leader of the Liberal Party, had hired a hitman to kill Norman Scott, his former and much younger lover. This indicates that Paisley anticipated smears of a sexual nature.  

His outburst must have disturbed the members of the VIP paedophile ring at Westminster which then included: Ted Heath; Peter Morrison; Cyril Smith; William van Straubenzee; Greville Janner and others including, ‘The Sadist’ who took Richard Kerr to dine at Septembers Restaurant in London. He is still alive today and busy denying the existence of a VIP abuse network. He abused Kerr twice – once when Kerr was brought to London from Kincora aged 15 or 16, and later when he was living in London.


Paisley would pretend that he severed all links with McGrath after 1973 on account of what Valerie Shaw had told him about McGrath’s proclivities. This, however, is belied by the fact he – Paisley – officiated at the wedding of McGrath’s daughter, Elizabeth, on 22 January 1976. After the scandal erupted, he would feign difficulty as he tried to remember who McGrath was.

Irrespective of whatever charades were being played in early 1976, actual steps were taken to place a distance between Paisley’s DUP and Tara later in the year. According to a declassified NIO cable dated 7 December 1976 ‘the DUP had “decided that members of the paramilitary organisation, Tara, who were also members of the DUP should be forced to resign from the party’ and that ‘Peter Robinson (Secretary of the DUP) would produce a list of other [DUP] members who are members of Tara. These persons will be dismissed in due course’.

Other declassified UK files demonstrate that Paisley’s DUP was being monitored by British spies.


One member of Tara who was expelled from the DUP had once been McGrath’s homosexual lover. According to declassified British files, this individual informed McGrath that he was an MI5 agent. It is hardly surprisingly that McGrath took no step against him as he – McGrath – was also an agent, not to mention the man’s former lover.

MI5 kept this second Tara agent on their books after McGrath was arrested in 1980. The mind boggles as to why.


In 1977 McGrath sent a member of TARA called Colin Wyatt (now deceased) to Holland to procure guns for Tara. Wyatt returned home and was debriefed in McGrath’s house by someone McGrath introduced to him as an Undersecretary from the NIO. It was far more likely that the individual was an intelligence officer.


By 1982 McGrath was in prison and McKeague in his grave.

If British agents had used McGrath and McKeague to strong-arm Paisley into assisting them, what did they do after they were no longer available to put the squeeze on him for them? An off-the-record press briefing which took place shortly before the signing of the Anglo-Irish Agreement at Hillsborough on 15 November, 1985, may provide the answer.  A week before the Agreement was signed, the Lobby Correspondents in Westminster received an unattributable briefing from Thatcher’s press office to the effect that she had ordered the MoD to open a fresh inquiry into Kincora. Paisley faced the prospect of explaining under oath why he had done nothing about Kincora after Valerie Shaw had told him about it in 1973.


The intention of the hush-hush briefing to the Lobby Correspondents in London can only have been to cow Unionist opposition to Hillsborough.

Paisley responded to Hillsborough by helping to organise rallies and by setting up a paramilitary organization called Ulster Resistance (UR) the following year. Yet UR proved to be little more than a lightning rod through which Paisley captured and channelled a ferocious wave of Loyalist anger before directing it into the ground. There were dramatic rallies with men in red berets waving pieces of paper – purportedly firearm licenses – but it was all flash and no bang. There would be no strike along the lines of the highly successful 1974 UWC stoppage which had torn down the Power-Sharing Government set up after Sunningdale.

Paisley also rounded on Thatcher with dramatic but ultimately harmless words: “We hand her over to the devil that she might learn not to blaspheme. Oh God, we pray this night that Thou wouldst deal with the Prime Minister of our country. Oh God in wrath take vengeance upon this wicked, treacherous, lying woman.” Paisley was compared to the Grand Old Duke of York for metaphorically marching the troops of UR up to the top of the hill before leading them back down again. Soon opposition to Hillsborough fizzled out.

The threatened MoD inquiry which the Lobby Correspondents had been briefed about never materialised.

There was a sinister sequel to this: UR became involved in the importation of arms from the Lebanon in 1987 (and from elsewhere later). The Lebanese consignment was divided into three shares. One part was intercepted outside Portadown while the remaining two – which were intended for UR and the UVF – ended up in the hands of Loyalist paramilitaries. At the time MI5 was busy colluding with a host of Loyalist murder gangs as the Stevens and other official UK investigations have confirmed.

On this occasion space does not permit a description of the links between Colin Wyatt (mentioned earlier) and another Tara member, Samuel Charles Simpson, that the British intelligence community maintained a link with TARA members, long after McGrath was imprisoned. Interest readers should find a copy of Chris Moore’s superb book on Kincora which explores this terrain expertly.  


Paisley performed the most astonishing U-turn of his career in 2007 when he became NI’s First Minister – a post created by the Good Friday 1998 Agreement which he had hitherto despised – and managed to work in perfect harmony with Martin McGuinness, a senior IRA leader, as his deputy. This pirouette would not be that astonishing if it was the case that MI5/6 had twisted his arm. A less conspiratorial interpretation is that it was nothing more than a cynical power grab. These motivations, of course, are not mutually exclusive.

Paisley died in 2014. One question which will now remain unanswered is how he managed to sleep at night in the knowledge that boys were being raped and brutalised on a daily basis all around him for a decade or more, or how he felt about the Kincora suicides.



The involvement of Mountbatten and other VIPs in abuse  on both sides of the Irish Sea  had the potential to shake the British Establishment to its foundation. In more recent times, Prince Andrew has been stripped of his duties and exposed to public opprobrium for the exploitation of a 17 year old teenage girl. To gauge the threat Mountbatten’s sexual excesses posed to the Establishment, one only has to envisage what the reaction would be if the allegations against Prince Andrew were of the rape of a large number of boys and and teenagers, some as young as 8 years of age, with at least one of them committing suicide. Had Mountbatten been exposed, whether before or after his death in 1979, Prime Minister Edward Heath – another paedophile – might have been exposed and the abuse perpetrated by Jimmy Saville, Sir Peter Morrison MP, Sir Cyril Smith MP and others might have been halted. Instead the abusers flourished like fungi in the dankest recesses of society.

To plug the leaking Kincora dam, a cover-up was designed by the NIO, MI5, MI6 and the RUC to hoodwink the public into believing that the boys at the home were only abused by the staff who worked there and never fed out to a wider ring. The darkest secret to conceal was that Mountbatten was a member of the wider ring. A conspiracy of this magnitude can only have been organised at Cabinet Office level. Chris Moore, author of The Kincora Scandal learnt that the Establishment’s paramount concern was that the links between Kincora and Britain would be exposed. Moore posed a particular threat to the cover-up as he worked for BBC NI.

Another fear was the interest of the press in the Republic of Ireland. The British Establishment was not confident it could control it. The crystal clear implication of this is that it could control Fleet Street. While Private Eye magazine and the Daily Mirror inflicted a few blows, few other London-based outlets were bothered by the scandal. The Eye and Mirror were supplied with stories by journalist and author Paul Foot. Generally the fabrication that the abuse was confined to Kincora was lapped up by most British reporters and editors. Yet, there was plenty of evidence available to demonstrate otherwise. All the media had to do was to talk to the former residents. One of them, James Miller, has described how Joe Mains trafficked him and other residents to a hotel in Bangor. As a child he had to wait in the van outside the hotel while one after another the boys returned to it. He recalls they were sobbing after their ordeal inside the building. On this occasion, Miller was lucky not to be sent inside. His evidence was presented to the Hart Inquiry in 2016. No one doubted he was telling the truth, nor challenged his credibility. Hence, Miller presented a serious problem for Hart as he undermined the narrative Hart had latched onto at an early stage i.e. that the abuse at Kincora went no further than the home itself. Since there was no way to undermine Miller’s credibility, Hart’s solution was to simply to ignore him.

The late Clint Massey, a Kincora survivor recalled a lot of “suits” arriving at the home, often in the evening. “In those days, there were loads of people over from London. I have always assumed they were senior figures from Whitehall. I certainly heard English accents,” he once revealed. The voices he heard may have included if not Oldfield, England and Imrie, perhaps some of their colleagues such as the man from HQNI ‘Denis’ drove to Kincora.


The spider at the center of the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring cover-up web can only have been Margaret Thatcher’s manipulative cabinet secretary, Sir Robert Armstrong. He was in office between 1979 and 1987 while Kincora was a pressing live issue. MI5 and MI6 were under his thumb and neither would have arranged the murder of John McKeague without his sanction. The murder of McKeague will be described later in this article.

Armstrong certainly had a history of covering up VIP sex abuse. On 4 November, 1986, Sir Antony Duff, Director-General of MI5, 1985-88, wrote to Armstrong after allegations of child abuse had been made by separate sources against Peter Morrison, the then Conservative MP for Chester and Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party. Morrison had been accused (entirely accurately as it transpired) of child abuse. Duff opined that Morrison was only a minor “security danger”. Allegedly, Morrison did not have access to valuable government secrets. Yet by this stage, he had served Minister of State for Trade and Industry, Minister of State for Employment, and Lord Commissioner of HM Treasury. Nonetheless, Duff concluded: “At present stage … the risk of political embarrassment to the Government is rather greater than the security danger”. There was no consideration of the ongoing risk posed by Morrison to children.

After the Morrison memo came to light in July of 2015, Armstrong (famed for his use of the phrase “being economical with the truth”), defended his inaction thus: “Clearly I was aware of it … but I was not concerned with the personal aspect of it, whether he should or should not be pursued. That was something for the police to consider. My concern was implications of national security and international relations.” (BBC Radio 4’s Today Programme)

Yet, Morrison was never reported to the police by Duff or anyone in MI5. Clearly, MI5 did not believe his denials because they rated him as a risk. Had they believed he was innocent, he would not have been susceptible to blackmail and hence could not have been perceived as a “security danger”, of any significance. Morrison went on to become Thatcher’s private secretary and would receive a knighthood. He had been one of one of the first backbench MPs to support her bid for the leadership of the Tories in 1975.

Morrison’s successful upward career trajectory could not have been sustained without the sanction of MI5 who vet all high-level political appointments. Had something been done about him, the abuse victims at Bryn Estate care home in Wrexham, North Wales, might have been spared his deprecations. He, and another high-profile Conservative politician, were visitors to that house of horrors.

Grotesque as it may seem, the fact that Armstrong and MI5 knew all about his proclivities probably made him an attractive candidate for promotion in their eyes: he was someone they could control. Morrison might have become a cabinet minister had Thatcher not fallen in 1992.

Norman Tebbit, a former Chairman of the Tory Party, has revealed that “rumours had got to my ears” that Morrison was a paedophile more than a decade before the truth was exposed. Morrison died from a heart attack on 13 July 1995, aged 51.

Before he was appointed as D-G of MI5, Duff had served as Deputy Secretary (Intelligence and Security Co-ordinator) at the Cabinet Office with responsibility for security matters from 1980 to 1984.

A central file on the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring must have come into existence at some stage shortly after 1980. The British government requires access to the full unexpurgated truth in case it might ever become a live issue. In many senses the Kincora scandal has never ceased to be a live issue. Such a file would be kept in the massive safe in the Cabinet Office in Downing Street. The need for such a file would be required for a number of reasons, e.g., if a high level whistle blower with a conscience emerged or a foreign intelligence service such as Russia, with access to MI5/6 secrets, decided to brief the media or supply stolen files. (The use to which the Soviet Union put “kompromat” about the vice network is dealt with in Part Five of this article.)


After the scandal erupted in 1980, the RUC Special Branch and at least one member of the RUC’s Criminal Investigations Division (CID), were assigned active parts in the cover-up. A highly successful tactic was to take statements from boys who had only been abused by the staff members at Kincora. These statements became the glue that would hold the Kincora lie together for decades to come, at least in so far as official inquiries were concerned. Judge Hart, a man who was out of his depth in puddle, relied on them despite ample evidence that a number of victims such as James Miller, Gary Hoy, Richard Kerr and Ronald Graham provided of external abuse. Kerr was trafficked to various locations in Northern Ireland and Britain for abuse. His abusers include Enoch Powell MP, the “TV Star” and “The Sadist” (a former MP and friend of James Molyneaux who is still alive). For details about the TV Star see

At least two witnesses could have testified about their abuse at the hands of Mountbatten. They are still available to the IICSA in London but it is clearly not interested.

The cherry-picked statements have served the cover-up well over the decades. They were made available to the Terry Inquiry (1982), The Hughes Inquiry (1984) and Hart (2016-7) all of which relied upon them to confine their account of the abuse to the home.

Other witnesses with information about the wider ring are reluctant to come forward because of confidentiality agreements they signed in return for compensation payments made to them many years ago. The sums involved were miserly. The agreements are also illegal as they attempt to cover up the reporting of crime. Any attempt to enforce them would be a perversion of the course of justice. Suffice it to say, this is not what these victims have been misled into believing by the RUC and NIO.


Three of Kincora’s staff members were scheduled to go on trial in December 1981. They included William McGrath. Before the trial, McGrath was ferried around Belfast in a car with a gang of thugs who helped him threaten and menace some of  his former victims. Meanwhile, an RUC officer – who is still alive – went to Preston, England, where he assaulted Richard Kerr, and warned him not to return to Belfast for the trial. The assault took place inside a prison cell made available by the Preston police. The Preston police have never apologised to Kerr for what happened to him while in their custody. Kerr was also assaulted by the police in London. He is presently suing the NI State in the Belfast High Court.

While the RUC were prepared to let Mains and McGrath go to prison if it came to that, they did not want the services they had provided to the RUC Special Branch, MI5 and MI6 to emerge at the trial, nor any hint that VIPs such as Mountbatten had raped boys such as Stephen Waring from the home.

In London, Kerr secured work as a “bell hop” at the Cumberland Hotel near Marble Arch in London. As the pressure built up around the Kincora scandal in the early 1980s, the people behind the cover-up adopted a policy of carrot and stick to contain Kerr. By way of carrot, his financial security was assured: he was able to afford to live in Flat Number 1, 44 Baker St, around the corner from Oxford Street. Kerr has furnished Village with documentation which confirms he lived there. There was no conceivable way a teenage “bell hop” from Belfast could have afforded such a desirable residence without considerable financial assistance.

By way of stick, the intimidation continued: a group of men came to his flat at 44 Baker St. Some were in police uniform, others in civilian clothing. They knocked him to the ground, told him that they were from the British “Secret Service” and that he was to keep quiet about what he knew or they would arrest him as a ‘terrorist’.

The hard-cop-soft-cop routine was also deployed: the next day he received an apology for the rough treatment he had experienced.


Ian Paisley’s knew William McGrath exceptionally well. Their relationship lasted until the early 1980s despite Paisley’s protestation to the contrary. Dishonestly, after the Kincora scandal erupted, Paisley pretended to have difficulty even remembering who McGrath was. Yet, he knew him so well he even visited him at Kincora – though not to abuse any of the boys at the home. One of the former residents at Kincora, James Miller, told the Hart Inquiry on 8 June, 2016, about Paisley’s visits. Miller thought it ‘just seemed strange that he was so friendly with Mr McGrath, you know’. (Day 210 page 75.)

Paisley intervened to help McGrath before the Kincora prosecutions took place.

One evening Richard Kerr was at the bell hops’ station at the Cumberland Hotel when a colleague from the hotel’s café strolled across and told him someone was looking for him. The visitor turned out to be Ian Paisley. Kerr’s recollection of what would unfold is vivid and sharp: Paisley was seated on his own at a table “near a glass area” and was “wearing a suit with a hat that was placed on the table”. He also “carried a newspaper” which he “placed on the table”. A pair of men sat adjacent to him “in professional dress”. While Kerr recognised Paisley, he did not know the others. They would not address him at any stage during the encounter that ensued. “They created space between themselves and others”. As Kerr recalls it: “Paisley spoke with them; they were in earshot of our conversation. I was unable to discern if they spoke in an English accent. I do know that they were accompanying Paisley because they joined him after our conversation was complete”.

Paisley asked Kerr “to be seated after I was speaking with him standing up”. At the start “of the conversation I did not feel intimidated, yet as the meeting continued, I did begin to feel uneasy”, Kerr recalls.

Paisley knew he had been at Kincora and instructed him that if he was questioned by the police, he was not to “mention anything about Englishmen at Kincora”. Kerr was dumbfounded and responded “What?” Paisley repeated the instruction and added that he was “not [to] speak of other events that occurred in Belfast”.

“I nodded my head. No verbal communication was made”. The encounter only lasted about ten minutes. Paisley left with the two men. “I then went back to the bell station slightly disturbed and I did not respond to another bell boy’s question of the encounter”.

Kerr’s impression of the other men was that they had behaved “normally [and] they didn’t appear to be threatening”. Initially he had not been frightened by them as “they did not speak to me. It wasn’t until later that evening after the meeting [had ended] did I begin to feel concerned as to their intentions”.

  • Why did Paisley visit Kincora so often?
  • How did Paisley know that Kerr had been in Kincora?
  • Who told him Kerr was working at the Cumberland?
  • Who told Paisley “Englishmen” had abused children at Kincora?
  • Why was Paisley prepared to help protect English paedophiles?
  • Who were the men who accompanied him?

The following week a white envelope arrived at the hotel. It contained black-and-white photographs of Kerr, naked. The manager of the hotel, a Mr Gardner, showed them to Kerr who was deeply embarrassed and made an excuse that they must have been posted by a jealous ex-girlfriend. Gardner let Kerr know that he was not pleased but didn’t dismiss him.


Who were the Englishmen Paisley wanted to protect?

As described elsewhere in this article, Clint Massey, another Kincora survivor, revealed in 2015 that “there were loads of people over from London. I have always assumed they were senior figures from Whitehall. I certainly heard English accents”.

The whistle-blower Robin Bryans knew a lot of the English culprits, including Anthony Blunt of MI5. Another was a “decidedly gay-looking” man called Peter England. Bryans told this author in 1990 that while he knew England “very well” he “didn’t like him much”.

England was a former boyfriend of Sir Samuel Knox Cunningham QC MP and had also had a relationship with the Irish publisher, Charles Monteith, both members of the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring.

Peter England lived in London, had served in the Royal Navy during WWII and later went to work at the Ministry of Defence (MoD). He transferred to the Northern Ireland Office in the 1970s. Declassified files furnished to the Hart Inquiry demonstrated that some of his work involved oversight of the black propaganda activities of the Army and intelligence services. According to Bryans, “the main thing to do with covering up for Kincora” related to England. This analysis makes perfect sense because England: 1) had died in 1978 and therefore could be named without fear of a libel action; 2) had a criminal record: he had been arrested and convicted for obscene behaviour in a London toilet; 3) his exposure would have blown the Kincora cover-up wide apart, for it would have demonstrated knowledge of the scandal at the highest level of the NIO and made a nonsense of the claim that Kincora was an isolated aberration.

The late Merlyn Rees, a former Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, worked with England at the NIO. In his memoirs, Rees described how England was: “a man of wide experience at the [MoD], whose work over the next three years [in Belfast] was to prove invaluable, though the physical stress of the job may have contributed to his tragically early death in 1978”. Moreover, he said that England “was a hard task master but at the same time he always showed concern for those working in the office”.

Clearly, England showed more “concern” for his staff than for the children he abused. By the time of his death, Bryans recalled that England had let himself go and had become “scruffy”


William McGrath had multiple connections to Paisley – as had McKeague. McKeague had converted to the Paisley brand of Free Presbyterianism in 1966, and acted as Paisley’s bodyguard for a time. He was pivotal to the UVF bombing campaign that helped topple NI PM Terence O’Neill in 1968. He was also involved in the Ulster Protestant Volunteers, an organisation Paisley helped to set up in the 1960s.

During the 1960s while they were close to Paisley, McGrath and McKeague were involved 1) in the UVF; 2) the anti-O’Neill bomb campaign; 3) arms procurement; and 4) no end of hate crimes, not to mention child abuse.

The Cumberland Hotel incident seems to demonstrate that Paisley had been got at, most likely by incriminating information possessed by McGrath and McKeague. Since they were British assets, it is legitimate to ask: did one or both of them turn the screws on Paisley to get him to intimidate Kerr; moreover, did they do so with the support of Ian Cameron; Sir Howard Smith, D-G of MI5 1979-81; his deputy Sir John Jones (who became D-G, 1981-85); and others in MI5?


While Kerr was living in London, he continued to suffer abuse. At the time he was a teenager, but it mattered little to the abusers that he had been groomed, brutalised and desensitised since the age of eight.

Kerr has supplied Village with the name and address of a high-profile celebrity abuser who is alive and still enjoys public acclaim and affection. He has appeared in many successful British TV programmes, including one watched by millions of viewers in recent years with him at the centre of it.

There were other VIP abusers of Kerr including a Tory MP who, although no longer serving in Parliament, maintains a high profile. He has endeavoured to cast doubt about the existence of a VIP vice ring during the last few years. Village believes it is highly likely he is one of the main protagonists behind the ongoing cover-up and is acting in tandem with a dubious journalist who has done a lot to introduce misleading information to the public, all of which tends to undermine the credibility of genuine victims,like Kerr.

Returning to the 1980s: Kerr had become a serious threat to the cover-up of the truth about Kincora. One solution would have been to have had him murdered. Howard Smith, the then Direcor General of MI5, was – according to UK declassified files – an advocate of political assassination. John McKeague would have been an ideal choice as a hit man. However, by then Kerr’s murder would have caused too many waves because he had crossed paths with too many VIPs who hardly wanted the police knocking on their doors. In the end the conspirators opted to spirit him out of the country.

A passport was obtained with the assistance of Leon Brittan and Kerr was taken to the US. This was his choice. He had admired Texas as a result of watching the TV show Dallas and asked to be relocated there. Although he could neither read nor write properly, had never had a job – except as a male prostitute under violent duress and a spell as a bell hop- and had no qualifications of any sort, he was instantly provided with a job in the US civil service, a house and a large sum of money.

Richard Kerr now lives in Dallas where he has made many enduring friends and has received support, counselling and encouragement from a variety of kind and generous people all of whom he values enormously including Casey Gates. Nonetheless, he is angry at his former abusers, and the mind games they played with him as a child. He has benefited from years of counselling and is now determined to tell his story. Above all else he wants to achieve “a little justice” for those who died. He has a lot more to reveal. What appears in these pages is merely the beginning.


Paul Foot wrote a series of articles in Private Eye as the Wallace-Clockwork Orange-Kincora crisis threatened to explode into a scandal of Watergate proportions. Foot’s stories were based on leaks from inside the ministry. What they reveal is that there were some senior civil servants, including the “stern Catholic” Permanent Secretary Sir Michael Quinlan, who wanted a full judicial inquiry into the entire murky swamp.

Inevitably, the cover-up merchants prevailed.

Lord Mackay, mentioned in the Private Eye stories, did not manage to get the truth across the line. He served as Lord Chancellor, 1987-97. He presently sits as a Conservative in the House of Lords.


All three of the Kincora staff were convicted but received lenient sentences and were back on the street in no time. When he was released, McGrath received a gift of £10,000 from a mysterious source and was able to purchase a house at Ballyhalbert, Co. Down. When confronted by journalists about this, he refused to disclose the source of the money.

Semple and Mains, who knew all the dark corners too and what lurked in them, presumably received similar sums from an MI5 slush fund.

Ronald Graham, a Kincora survivor who has campaigned for compensation for abuse victims.

These sums were multiples of the pittances doled out to some of their victims back in the 1980s. Most survivors received nothing. It took decades of campaigning in the face of disdain and contempt before the NI State finally resolved to compensate the survivors of institutional sexual abuse in 2020. The recommendation to make recompense was one of the few good things to result from the Hart Inquiry.

Chapters 1 – 3 can be accessed at:

Chapters 4 – 7 can be accessed at:

Chapters 8 – 10 can be accessed at:

Chapters 11 – 13 can be accessed at:

Chapters 14 – 18 can be accessed at:

Chapters 19 – 25 can be accessed at: