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    How the Green party can wrestle its conscience to a draw.

    As the dinosaur parties publish their joint framework coalition document the Greens should draw up their own strong agenda for the era of Covid and climate, and pull out if it’s not agreed, and implemented. By Michael Smith. In the absence of a relevant Labour Party the Greens have become by far the biggest force in Irish politics for wrestling with their consciousnesses, though Fine Gael pretends.  The Labour party always managed to lose and the Green Party has oozed pragmatism under sunny and collaborative Eamon Ryan.  But its new intake of TDs are giving him and the establishment, many of whom voted for them, shivers of concern.  So what should they do, according to their principles? Village advocates the principles of equality of outcome, sustainability and accountability.  If the Greens are seriously radical they are principles that should recommend themselves to them, if not to others, at least as we reel from a pandemic.  The Greens certainly champion sustainability but the reality is that it is not clear if the Greens are centrist or leftist, whether they emphasise freedom or equality, where they stand on fiscal redistribution. Principles do not therefore provide obvious solutions to the issue of whether the Greens should go into government with Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, conservative parties whose greatest comfort is the status quo and therefore for whom principles are, viscerally, anathema. This all makes it difficult to divine how compatible the Greens’ ideological principles, whatever they may be, are with our even more ideologically elusive civil war parties’.   So how would you apply ideological principles like either equality, sustainability and accountability or whatever principles drive the Greens, to the current coalition paralysis? Or is it more realistic to recognise that some questions have an answer according to principles, but some do not? While the Green party thinks about that and before it takes a decision, like anyone, it needs to get its evidence together – the data it uses to take an informed decision.  The background.  As background they have to factor in climate change, the biggest issue of our time; and Coronavirus, according to many the biggest event in a generation. Speculating reasonably they also have to factor in the likelihood that GDP will not rise overall for the next two or three years because of the epidemic, both generating frugality and tending to reduce runaway climate change. They might look at the motivation of their potential partners.  They could factor in that Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael might be expected to be more environmental and stronger on health and housing than formerly because of the jolt they got from the perceived electoral desire for change.  And the doubling of that jolt by the worst epidemic in a century. The dinosaurs are also desperate to import some radicalism  so they can face an electorate that genuinely voted for change. Radicalism that will not be provided by the dodgy and monochrome Rural Independents.  There was always reason to believe that hipster Varadkar and ascetic Martin were quite open-minded on environmentalism, the agenda of our times even if their records were meagre in practice.    We might add an unpleasant tangent to the data equation. I have myself a particular beef about the Greens. Having campaigned on environmental issues for a long time including before and during their time in government, I’m acutely aware of how little they achieved in coalition from 2007 to 2011. We need only to look at the statistics on what sort of impression they made on, for example, carbon emissions, sustainable urban and rural planning, biodiversity and modal-mix between sustainable transportation and cars. And in three-and-a-half years they didn’t even pass a climate act.  When justifying their time in government they like to point to measures they introduced but most of the measures were not implemented. That’s always been the case with the environmental agenda: adding to the edifice of law or regulation, as the Greens in government certainly did,  is no good if you don’t implement it.  Frankly there is no sign of change in this.  Their manifesto was very weak – not addressing planning,  the national planning framework, architecture, quality of life, sustainability indicators; not recognising that environmentalism is all about enforcement; and not pricing any of the party’s loose agenda on health, housing and transport.  There’s a danger that the Greens are shirking going public with a coalition agenda because they are not clear enough either on their own principles or on their own agenda. There is a danger that calling for the Greens to go into coalition with policy-light Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael exposes their covered-up Achilles heel. The Greens need to be clear that if they go into government it’s not to go through the motions, to set a tone, to adjust education or judicial policy or whatever. It can only be on the basis of a certainty that they will deliver their own basic agenda. And guaranteeing that certainty would require psychological change for the party, whose agenda needs to be hard-minded, but which embraces a substantial soft-minded membership. That’s the background. So back to the principles.  Ok I admit I can’t find a decision rooted in Green ideological principles, whether the ones I have recommended or the elusive ones that actually drive the Greens in the current circumstances.   I can find the principle of efficacy. That’s an overriding one that safeguards Green ideological principles.  The Greens should not go into government with anyone unless they can guarantee their agenda by systematically monitoring it and considering pulling out every year if it is not punctiliously implemented. The principle situation is not perfect but some types of decision are still better than others or than no decision. And it’s good to pursue strategies that have a potential upside but no downside. And a good generic strategy is that If you have to take a decision that is difficult or impossible, sometimes it is wise to delay taking the  decisions until the point arises when you have to. That’s a strategy not a principle. It is better

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    Lessons learnt about probable Covid-19 cases and deaths in Ireland

    It seems probable that applying the necessary measures, currently mandated, deaths will be contained to 500-1000 with a return to normal beginning in the middle of May. By Michael Smith. It is important to follow Government recommendations and edicts. This need not stop us trying to work out what the future probably holds if we observe those strictures and continue with the infection patterns of the last ten days and the Chinese experience. There is a pattern to cases in Ireland. The Business Post of 15 March stated the health authorities predicted increases of 30% daily leading to 1.9m infections eventually.   If that rate was prevailing we would have had 4029 cases as of 27 March. In fact we have 2121. The Taoiseach had predicted 15,000 cases by the end of March, though he has now stated that no longer pertains.   In fact now assuming continuing substantially-sub-20% increases the figure is more likely to be around 6000 at the end of March. The former HSE head, Tony O’Brien, writing in the Business Post on 22 March, stated that reducing increases to 20% daily from then would reduce the figure to 60,000 https://www.businesspost.ie/coronavirus/half-a-million-infected-people-is-the-difference-that-is-in-all-our-hands-92694699.   Since we are now averaging closer to 15% this suggests a peak at around 35,000 (not 1.9m) cases with deaths of perhaps 500-1000 (1.5%-3%), compared with annual flu deaths of 200-500 according to the HSE in Ireland. If we follow the experience in China we will probably be relaxing social restrictions from the middle of May https://villagemagazine.ie/woo-hoo-wuhan-is-it-possible-ireland-will-be-in-the-position-china-finds-itself-in-now-in-the-first-half-of-may/. This all assumes testing in Ireland is giving a fairly accurate picture and that there is no resurgence. Ed’s note: The piece was updated on 9 April just to reflect recorded cases for the period since the article was published on 28 March

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    Woohoo, Wuhan! Is it possible Ireland will be in the position China finds itself in now, in the first half of May?

    Government projections on how long a lockdown will last hijacked by pessimism not evidence, though readers will make their own minds up as to whether Ireland’s trajectory is more like those of China, Singapore or South Korea than those of Italy and Spain. By Michael Smith. It is obligatory to preface articles about Covid-19 with a disclaimer that the author is not an epidemiologist or virologist but this article is about the derivative complex issue of how long the current pandemic may last.  In any event virology and epidemiology may not be the professional disciplines best equipped to dictate the appropriate political reactions to the findings of the science of Covid-19.  Those reactions should ultimately comprise a balance of the science with an assessment of the social, economic, environmental, cultural and even (because measures should aim to avoid a backlash) political consequences of any decisions. Nobody is expert in all of these and the role in democracies is assigned to politicians in whom there is not generally much popular confidence. Flowing from this, the role of criticising their reactions will inevitably on occasion be filled by journalists not experts.  In Ireland politicians seem to be taking decisions that properly balance all the factors.  We have, after all, become a sensible, cautious (who remembers all that change-imperative stuff from February?) body politic where even a discarded Taoiseach pretentiously deploying Churchill can sound reasonable to the point of international encomium. In the UK and the US on the other hand there is a sense that Science is not properly valued, and that the egos of their heads of government who tend to want flash solutions and downplay justifiable pessimism are interposing on the public interest. So far the high ground here has been appropriated by those who claim we have not acted fast enough.  But that is easy to say and most of what the doomers, animated formerly by China and now by horrors in Italy and Spain, recommended has been applied just a few days after they wanted it.  Towards  the end of whatever period of restrictions we face it is likely that discipline will break down as some people consider  the social, economic, environmental and cultural consequences have been disproportionate.  Delaying the imposition of draconian measures may have the effect of reducing that  breakdown later on and better equipping us to pre-empt a possible second wave. It is of course a balance. For this reason there has not until now necessarily been a moral deficit for those cautioning against closing society down as fast and as conclusively as possible in the interests of disease prevention. Of course there is a moral deficit for those who flout Science, which is to say those who offer ungrounded opinions on matters they do not understand. Or who understand, and party anyway. Normally rules would not necessarily import moral imperative but dealing with Covid-19 requires social solidarity and, at least where the advice in favour of rules seems driven by a plausible perception of the common good, it would be a breach of the fragile social contract to flout it. An ancillary challenge is to decipher the advice, and being patient with opaqueness at the edges, as with advice on pubs (until recently), restaurants, public transport, car-sharing, discreet physically-distanced socialising and much more.  For those who believe that society evokes obligations it is difficult to argue against following Irish government advice. On the other hand actually going beyond that advice, which purports to be comprehensive, seems unnecessary and – where it threatens proportionality – inadvisable.  So I would not advocate ignoring government advice. Of course nobody should exaggerate the facts and prognostications. It is unhelpful for example that during the week the Guardian negligently reported “a generation has died” in Bergamo near Milan when in fact 1959 people out of the area’s 1.2m population had died. On 15 March the front-page headline in Ireland’s Business Post was ‘Irish health authorities predict 1.9m will fall ill with coronavirus [sic: in fact the disease is Covid-19]’. Official spokespeople agreed this was accurate. In fact it is not.  It is a do-nothing prediction. The word should have been “may” not “will”. Where I demur is on the crucial area of the nexus of case-projections and how long quasi-lockdowns will probably last.  It seems to me that  – on this and this alone – policy-makers in Ireland have been hijacked by pessimism not data. It is not that they are not aware of the data and the international research it is that they are deploying it on the basis of worst-case outcomes. Such caution is desirable insofar as it is dictating life-saving policies, but it may lead to inaccurate projections of the medium-term future.  As a result they are not duly recognising two things: The consequences of the stringent measures we have now put in place and committed to putting in place soon  The lessons of the epidemiological pattern in China. The constantly and consistently iterated headline  figure of 15,000 projected cases at the end of the month, representing roughly one-third increases daily, which has been more or less registering as predicted since 16 March (though substantially less for the last three days; 906 cases, 4 deaths as of 22 March), turns out to be in the absence of the remedial measures – distancing, closures, that we have actually taken. A similar study by Imperial College London on the UK projected half a million deaths in Britain. The Imperial model’s clear message, though, was not this possible conflagration: it was how small the effects are of half-hearted strategies. Remedial measures, it accepted, would reduce the height of the epidemic’s peak by two-thirds and pushed it from May to June.  China took remedial measures.  So what happened there to the ongoing one-third increases? Just a few weeks after introduction of draconian measures cases dropped. The first case of Covid-19 was detected on 17 November in Wuhan city; the first death was on 9 January; quarantine was imposed in Wuhan and the surrounding Hubei region on 23 January. Figures leapt from around 800 then to 80,000 in mid

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    Daddy

    Success and the Fight to save Our World. By Michael Smith. He could truly remember his Dad from the day he was actually born, though in reality he never called him Dad. He used no name. Just the man. He was uncomfortable with the relationship.  It was so one-sided. It made him uncomfortable. No reciprocity. The man had liked success more than anything. From birth they’d been in competition.  For food, attention, his mother. Yes his mother. He was very strong even as a toddler, wouldn’t take correction even when the man beat him, narrow-eyed. The man was always keen to give tough correction and  never praised him.  Never. Sometimes he felt it bad. He didn’t care, knew he was great, better than that bastard. The man told him that life was about success but never that he’d actually be a success.  The man didn’t seem to think he would be a success.  Often he saw hatred. He remembered the man only ever started conversations that were about becoming a success.  Only ever. It was all about taking out the competition before they took you out.  Trust nobody. No-body. The man succeeded despite being an outsider.   Sometimes he got into trouble at school..  He had to leave a couple of them. The teachers were, like, assholes. Finished up in a military school.  He sorta liked that. Flags and prayers.  He got involved in some frat boy stuff and was beaten once or twice.  He liked the violence and the discipline.  He mostly stole his schoolwork. His mother was soft but aloof and she was no force in his life, she had her own battles with the man.  The only thing he had in common with the man was the work, and from his earliest days he loved to go on site.  By the time he was a teenager he was driving trucks and even operating a crane.  Unbelievable, a crane! He was fabulous at it and all the boys loved him.  Loved him. To be honest there was a distance and every so often his stuff would get stolen or the phone would go off, and he’d just hear stupid laughing on the line.  It didn’t matter, they were losers who worked for the man.  They’d eventually work for him.  He wanted to be a success, they wouldn’t be any part of it.  They were rude, ridiculous and sad.  He really didn’t care, knew he was great, better than that bastard. He went to a big college and scraped through, avoiding ‘Nam somehow.  He was very smart, very excellent IQ.  Very excellent. He always knew what would be in the papers.  He knew the people who set them. Very nice people. The man died and he took over the firm.  The boys called him Mister, now. He expanded it into the city, never paid anyone where he didn’t have  to, took some big risks and made the business and its new owner famous all over the country. The company was really big. The man died. They hadn’t spoken in months and before that when they spoke it was hard. Jealousy probably. Looking for attention.  By now he had lots of girlfriends.  He was good-looking and  liked to fuck.  And they liked his money. He was worth a lot of money, tens of millions.  Maybe a hundred.  A lot. He got a reputation as a phenomenal socialite.  He expanded the firm abroad, became a national figure, got involved in the media, bought some awesome buildings but was given bad advice and had to start again.  He did it, pressured the banks, he was the only one who knew what to do, where the bodies were buried. He married a beautiful model.  Then another and a third.  Lots of kids. Four.  Five.  He treated them like the man treated him.  The eldest girl though, she was special, she had the genes.  The family all had the best genes.  People said they had the best genes. Swedish genes.  The girls were tall and blonde, like him. Beautiful. He got his own show. Incredible.  His own helicopter, own plane.  He was worth a billion, two billion, five billion.  Famous. The man was just a builder. He went into politics. He was a success, a tremendous success. He stood for the Presidency, the most famous man in America from his reality show, for his billions and for the ladies, young ladies.  Grab them by the pussy, he said he would, with his dick fully half as big as he knew it was. The funny thing was he didn’t really want to be President, never had, couldn’t see the point except as something to get his rather small hands on, but one day he’d been to a big event, and the President, a black dude, took time out to tell jokes about him.  The lowlife was telling jokes about him. The audience, all around him, they laughed at the joke, laughed at him.  He was caught on international TV, rictus as the applause of the elite rippled and rerippled around the auditorium.  On TV! These dummies didn’t like him. That damn laughter. Horrible. He paid people to tell him what people who might vote for him wanted to hear and then he simply said whatever it was. It worked. Against the odds he won the Presidency.  It was easy, show no weakness. Call people names. The blacks, the gays, the muslims. Fake news. If only the man were there to see his success. The man hadn’t really been much of a success. Overrrated. He was different.  He was self-made. Big-league. Money, power, women. Fame. The American Dream, they said. The President didn’t really know what to do with the success.  It didn’t really suit him being President.  All these people had ideas that made no sense to him, ideas, principles, policies, books: redtape stuff they made up because they envied his success, and to make him feel bad.  It was stuff the man wouldn’t have recognized and it seemed they were just using it against him.  It was like the way they ridiculed the signature gold bathrooms he put in all his great buildings. He was a perfect President making America great again, a wonderful place to do business.  Winning again. The stock market soared, he kept the American way of life alive. His Empire, in the

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    Perhaps

    Enda Gormley reviews Tom Creed’s affecting revival of Barry McGovern’s adaptation of Beckett’s novel ‘Watt’, at the Everyman During the latter half of World War II, Samuel Beckett found himself in a town called Roussillon d’Apt hiding from Gestapo officers. He and his partner’s involvement with the Resistance movement had led to their exile from Paris and refuge in the Southern French town to await the end of the war. It was here Beckett finished the novel ‘Watt’. He found solace in the process of writing it and once credited the work as “a means of staying sane” during this difficult time in Vichy France which was neither at war nor at peace.  Adapting the novel to the stage must have come with a feeling of obligation to stay faithful to its opaqueness, its sense of emptiness but also its hope. Director Tom Creed’s revival of Barry McGovern’s adaptation brings with it the weight and beauty of Beckett’s language and adds only what it must. The production attains a delicate equilibrium by bringing Beckett to life in an accessible manner without significant loss of generality. In fact there is a sense of timelessness which the production invokes by use of costume design and paring down of some of the more arcane language. It expertly bridges the gap between prose and theatre. Early on, the play introduces us to Mr Watt, a man at odds, and often perplexed by the world and its inhabitants around him. He arrives at a country house in which he is due to be employed as a servant. Finding the front door locked and a state of darkness he then attempts to gain entry via the backdoor, only to find that it too is locked. Unphased he tries the front door again to no avail before trying the back door for a second time; finding that it is unlocked or “on the latch” he enters the house a little confused. The production launches from this moment, showing us the world through Mr Watt’s eyes where a dichotomous view is never sufficient. Mr Watt serves Mr Knott, the owner of the house who lives on the top floor. Mr Watt serves Mr Knott without ever actually meeting him. During his time as servant of the house Mr Watt encounters other characters who come to also serve Mr Knott. Samuel Beckett once said: “I have never accepted the notion of a theatre of the absurd, a concept that implies a judgement of value. It’s not even possible to talk about truth. That’s part of the anguish’. This production respectfully accords by never staking too much on any line and by allowing uncertainty to reign. Barry McGovern massages the air of the auditorium in the Everyman Palace as he guides us through the madcap world set out by Beckett. He allows the language to make the impact adding ornamentation tactfully. His delivery is suitably vaudevillian in parts and candid when needed. There is comedy in the language and McGovern brings it bursting to life with his natural wit. In voicing the narrator he appeals to the intellect of the audience creating a recipe of thought with what could have been a wall of sound. During brief sojourns embodying characters he is emotional and deeply engaging. The novel doubles back and repeats itself so much that it could easily be a disaster on stage but with McGovern you feel you’re in safe hands. The audience is guided through the selected parts of the novel which combine to present a cohesive message all while delivering the main body of novel efficiently under the hour mark.  But of course some compromises had to be made by bringing this rambling book to the stage. You can feel the hand of the modern producer intervening on Beckett. The gluing together of disjoint pieces to make a play breaks the rhythm of the prose at times. This can be slightly jarring when McGovern is in full flow. There are also interruptions to the stream of consciousness before it reaches its logical climax. This, however, works to foster further uncertainty. But overall the piece is well suited to the stage which offers a blank canvas for the novel to be freshly retold each night in all its vagueness. The set and lighting design complements the production. The stage is sparsely decorated with a  chair and a hand-truck. It is suitably minimalist and allows for just two acting positions-sitting and standing (McGovern opts not to lie on the ground). The lighting provides a wide range of moods and scenes. It is nuanced and offers surprises in its variation. Overall this is a greatly affecting and altogether enjoyable production. Although the subject matter is dense, the pace is brisk and the overarching message is life-affirming. This ensures we do not dwell on what is lacking. It is teeming with the hope that Beckett associates with “perhaps”.  

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    Covid-19 compounds existing public distrust

    As Italy quarantines a quarter of its people and the Business Post claims 1.9 million will get it in Ireland, it’s not just the disease that is viral By David Langwallner. “There comes a time in human history when the man who says 2 plus 2 equals 4 will be sentenced to death.” – Camus, The Plague. In his seminal ‘The Plague’ (1947) Albert Camus uses the historical plague effecting Oran in Algeria to spotlight the heroism of  engagement, and humanity in difficult times. Any perception of public emergency risks collapse of our modern universe. After hurricanes, flooding or even manifestations of police brutality riots often occasioned by urban disenchantment or inequity lead to viral barbarism.  And we have still never been deprived of the crucial two meals. There is a famous book by the recently deceased Portuguese novelist José Saramago,  called ‘Blindness’ (1989) where blindness has become a communicable disease and an epidemic. The effect is escalating panic. Individuals are quarantined and dehumanised. Human nature descends to Hobbesean  brutishness. The concepts of fairness and the rule of law disintegrate. Inept authorities run wild. Asylums are created for those quarantined. A cautionary tale for 2020.  History groans with destructive plagues. Over 3 percent of a much smaller humanity died in 541 in the Justinian Plague exported by Byzantium and named after one of the Roman emperors the same way the Americans give kitschy names to hurricanes or snow storms.  The most famous plague – exported by Mongol warriors – was the Black Death which killed 50 million people in Europe in the years around 1347 and is vividly captured in the seminal film by Tarkovsky called Andrei Rublev (1989). London’s Great Plague of 1665-6, like the Black Death an eruption of the bubonic plague pandemic, was transmitted by infected rat fleas and killed about 100,000 people, a quarter of its population, in 18 months.  The most infamous flu virus hit in 1918.  Of course more people died in that Spanish flu epidemic in the immediate aftermath of the first world war than in the entire war itself – some 50 million. They included the legendary Austrian painter Egon Schiele and the poet Apollinaire. The artists did not just die in the trenches but often afterwards. In 1918 it mainly took young adults. Those aged 75 and above had the lowest death rate of all. Such pandemics did not destroy humanity, or reach the tipping point. Of course the reason for the scale of deaths then was a lack of vaccination and the overall susceptibilities to first infection and second death was considerably higher than with the Coronavirus. But it is the rates of infection and death combined that make Coronavirus the most dangerous epidemic in 100 years. As of 7 March 2020, there have been more than 105,000 cases with the most significant outbreaks in central China, South Korea, Italy, and Iran. The number of confirmed cases worldwide is more than 10 times higher than the 8,100 known to have been infected by SARS, a related virus that caused a six-month epidemic in 2003.   More than 3,500 people have died: around 3,100 in mainland China and around 450 in other countries. As of 3 March 2020 WHO data show the percentage of patients dying after infection with COVID-19 is 3.4% globally (1.6% outside of China perhaps reflecting Western failures to diagnose all cases, but also its superior healthcare).  By comparison, seasonal flu generally kills far fewer than 1% of those infected;  measles 0.2%; but SARS and 1918’s Spanish flu 10%. The chances, surprisingly low perhaps, are that the average victim will pass the disease on to 2.5 others; though China brought that number down. There is no question but that the ratio of death to infection is nowhere near as high as in the historic pandemics. Survival is highly probable for the young and the healthy. In China around 80% of deaths recorded were from those over the age of 60, and 75% had pre-existing health conditions including heart  diseases and diabetes. But in our present universe it is increasingly difficult to disentangle fact, expertise and what is really going on. Certain Australian experts are very unclear about whether it will be numerically insignificant amounts of deaths or the appalling vista of 1919.  Italy, China and Australia are reacting with what might be externally perceived to be excessive and disproportionate measures. A day after thousands of its citizens flooded the streets of Dublin, Italy is to quarantine a quarter of its population. The Business Post is reporting as fact that 1.9 million Irish people will contract Covid-19. The present evidence from China is that the threat is diminishing and the numbers lessening. The host province Hubei is now free of new cases. But China implemented draconian, often vicious, restrictions. By 6 February 2020, four Zhejiang cities with combined populations of 30 million people were operating a “passport” system, allowing only one person per household to leave home every two days. Authorities in Wuhan city went door to door checking temperatures, rounding up suspected Coronavirus patients for forcible quarantine in stadiums, exhibition centres and the like. In London the crowded tubes and trains have become more like skeletal ghost ships. There are also very evident food runs in parts of England. I begin to sound like The Shipping News. Now the Dunkirk spirit is intrinsic to the British personality. And doubtless Johnson in his Churchill light-way will appeal to the open-minded. That is in principle good. Camus shows in ‘The Plague’ the way authorities seek to downplay a situation when they have lost control. What do they really know about the morphology and trajectory of new diseases?  We should also be wary of shamans and snake oil, and face-mask, salesman. We live in a world of despotism, lies, climate change and pestilence redolent of science fiction and we are a rapacious and destructive species enthralled by economics. Biotechnological research where innovation and funding is prized at the possible expense of morality or the public safety is very dangerous. When profits and cost-benefit analysis are the bases for decision-making then the Habermasean principle of modulating technocratic goals with

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    Review: The Fall of the Second Republic

    This new co-production of the Corn Exchange and the Abbey falls at even the shortest hurdles By Rory O’Sullivan The best moment in The Fall of the Second Republic is at its end. Emer Hackett (Caitríona Ennis), a journalist, has spent the play trying to expose corruption in the government of Manny Spillane (Andrew Bennett), but has failed and Spillane has turned Ireland into a dictatorship. She is pregnant and says to her baby, “It will fall – one day”. The title then makes sense to the audience: the fall of the play’s corrupt system is always looked forward to, always thought to be just ahead, but never comes. It’s a clever reversal, dramatically and thematically interesting. The Fall of the Second Republic certainly contains some good moments like this. It’s also sometimes funny, even if the humour too often consists of stereotypes and people running loudly around a stage. Of course it is extremely rare to witness a play in which there are no good moments at all. There is usually too much stage-time and too many moving parts – actors, script, stage, audience – for everything to fail at once. Instead, what separates a professional play from something in the university players is that in the former there is an overarching coherence. Anyone can make a few dramatic moments, but only a playwright can write a drama, and only a director and actors can perform it. For this there needs to be a plot, characters, themes and a coherent theatrical world in which those three elements exist. Together these forces must all move as one: whenever a play is choosing between the coherence of its plot and the coherence of its characters, something has gone wrong. To do this well is difficult, which is why not everyone works in writing or theatre; but when fully realised, it is one of the most powerful things in the world, which is why tourists still visit Shakespeare’s birthplace and students read his works in school. You could think of it this way. It’s pointlessly broad to ask what art ‘is’, but simple enough to recognise what art is a category of, which is constructive reasoning. It doesn’t matter if that reasoning is of chord progressions or word progressions, events moving like clock-hands or emotional waves rolling over each other. Any great aesthetic effect exists only in the context of what is around it. Aristotle said that discovery and reversal are the core of every dramatic plot, but these both presuppose something. For the reversal of Oedipus’ fortunes to matter, for his discovery of what he has done to mean something, we need to experience a world and a character that tee them up. For all plays of all kinds, every moment must be there for a reason that can be justified as a product of its determinative logic.  The Fall of the Second Republic, written by Michael West, directed by Annie Ryan, a co-production of the Corn Exchange and the Abbey Theatre, is a thorough disappointment above all because it does not do any of this. The plot is nothing more than a record of the characters’ reactions to bizarre Dei ex Machina; the characters themselves are mere caricatures; thematically the play explores problems in Irish politics that no longer exist or never existed; the dramatic world lurches between different decades without ever explaining itself.  Is the Taoiseach, Manny Spillane, with his Garret-FitzGerald hair, an evil genius destroying the country’s institutions for money and power? Or is he a wailing incompetent, exploited by those around him and propped up by his devoted secretary, Goretti (Anna Healy)? In the play he is both: at once a fiendish caricature of Charles Haughey and a poor imitation of Jim Hacker. We are never provided with a sense of how these two personalities can fit together in a single character.  They contradict each other. Spillane ends up declaring martial law and turning Ireland into a dictatorship to save his political career and smother a newspaper story about corruption in the development of the fictional Irish Banking Centre (IBC). How Spillane is politically strong enough to end Irish democracy, but vulnerable enough to be brought down by a bad newspaper story, is never explained. If the Gardaí and judiciary are so deep within his pocket that he can arrest the entire opposition and Ceann Comhairle, why worry about a Tribunal? In general, this is the problem thematically with the play. If it is intended on any level to be politically relevant and to take corruption seriously, it fails because it is not coherent enough to capture the systemic and endemic corruption that actually prevailed in Ireland in the late 20th century. Instead, its politicians are a whimsical group of capricious murderers. Its comments not so much on Ireland in any decade as an absurd non-reality. The other main character apart from Spillane is the journalist Emer Hackett, whose personality stretches no further than ‘independent woman trying to do good’. There is nothing interesting about her, nothing whatsoever unpredictable. She is less a character than a bundle of attributes and experiences we’re all supposed to admire. She tries to do a good thing in a bad world with the deck stacked against her and it backfires. A few bells and whistles are attached to her story – she becomes pregnant, for example – but nothing that has not been overdone before. It is impossible to care about her. Where the play is original, it contradicts itself to absurdity; where it is consistent, it is maddeningly stereotypical. There is the inevitable abortion subplot as well as the drunken Irishman in the form of Billy Kinlan (Declan Conlon), Spillane’s Tánaiste and willing idiot. There are token references to Northern Ireland. A TD from Donegal (also played by Anna Healy) returns from a fact-finding mission in Derry. One subplot involves Emer’s boyfriend and fellow journalist, Finbar (John Doran), accepting a job covering the conflict in Northern Ireland, but the

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    MI5 FLIES A FALSE FLAG.

    MI5 faked a Loyalist arms importation to manipulate Dublin in the run-up to an IRA ceasefire. A few months later the cream of NI Intelligence were dead in the Chinook helicopter crash. Shortly afterward, the ceasefire was called. The Chinook crash files are embargoed until 2094. By Deirdre Younge. Introduction 1994 was the year of living dangerously for Northern Ireland’s spymasters. The prospect of an imminent IRA ceasefire had the intelligence community in a spin. M15 was gaining the upper hand in the battle with the RUC Special Branch for the control and flow of intelligence. Some believed the watchers were being watched. It was the year M15 attempted to pull a foolhardy false flag operation. Initially lauded as a massive coup it was quickly buried under D notices when sceptical journalists blew a hole in the story. Fronted by an Ulster Resistance leader with links to the UVF, but by now suspected by other ‘Resistance’ members of being an agent, M15 arranged a massive arms importation from Poland, aided by some members of Polish intelligence.  The shipment, seized by customs at Teesport docks in a prearranged operation, was hailed as a massive success for the security services.  The aim of the phony operation was to put pressure on the Irish Government and to ‘even up’ the threat levels in negotiations.  June 2, 1994 – The crash of a Chinook helicopter carrying 24 of  the elite of the intelligence community in Northern Ireland: senior RUC officers like Brian Fitzsimons Assistant Chief Constable and Head of Special Branch; Army Intelligence Head and founder of FRU,Lt Colonel Victor Williams; Director and Coordinator of Intelligence, M15’s John Deverall; Michael Maltby, an M15 specialist in money laundering who had spent a career investigating IRA finances; Anne James, M15, among those who died on the side of a mountain on the Mull of Kintyre when the RAF Chinook helicopter, piloted by  special forces pilots crashed in fog. The other passengers, RUC officers Detective Superintendent Ian Phoenix, Detective Chief Superintendent Des Conroy were regarded as having a mastery of the intelligence files, a vital asset in a largely non computerised system. The helicopter was heading, not towards the stated destination of Fort George, Inverness but, according to high level security sources, to Machrihanish airbase minutes away from the crash site, on the other side of the Mull of Kintyre. The purpose of the carefully arranged flight was a meeting with American Intelligence counterparts in the CIA and FBI  for an annual ‘summit’.   Machrihanish, then a top secret base which hosted high level meetings, was also used by the American Navy as a base, a training centre for Navy Seals, and for top secret flights. Just before the crash the American intelligence contingent had landed at Machrihanish in a private jet with American markings which was literally flying under the radar. After the crash  documents were strewn around the impact area which was protected by a seven mile cordon. Files relating to the Chinook are embargoed until 2094 apart from a small number of  files containing a few pages released in 2019. Immediately after the disaster on the Mull the spinning began about the destination and the purpose of the meeting. The truth got lost in the fog of disinformation. Newspapers were briefed by the RUC that the intelligence specialists were meeting to discuss a threatened bombing campaign against Dublin, the evidence of which was the importation of weapons and explosives from Poland which had been seized by customs at Teesport seven months earlier in a seeming ‘coup’ for M15. The false flag operation was being linked to the dead officers. The Sunday World covered the Chinook helicopter crash extensively three days later and detailed the RUC brief about Teesport However, the importation had been arranged by MI5 to influence the Dublin government. [Author’s note: for the avoidance of confusion: MI5 (which is attached to the Home Office) often works in co-operation with MI6 (which is attached to the Foreign Office). Both organisations appear in this story, although the primary moving party here was MI5.) Stella Rimmington, the Director-General of MI5 at the time of MI5’s false flag operation involving commercial bomb materials imported from Poland. TEESPORT RENDEZVOUS In early November 1993 a senior RUC officer was surveying the docking area of a container ship in Teesport, Cleveland, north-east England. ‘The Inowroclaw’ was sailing from Gdynia in Poland to Teesport and from there to its declared final destination of Belfast Port and into the hands of the UVF. It was jammed with armaments. Later that month the RUC officer returned with a battalion of UK Customs officers to Teesport docks to ‘intercept’ the shipment before it reached its declared destination. The RUC officer was working with MI5. He had been in Teesport  weeks in advance  to ensure that nothing could go wrong. This time the weapons would not be distributed as had happened six years previously. If the arms were added to the UVF arsenal it would match anything imported from Libya by the IRA. The Inowroclaw This is not the plot of a Northern Ireland  ‘noir’ novel, but a ‘false flag’ operation at the tail end of the undercover war in Northern Ireland. By the time it sailed from the Baltic Port, the container-load of weapons included 300 assault rifles, grenades, pistols and detonators as well as two tonnes of plastic explosives. The importation, Loyalist sources in mid-Ulster told Village, was instigated by a man linked to Ulster Resistance, an Ulster loyalist paramilitary movement established in opposition to the Anglo-Irish Agreement,  in Armagh. He was also closely aligned to some members of the  UVF  –  and the Security Services. He had apparently convinced a Loyalist faction that he could source weapons from contacts in the Polish arms industry which, perennially economically challenged, was anxious to make deals to keep factories in business. Ironically, suspicions about this man among local Ulster Resistance activists – the ‘small men’ in Armagh – had  led to the RUC’s disastrous loss of control

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