īī ā īīīīīīī October ā November 2013
POLITICS PrOsTiTuTiOn
T
HIS summer, after ļ¬fteen months of
deliberation, debate and evidence,
an Oireachtas Committee ļ¬nally
recommended the criminalisation
of the demand for paid sex. It was a unani-
mous decision. The day it was delivered was
a very emotional one for women like myself,
who have lived the hugely exploitative and
abusive reality of prostitution.
I was one of the women who gave evidence
to the Committee and I had coordinated writ-
ten testimony from a group of women several
months before that. In my discussions with
those women and in reading their written evi-
dence, I learned how much prostitution had
changed in the ļ¬fteen years since I escaped
it. All of these women had been out of pros-
titution less than four years. They were able
to tell me how Irish prostitution had changed
with and because of the Celtic Tiger. It was a
vile and unsupportable picture.
As Irish men acquired more money many
acquired something else: the sense that their
wants were needs. This is now the measure
of whether or not
a person lives in
an aļ¬uent society.
The age proļ¬le of
men using women
in prostitution
dropped signiļ¬-
cantly. Many of
the men present-
ing at brothels
were in their early
twenties and
crossed the entire
social spectrum.
This was very
diļ¬erent from
when I started in
prostitution in
īīīī. Almost all
the punters then
were middle aged,
middle class and
married.
With the Celtic
Tiger came a massive inļ¬ux of stag parties.
Many of the men who travelled under the
guise of celebrating impending marriage
made the purchase of female ļ¬esh a central
part of the festivities. In īīīī Irish prostitu-
tion went online and the review system was
born. I was lucky īīīī was the year I got out
of prostitution. After that women were not
just purchased for sexual use, but reviewed
on their āperformanceā, their attitude, their
willingness and their bodies.
All aspects of commercial sexual exploi-
tation were facilitated by the growth of the
internet. Porn became more accessible and
immediately more prevalent. Women in pros-
titution were, of course, in the front line. Men
started arriving in brothels demanding sex
acts they said theyād learned from porn. These
were sometimes almost physically impossi-
ble to deliver, such as ātea-baggingā ā an act
whereby a woman is expected to accept both a
manās penis and testicles in her mouth. If she
couldnāt accommodate him, she could expect
a bad review.
The review system in prostitution is a
monumental cruelty. Those who defend this
system pretend that it is voluntary because
there is an āopt outā clause for women who
advertise sex online. This is a fallacy. Men
who pay for sex openly and repeatedly state
online that they will never visit a woman who
doesnāt allow herself to be reviewed, because,
in their view, this must mean she āhas some-
thing to hideā. This puts women in the sex
trade in an impossible position: allow your-
self to be reviewed like a piece of meat or go
broke. This is just one tiny part of the coer-
cion in the modern-day Irish sex trade.
The price of sex in prostitution soared
during the Celtic Tiger years. When I started
out on Benburb Street at ļ¬fteen years of age,
the price of sex was ten pounds for hand relief,
ļ¬fteen for oral sex and twenty for intercourse.
By īīīī women were charging between sixty
and one hundred euros for the same acts. The
price of sex, just like housing, had soared to
unprecedented levels.
In the early nineties, the ļ¬rst visible signs
of the Celtic Tiger were the new apartment
blocks that suddenly sprang up all over the
city. They oozed a luxury the Irish people had
never seen before, at least not in our own land.
Suddenly we had residential buildings that
screamed of extravagance and seemed to
promise the possibility of a future none of us
had ever been able to aļ¬ord. At the same time
the Sexual Oļ¬ences Act of īīīī was passed
into law, and many street women, myself
included, were run indoors. The new face of
prostitution was a combination of both these
factors ā beautiful luxurious apartments and
Suppress the demand
The reality behind the need for criminalisation of demand for prostitution.
By Rachel Moran
Pic
caption
here
45 people,
including
23 children,
were found
to have been
trafīcked
into Ireland
last year
and 39 were
sexually
exploited
ā
Continued
on page 48