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    ‘England’ in the Euros

    We are told that the Brexit debate is the most important political decision our neighbour has made so far this Millennium. Even so, the debate in the UK could compete for the most boring referendum campaign ever. It’s been little more than a series of ‘he said, she said’. The claims made by each side are notable both for their increasing extremity and their increasing certitude. The outcomes of political decisions are rarely certain, but this has not stopped those on either side make predictions with impossible precision. Brexit will cost each British subject £32,000 according to one, house prices will fall by 25% according to another (hardly a bad thing anyway). The population will ‘surge’ by four million if the UK votes to remain. Even more extreme claims about Hitler and implications of World War III are aired and taken seriously, or derided. In Ireland there is a consensus that Brexit will be a disaster for us, but I’m not sure how we can be so certain about that. I suspect people have formed their positions and then escalated their rhetoric to suit the position. If it does nothing it should make people think about the appropriateness of referendums for making important policy decisions. But who will win? Whether it is the impact of claim and counterclaim or not, there has been a change in the polling numbers over the last two months. From late April to mid-May the Leave side was in the ascendant; then since mid-May the Remain side maintained a comfortable lead. More recently still a couple of polls show this lead tightening, sometimes dramatically. The polls have come under some scrutiny because of last year’s failure to predict the UK election. Telephone polls are significantly different from online polls. The telephone polls, which were more accurate predictors of the eventual 2015 general election results, show a large lead for Remain, much larger than the internet polls. This prediction is confirmed by the inevitably streetwise betting market (which may or may not be independent of the polls) which show that the odds of Remain are never less than 1/2. The move to Remain is consistent with a common explanation of voting in referendums: that people are risk-averse and so tend to have a status quo bias as they approach the actual act of voting. We can see that the number of undecideds has fallen. But it could also be the campaign that matters. As a series of claims and counterclaims on the issues of the economy and immigration, the ordinary voter can be forgiven for being confused. The ‘facts’ are contested and so the voter has to depend on something else. That something else could be the credibility of those making the claims. The Leave side is unlucky to have so many barmy, old, white English men making its case. Though there is no gender difference in the polls, there are significant regional and class differences. London and Scotland are more likely to support Remain, as are the young and the better off. And try as it might to set the agenda in the campaign, the Leave side has been left reacting to claims. I suspect a more systematic analysis of the referendum campaign might show the Leave side spending most of its time responding to, or rejecting, the barrage of reports, and claims, cascading from the Remain side that Brexit would damage the British economy. But the Remain side is hardly blessed. Labour is not campaigning strongly; it’s been somewhat diverted enjoying the Tories tear themselves apart. Its traditional vote is probably unfashionably interested in the immigration issue, and could shift to Brexit. Regaining your sovereignty might not actually mean much anymore, but it elicits a visceral response for most people. If you think that your country is in trouble, saying ‘do nothing’ doesn’t seem adequate. Seemingly irrelevant factors can become relevant in a referendum. The English team’s performance in Euro 2016 could yet play a part. It will increase the sense of patriotism, which might spill into the ballot box.

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    Like men only poorer

    On 26th May the European Parliament passed a comprehensive and progressive report on “Poverty – A Gender Perspective”. There has been recognition of the feminisations of poverty for decades, but there has been little progress on tackling the root causes for this. There is a whole range of factors at play and the report is valuable in taking a multi-dimensional approach. I was the author of the chapter that dealt with employment issues. The single biggest issue for employment is that women continue to be paid less than their male counterparts. Across the EU the gender pay gap stands at 16.3%, with Ireland doing slightly better at an average of 13.9%. We are calling for greater transparency in pay systems. The gender pay-gap is compounded by the disporportionate number of women who are on zerohour contracts and in precarious work. Dressed up in neo-liberal language as ‘flexible’ contracts, people on these contracts are left not knowing from one week to the next whether there will be enough money to pay the rent or to put food on the table. Our report calls on all Member States to implement the Internation Labour Organisation recommendations on reducing precarious contracts. This would limit the amount of time a worker can be employed on such a contract before being offered a permanent one. The new Portuguese Government is looking at the possibility of a tax disincentive for employers who use precarious contracts excessively. Things get progressively worse for women as they grow older. Absence from employment to care for children or sick older relatives often leave women facing a pension pay gap. This stands at a phenomenal 34.7% in Ireland. Women make up 78% of carers and it is only right that time spent as a carer is calculated into pension eligibility. We need to change outlooks. The report calls on the Member States to introduce care credits for building up pension rights, to ensure those who take a break from employment to provide care are not disadvantaged in doing so and that the time spent as a carer is calculated into pension eligibility. The report further welcomes the EU Commission’s proposal to introduce Carers Leave and for them to proceed with this without delay. Access to affordable childcare is a key imperative in tackling the poverty experienced by Women. The report recommends that Member States increase expenditure in line with the 1% of GDP proposal in the Barcelona Objectives and incentivise employer contributions to childcare costs. Ireland, for example, is way down the list with a spend of just 0.2%. It recommends that priority be given to projects establishing childcare facilities in expenditure of EU funds such as under the European Social Fund. It calls for flexibility within the Growth and Stability Pact to allow for financing such facilities and recommends that the Commission should allocate specific resources through a co-financing mechanism to promote incentives where early childhood education and care facilities are lacking. Women’s vulnerability to gender-based violence plays a part in the feminisation of poverty. Women who have exhausted paid leave are at risk of losing their jobs. Others who flee the family home can find themselves in emergency accommodation and at the mercy of the public services provided by the state. Financial independence is crucial for women escaping abusive relationships. The report notes the introduction of paid domesticviolence leave in Australia and of unpaid leave in the US, and calls on the Commission and Member States to examine the feasibility of introducing a system of paid leave for survivors of domestic violence. A recent ICTU report found that 20% of employees have taken time off as a result of domestic violence and 2% of those lost their jobs as a result. Paid leave for domestic violence would enable a person to find alternative accommodation, attend court hearings and doctors’ appointments if their existing leave had been exhausted. It would help women maintain economic independence. It is welcome that the European Parliament voted for a report that recognises that gender poverty must be addressed at an EU level. That the European Parliament with its neoliberal majority voted in favour of a report that rightly condemns austerity policies and cuts to public services is a significant achievement. However, it is often the case that words are cheap and action is much harder to come by. If the EU is serious about addressing gender poverty, it must recognise that societal changes are essential. We need the political will for change. Men and women will benefit from a more equal social and economic order but unless men and women are prepared to fight for it, the status quo of three million more women than men living in poverty in the EU will remain.

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    Really Healy

    In 1976, an ageing farmer living a few miles from Killarney wanted a medical card. He had just turned 60 and a few years previously had suffered a stroke. Medical cards were a relatively new phenomenon in Ireland back in those days and so he called up his local Fianna Fáil councillor to ascertain how he might go about passing the means test and acquiring one. The Fianna Fáil councillor, surveying the 23 acres of farmland the farmer owned, pointed to the farmer’s 17-yearold son and told him brusquely: “Dónal, sign the farm over to the young fella and you’ll get your medical card”. Dónal duly signed the farm over to his son and he got his medical card. That Fianna Fáil councillor was named Jackie Healy-Rae, Dónal was my grandfather and the “young fella” was my father. The point of this anecdote is to illustrate that the localistic and clientelistic nature of the Healy- Raes’ politics has existed for decades, generations even. Since Jackie was first elected as a county councillor in 1973, he and his family, have acted as fixers, middle- men between the state and its citizens. Knowingly or unknowingly, they have exploited the particular nature of the Irish political state. It’s no surprise Jackie started out in Fianna Fáil and remained a councillor for the party for a quarter of a century. As Dick Walsh wrote in the 1980s: “[Fianna Fáil] may not have invented the phenomenon known to political scientists as localism, but its leading members in any county of the twenty-six must be sufficiently experienced practitioners to be able to give lessons in its operation”. When Jackie left the party in 1997 and was elected as an independent TD for Kerry South he retained these traits and transported them to the national level. His sons, Michael and Danny, inherited them too. Even as they make hundreds of thousands of euros from county council contracts and own and operate a bar, a post office, a petrol station and a string of residential properties, they’re still able to present themselves as salt-ofthe- earth, modest Kerrymen. The Healy-Raes are not merely products of Kerry however: they are a product of a highly centralised political system from which citizens feel alienated and by which they feel disempowered and of a weak and inaccessible system of local government towards which citizens feel at best ambivalent and at worst hostile. Explaining the recent electoral success, which saw Michael top the poll and his brother Danny joining him in second place, requires a bit more digging, however. In 2016 they bagged 40% of the first preference votes in Kerry. Before, when people from other counties slagged me off about the Healy-Raes I would defend myself and my county by pointing out that they scraped in every year, that their popularity was confined to rural pockets of the South Kerry constituency (my native Killarney being innocent of such foolhardiness naturally), and that it was thanks to ‘backwards culchies in Kenmare and Cahersiveen’ that they managed to get elected. And I wasn’t entirely wrong. If you look at Jackie and Michael’s performances in each general election between 1997 and 2011, they never topped the poll. In 1997, Jackie came second to John O’Donoghue while in 2002 and 2007 he placed third and so did Michael in 2011. This was during the Healy-Raes’ supposed golden era. Jackie propped up Fianna Fáil-led governments in 1997 and 2007 and in return was notoriously compensated by way of infrastructural development in the county, everything from roads to bridges, from hospitals to roundabouts. And yet, during all this time, they never topped the poll, never came close even. So how is it that they managed to finish first and second in 2016? The Kerry South constituency, which they knew so well, was abolished and amalgamated with the Kerry North constituency in 2013 to form a new Kerry constituency. I thought they’d struggle when that happened: North Kerry is different to South Kerry. It’s more urban and had two very well-established politicians in Martin Ferris and Jimmy Deenihan. It also has a strong tradition of Labour and Sinn Féin support that does not exist in South Kerry. Allied to all that, the Healy-Raes wouldn’t know it very well and wouldn’t have the same local expertise. Secondly, and perhaps more importantly, Michael hasn’t been propping up any governments in the last five years which means he wasn’t able to attract much infrastructural investment to the county. No Fianna Fáil sponsored goodies for Kerry people to enjoy and them to brag about and for their companies to make money from. So, what happened? Well, I’ve got a theory. In the last number of years, themes of rural isolation and economic under-development in areas outside of Dublin have been pervasive in political debate. The basic argument goes as follows: Dublin and its hinterland gained the most during the good years of the Celtic Tiger and have fared much better in the economic recovery we’ve seen in the last number of years. Rural Ireland was destroyed by the recession and is being abandoned by young people because it has been abandoned by the government. The closure of post offices, Garda stations and hospitals, as well as the lack of infrastructural development in the form of roads, motorways and broadband bear testament to this. I’m not here to argue the bona fides or even the rights and wrongs of that argument but people believe it to be true and their political choices reflect this. The Healy-Raes have tapped into this feeling and exploited the sense of rural underdevelopment better than anyone else. Other politicians around the country such as Michael Fitzmaurice in Roscommon, Michael Collins in Cork and Michael Lowry in Tipperary have done it too but the Healy-Raes have made it into an art. From Michael Healy-Rae referring to the last government as the “most anti-Rural Ireland government in history” to Danny’s moronic attempt to legalise drink-driving so lonely rural bachelors could

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    IMAGINE

    The spark of any human venture is imagination. The Romantic poet Percy Bysshe Shelley (1792-1822) in his ‘In Defence of Poetry’ distinguishes this from reason, the “enumeration of qualities already known”; whereas “imagination is the perception of the values of those qualities, both separately and as a whole… Reason is to imagination as the instrument to the agent, as the body to the spirit, as the shadow to the substance”. Too often governments, corporations and individuals lack that ignition. Reason in abundance is evident, yes, but imagination is rarely nurtured and often frowned on. We strive to proceed from point A to B, failing to recognise the possibilities in the remainder of the alphabet. Ireland in particular stands accused. Scientific reasoning, for all its astounding capacity, is founded on imagining a possibility beyond contemporary restraints. So it was that Portuguese navigators of the fifteenth century first envisioned a route to India and then produced a vessel, the caravel, allowing them to sail windward. It is said that necessity is the mother of invention but really imagination charts the course. The Portuguese voyages represented the triumph of the Renaissance mind over the mediaeval. In his autobiography, Laurens van der Post relates a story told to him by CG Jung “that if one wanted to fix a precise moment at which the Renaissance began, it would be the day when the Italian poet Petrarch decided to defy superstition and climb a mountain in the Alps, just for the sake of reaching its summit”. A poetic imagination can guide Irish people to the heights of their capabilities, removing what is left of the Catholic-industrial-complex. But there will be obstacles and dead-ends. For example, I believe as a start we must move beyond the wisdom of the likes of Ireland’s leading public intellectual, Fintan O’Toole. His insights can only take us so far: like Virgil in Dante’s ‘Divine Comedy’ who guides Dante the pilgrim through Hell and Purgatory as far as the border of Paradise. The genius of imagination is not restricted to mechanical invention or improvements to organisations but also underpins the empathy that makes us identify with others and extend compassion. Shelley writes that for a man to be ‘greatly good’ he “must imagine intensely and comprehensively; he must put himself in the place of another and many others; the pains and pleasure of his species must be his own”. Throughout the twentieth century we saw a failure of what the philosopher Jonathan Glover calls “moral imagination”; we still see individuals sheltering in the comfort of command centres from which they unleash death and destruction. From this vantage war became like a computer game that obscures the real horror, and yet bewilderment greets the ferocity and depravity in response. Through their faculty of imagination Shelley identifies poets as the unacknowledged legislators of the world who forge social sympathies. In agreement the legal scholar Edward J Erbile writes: “Ancient law often took the form of poetry. Laws were expressed in incantatory rhythms. The oldest Greek and Latin words were also the eldest words for law. For example carmen or carminis in Latin means ‘song’ or ‘statute’”. Shelley also hails the intuitive capacity of the poet who, “not only beholds intensely the present as it is, and discovers those laws according to which present thing ought to be ordered, but beholds the future in the present (not that they can foresee the future)”. He claims that “all the great historians were poets” and that “poetry is ever to be found to co-exist with whatever other arts contribute to the happiness and perfection of man”. Seen in this light, poetry is a vital commodity in any culture, foregrounding and guiding other artistic endeavours, channelling empathy, and forging justice. Poetry is not restricted to composition of metrical verse: any writer or artist should aspire to it. Shelley embodied a revolutionary altruism, visiting Ireland where he wrote a pamphlet in 1812, ‘An Address to the Irish People’, urging non-violent resistance to colonialism: “In no case employ violence, the way to liberty and happiness is never to transgress the rules of virtue and justice. Liberty and happiness are founded upon virtue and justice. If you destroy the one you destroy the other”. He would have deplored the Easter Rising and anticipated the loss of liberty that emerged after the independent state’s violent birth pangs. But Shelley was perhaps too idealistic in assuming that poetry conflates with justice in the objective sense handed down in the Western tradition. Poetry has its dark uses. Audiences were mesmerised by the flow of Hitler’s speeches. Stalin and Radovan Karadzic both composed verse. Another published poet Enoch Powell summoned the vivid if crass metaphor of ‘rivers of blood’ in his opposition to multicultural Britain. Nonetheless, the best poetry articulates the highest human ideals. This generates practical and immediate imperatives, considering the weight of Nietzsche’s erosion of Enlightenment values and the huge challenges in this, the Anthropocene, age. We must learn how to live in the natural world and avert runaway Climate Change, as well as address hideous human inequalities. We demand new poetic legislators. That Irish people assume our country is of little relevance to the wider world is a failure of imagination. Since the arrival of literacy (alongside Christianity) this small, remote island has nourished visionary poets in a wide variety of disciplines from the monks who animated the Book of Kells, to the satire of Swift to the iconoclasm of Joyce and the asceticism of Beckett that have, as Shelley suggested in his Address to the Irish People, been a beacon to the world. Even the Easter Rising, for all its flaws, was among other things the realisation of the poetry of Pearse, Plunkett and McDonagh. James Joyce playfully mused: “Is this country destined some day to resume its ancient position as the Hellas of the north? Is the Celtic spirit, like the Slavic one (which it resembles in many respects), destined in the future to enrich the consciousness of

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    Take Stock!

    Ireland is awakening to the environmental impact of its livestock industry. Village has been to the fore in focusing on this unpalatable subject while the newspapers ignored it. RTE has been more craven still in its favouritism towards a livestock industry, often lovingly referred to as ‘our farmers’. He who pays the piper calls the tune. It is likely that editors and producers fear offending advertisers. I submitted numerous articles to the Irish Times on the subject. Ironically the Murdoch-owned Sunday Times proved more receptive. Belatedly the Irish Times has covered the issue and ran a series by Conor Purcell, a climate scientist in UCD earlier this year focusing on livestock emissions. More recently on April 2nd they ran a forensic article by some-time Village- writer John Gibbons entitled: ‘Meat is Madness: why it leads to global warming and obesity’ which joined the dots between the environmental and public-health impacts of meat production. Nonetheless the public is still largely in the dark as to the manifest unfairness of ‘meatonomics’ in Ireland – where landowners receive endowments as rural communities flounder. One positive that could flow from the Brexit debate is that focus will be drawn to the perversion of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), which was designed to protect farmers but now leads to concentrations of wealth in the hands of a few, and continued rural depopulation. The Irish media still avert their gaze from the meat-‘processing’ industry, a sinister euphemism that confounds the reality of millions of animals being slaughtered each year. This bears out Ruth Harrison’s observation that: “If one person is unkind to an animal it is considered to be cruelty, but where a lot of people are unkind to animals, especially in the name of commerce, the cruelty is condoned and, once large sums of money are at stake, will be defended to the last by otherwise intelligent people”. As far as I am aware no Irish newspaper has ever sent a reporter in to explore what happens in an abattoir or concentrated animal feeding operation (CAFO). It is only when a case reaches the courts that it will enter the public domain. One such was reported in the Irish Times in February 2015 in which pig farmer Rory O’Brien was given a jail sentence of 18 months. Judge Sean O Donnabháin said: “This is cruelty on an industrial scale by one of the biggest pig farmers in the country. On a continuous basis he knowingly and without regard acted in this way”. Inside the rat-infested piggery, animals were left to starve causing them to to eat one another the court was told. O’Brien’s farm, which closed in 2011, held over 2000 pigs. That implicates a lot of breakfast rolls. Millions of animals are slaughtered in Ireland each year but no journalist to my knowledge has braved the killing floor. The excellent indigenous documentary film ‘Foul’ (2006) by Andrew Legge explored the poultry industry but it is usually left to the Guardian to investigate what is happening in our, Irish, killing industries. Without journalistic coverage here we must draw on accounts of industrial slaughter elsewhere. Eric Schlosser’s 2001 book ‘Fast Food Nation’ paints a lurid picture that is unlikely to be different in Ireland: “On the kill floor, what I see no longer unfolds in a logical manner. It’s one strange image after another. A worker with a power saw slices cattle into halves as though they were two-by-fours, and then the halves as though they were twoby- fours, and then the halves swing by me into the cooler … Dozens of cattle, stripped of their skins, dangle on chains from their hind legs. My host stops and asks how I feel, if I want to go any further. This is where some people get sick”. He continues: “The kill floor is hot and humid. It stinks of manure. Cattle have a body temperature of about 101 degrees, and there are a lot of them in the room. Carcasses swing so far along the rail that you have to keep an eye on them constantly, dodge them, watch your step, or one will slam you onto the bloody concrete. It happens to workers all the time”.               Yet more scenes that recall Dante’s hell are revealed as he presses further inside: “I see: a man reach inside cattle and pull out their kidneys with his bare hands, then drop the kidneys down a metal chute, over and over again, as each animal passes by him; a stainless steel rack of tongues; Whizard-brand knives peeling meat off decapitated heads, picking them almost as clean as the white skulls painted by Georgia O’Keeffe. We wade through blood that’s ankle deep and that pours down drains into huge vats below us. As we approach the start of the line, for the first time I hear the pop, pop, pop of live animals being stunned”. Schlosser also encounters bestial working conditions usually undertaken by immigrant, unionised labour. “For eight and a half hours, a worker called a ‘sticker’ does nothing but stand in a river of blood, being drenched in blood, slitting the neck of a steer every ten seconds or so, severing its carotid artery. He uses a long knife and he must hit exactly the right spot to kill the animal humanely”. In the last circle of this inferno he meets the ‘knocker’, the man who welcomes cattle to the building: “Cattle walk down a narrow chute and pause in front of him, blocked by a gate, and then he shoots them in the head with a captive bolt stunner – a compressed-air gun attached to the ceiling by a long hose – which fires a steel bolt that knocks the cattle unconscious. The animals keep strolling up, oblivious to what comes next, and he stand over them and shoots. For eight and a half hours, he just shoots. As I stand there, he misses a few times and he shoots

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    Irish poets learn your trade

    Poets are banished from Plato’s ‘Republic’ where the philosopher king is the sole guardian of Truth. Their lyrical distortion is identified as a revolutionary threat to the singular established idea. This was recognised by James Joyce who wrote: “Poetry, even when apparently most fantastic, is always a revolt against artifice, a revolt, in a sense, against actuality”. Joseph Stalin was unnervingly conscious of the capacity of poets to undermine Communist ideology, describing them as “engineers of the soul”. He treated some such as Mikhail Bulgakov as a cat would a trapped mouse, to be disposed of when he felt bored. Others including Anna Akhmatova were harassed and not allowed to work. Nevertheless as a determined witness she wrote: “Terror fingers all things in the dark, / Leads moonlight to the axe. / There’s an ominous knock behind the wall: / A ghost a thief or a rat”. Eventually she was compelled by the imprisonment of her son to produce patriotic verse, but she was freed from constraints after the death of Stalin in 1953. Another Soviet poet Osip Mandelstam argued that a civilisation should be measured by the number who read poetry. He died in a gulag in 1940. Poetry eschews convention and draws vitality from rebellion. Yet paradoxically adherence to form seems essential for the mystery to be effectively conveyed. Where an ideology, whether Nazism, Communism or Irish Catholicism, becomes ascendant poets are usually censored and persecuted. But in this capitalistic age, the poet is often corrupted by market conditions, and imagination is not given free rein in a Zeitgeist of high rationality where authenticity and irony are prized above form and transcendence. Poetry is located beyond poems and is the source of literature. It is also vital to the evolution of language. Walter Benjamin provides a broad definition of language, arguing that: “all communication of mental meanings is language, communication in words being only a particular case of human language and of the justice, poetry or whatever underlying it or founded on it”. Poetry is found in film and, notably, music. Indeed the Austrian composer Hanns Eisler observed: “One must beware of overestimating orchestral music and considering it the only high art. Music without words gained its great importance and its full extent only under capitalism”. In this respect it is revealing that the same word in Old English was used for song and poem: leoð; another word was giedd, which means “riddle, poem, tale, song”. It appears that poetry and music evolved together and it is only in the early modern period that we see a significant rupture. But it is often to the detriment of classical varieties of both, which are increasingly marginalised and growing inaccessible to a general audience. We find in WB Yeats a strict adherence to a form that give his words a musical ring. Although it is believed he was actually tone deaf, he used a metronome to measure metre and usually adhered strictly to rhyming sequences. His method, allied with intense sensitivity, brought great popularity, and he revolted against an empire to sing his nation into existence. In his parting poem ‘Under Ben Bulben’ he urges:”Irish poets learn your trade / Sing whatever is well made”. Contrary to the stereotype, the poet is no dilettante, far from it. As Yeats asserts in ‘Adam’s Curse’: “A line will take us hours maybe; / Yet if it does not seem a moment’s thought, / Our stitching and unstitching has been naught”. It is the trick of great poetry to sound as if it has rolled off the tongue, but the apparent simplicity is the product of hard application. We might recall Pascal’s apology for not having the time to write a shorter letter. The initial inspiration, or donné, for a poem gives way to the slow labour of moulding coherence, like a potter shaping clay on a wheel into a recognisable object. Slightly melodramatically Yeats says: “Better go down on the marrow bones / And scrub a kitchen pavement, or break stones / Like an old pauper, in all kinds of weather; / For to articulate sweet sounds together / Is to work harder than all these”. And the reward is only to “be thought an idler by the noisy set”. That is not to say that poetry simplifies, quite the contrary, as the poet and critic Kathleen Raine asserts: “With the greatest poetry the mystery only increases with our knowledge”. Unfortunately in Ireland, as elsewhere, poetry is today largely removed from a popular audience. Seamus Heaney received widespread acclaim and a Nobel Prize in 1995 but his verse while rich in metaphor and word play does not flow like the greatest poetry: hardly a line of his has entered popular speech. There is also a suspicion that as Oxford Professor of Poetry (1989-94) he was not at heart a rebel, and grew comfortable with his accolades. Recall that Yeats thrived on the tension of being an outsider: a Protestant, (usually) liberal in a conservative Catholic Ireland; an Irishman pining for Sligo in London; a Fenian when the Irish Parliamentary Party dominated Irish politics. A rousing anger is rarely heard in Heaney; though the collection ‘North’ (1975) is an exception, written at the height of the Troubles. In Ocean’s Love to Ireland he writes: “Speaking broad Devonshire / Raleigh has backed the maid to a tree / As Ireland is backed to England / And drives inland”. The words have a frisson often missing from his oeuvre; perhaps he recoiled from a capacity to foment violence contenting himself with often obscure metaphor and personal recollection. But by generally removing himself from workaday politics did he also hold back from challenging Ireland’s conservatism to the extent that Yeats had? Led by TS Eliot, the second half of the twentieth century witnessed the retreat of poetry from a popular audience. A morass of formless post-modern experimentation has followed, that usually alienates the listener. However, poetry reasserted itself in a different form with the advent

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    A5 gets an F

    As traffic falls, North’s High Court overturns unnecessary habitat-destroying road for inadequate assessment of its effects, for the moment

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    Councillors show up management

    Things took a dramatic turn for the Travellers down on Spring Lane in Cork last week. Cork City Council’s Director of Housing presented a report for debate by City Councillors. It proposed a swift reduction in the number of Travellers resident on the Spring Lane site. This was to be achieved by making offers of standard housing to the Travellers and, if and when these offers were not accepted, taking legal action to evict the families. The report did not refer to two earlier needsassessments done for residents on the site. These both clearly stated that the majority of families on site needed Traveller-specific accommodation. Worse, it completely failed to mention the 1998 Traveller Accommodation Act which obliges local authorities to provide culturally appropriate accommodation to Travellers where required. It ignored all the partnership processes put in place to involve Travellers in decision-making, such as the Local Traveller Accommodation Consultative Committee and the Traveller Interagency Group. The situation became dramatic when the report was debated by the City Councillors. They rejected the recommendations. Instead, they agreed a new proposal to invite residents and Traveller organisations to meet City Councillors to discuss solutions to the overcrowding on the site. They firmly set out the way forward in terms of engagement, partnership and consultation. The majority of the City Councillors took a very different perspective to that of the Director of Housing’s report. They spoke about their understanding of the need to create safe, sustainable accommodation for the Traveller families on site. The debate and the resulting vote is to their credit. They have set a new standard. This turn of events is evidence of the strength of the campaign that Travellers and Traveller organisations have worked on to build awareness of the situation on the Spring Lane site and to get support across all sectors to address what are, but are not treated as, serious human rights issues. Cork City Councillors have stimulated real hope that this next phase of engagement will lead to real change and long-term, goodquality, culturally-appropriate accommodation for the 150 people who call the Spring Lane site home. The Spring Lane halting site was built in the late 1980s by Cork City Council with very basic facilities for 10 families. Today it is home to more than 34 families with over 150 people, all of whom are long-term residents. Two thirds of these residents are children. For 30 years, the families who live on the site have been exposed to serious, ongoing health and safety hazards. Official HSE and architect reports have highlighted these hazards. They include severe overcrowding, very poor sanitary facilities, exposure to raw sewage, rodent infestation, and dangerous and overloaded electricity supply. The drains on the site are malfunctioning and there is recurrent flooding. There are no amenities on the site and no safe play space for the 92 children living there. For the past three years residents on the site, supported by the local Traveller organisations, have been campaigning for better accommodation. Central to this campaign has been residents telling their stories and showing their homes to people over and over again. Media headlines captured the impact of this: “A hidden world where our children can’t have their friends over”; “The closest thing we have in Ireland to a shanty town”; “Deeply ashamed of Cork’s Travellers’ living conditions”; “Sewage on site a serious risk to children”; and “This is hell. We are human beings, not dogs”. Residents made a documentary “Spring Lane site: 26 Years of Hardship”, which has been screened twice, including in the Triskel Arts Centre. Emergency work to address the urgent safety issues was the first demand of the campaign. Over the last year, there has been some success. The Council undertook considerable work to upgrade and make safe the dangerous electricity supply. It upgraded the broken and pock-marked internal road and the street lighting. It replaced many of the worst-quality mobile-homes and provided emergency portable toilets. A long-term solution to the accommodation crisis, however, is the goal. The residents have developed a Community Manifesto which sets out proposed solutions, including the provision of standard accommodation for one group of residents and the development of new, Traveller- specific (group housing or halting site) schemes for the other residents. Meanwhile, many families remain without water or toilets, some continue to live in old damp mobile-homes, all families live with daily overcrowding, and the children continue to have no safe place to play. People’s health, mental health and life expectancy suffer. The impressive new resolution among Cork City Councillors must now advance these solutions and end this inhumane situation.

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