Michel Smih
+   
Eoghn Crroll
Nill Crowley, Jon Fizprick,
Bride Rosney, Michel Smih
Nill Crowley, John Gormley
Boylns, Droghed,
Co Louh
Ormond Quy Publishing
 Ormond Quy Upper,
Dublin 
Issue 44
April 2016
1916 and the ongoing
danger of conservative
f there’s been one new idea introduced into the dis-
course by the 2016 commemorations, we haven’t
registered it.
The Rising was an irrational response to a colo-
nialist foe. The proper approach would have been
to analytically survey the strengths and weaknesses of
the occupying power, and to have respectively avoided
and exploited them with the view of achieving specific
military and then political goals.
The fact the Rising was a martyrdom, with in Pearse’s
case a Resurrectionist underpinning, is a very bad start
to a nation. This has been debated for its ethical rami-
fications but the political ramifications have been more
dangerous and pervasive.
The indulgence of mythology in politics pervaded the
civil war and the parties it spawned, the 1937 Constitu-
tion and the perpetuation of non-specific Republicanism
with no stress on parties that would actually stand for
something like an ideology, most obviously a left or
right agenda, or the data-and-evidence-based policies
it might have spawned. Connolly himself considered
some of the revolutionaries were motivated, according
to Edward Townsend in his recent history of the Rising,
by “either vacuous romanticism, or a mindless commit-
ment to 'physical force' without social content’".
The Proclamation came nearly a century and a half
after the American Declaration of Independence and
the French Declaration of the Rights of Men. It should
have been more secular and more explicitly egalitarian.
While celebrating the training of its “manhood, it did
at least summon both men and women to the cause,
though why it didn’t just refer to people is a good ques-
tion, the phrase "suffrages" suggests some form of
parallel franchises may have been intended, and worst
of all for some (ungallant?) reason Cumann na mBan's
role is not registered in the Proclamation, though it is
generally recognised as the unsung third participant in
the Rising. The Proclamation should not have sum-
moned in aid any (expansionist German) gallantry from
Europe, assuming it was viscerally anti-colonial.
It is not difcult to summon declaratory or constitu-
tional principles. It was not then and it is not now. The
principles must be transcendent. They must not date.
Equality, Freedom, Sustainability, Efficiency, Open-
ness would have done it.
Article I of the Declaration of the Rights of Men [sic]
isn’t bad: “Men [sic] are born and remain free and equal
in rights. Social distinctions can be founded only on the
common good. Not getting it quite right (and the
replacement of the brutally executed culturally imagi-
native 1916 leaders by mediocrities and religious
zealots) opened the door to the mean weirdness of the
1937 Constitution which is invoked in the name of the
holy spirit “from whom is all authority” and recognises
the special position of its womanhood but only because
of “her life within the home”, and the associated
If Ireland in 2016 is not serious about either ideology
or policy it is in part because the grounding documen-
tation of the republic depends on mythology, on
religion, on machismo. None of our politicians seems
imbued with an iota of political philosophy and it
passes for a credo to believe in a Republic (as opposed
presumably to a monarchy) without any positive defini-
tion of what precisely that imports, for then, for now,
This is no small thing. 100 years on we still have par-
ties with no ideology and no driving policies. We have
a short-termism which survived one of the worst gov-
ernments in the history of the state. We have as our two
biggest parties, dinosaurs almost indistinguishable the
one from the other. We have a Labour Party which is
prepared to sell out a fundamental vision each time it
enters government and we have radical left parties that
prefer to campaign on opposition to water and property
taxes rather than promote the simple internationalist
socialist message of equality. Indeed ironically this
‘revolutionary socialist’ stance is rooted in the cam
paign-for-the sake-of-it mentality that drove most of our
revolutionary conservatives.
The proclamation and its idealistic progenitors
looked to the past and the present. Their analysis was
not inaccurate. But they did not lay down any or any
adequate template for the future. Their lack of interest
in doing so partly explains the lack of interest of our
current political generation in doing so.
1916 has left us bereft in 2016.
Villge Mgzine promoes
in is columns he fir
disribuion of resources,
welfre, respec nd
opporuniy by he nlysis
nd invesigion of
inequliies, unsusinble
developmen nd
corrupion, nd he medi’s
role in heir perpeuion;
nd by cue culurl
4 April 
Letters to the editor
 nd the ongoing dnger of
conservtive revolution
Villger news miscellny
Connolly nd Perse:
nti-bloodshed brothers
Frank Connolly
 Asylum-seekers' plight in Irelnd
exposed in FOI Ken Foxe
 Norm Smurt's Merrion Squre
vnity project Michael Smith
 Hlf-collpsed Plnning Tribunl is
too kind to itself Anthony Harris
Lw Society cse ginst solicitor
Colm Murphy Michael Smith
 Adrin Hrdimn: brillint but
prejudiced David Langwallner
 LGBTIrelnd report highlights
mentl helth issues
Moninne Griffith
 Plnning-corruption prllels in
Irelnd nd Austrli Julie Walton
 Enct hte-crime legisltion
Shane O’Curry
 A minority government leding to 
new politicl force Robert Dunne
 EU Commission’s Strtegy for
sustinble nd inclusive growth in
limbo Niall Crowley
 Why I’m running for the
Send Oisín Coghlan/Rory Hearne
 Young don't vote, old re
disillusioned John Waters
 Noonn should hve stopped
Project Egle Frank Connolly
 The Left must co-operte
Frank Connolly
 'Hndbook of the Irish Revivl':
pen to culturlly rich, politiclly
limited ptriots John Gormley
 Ntionlists s Rel Men
Aidan Joseph Beatty
 Re-Ligion! - re-engging
with our mythicl inheritnce
Frank Armstrong
 Yes to history, no to
Ivana Bacik
 Wht   Proclmtion
would look like Mary Kinane
 Dependence of  Vssl Stte
Constantin Gurdgiev
 Hnds off civil society. Ides for
Irelnds overburdened NGOs
Niall Crowley
 Clss not gender is intrctble
Eoin O'Malley
 Big-prty conservtism led to
rise of others Conor Lenihan
The Irish Times bttled for trust on
the Centenry Gerard Cunningham
 How the medium is everywhere
chnging the messge
Gerard Cunningham
 Let's use Harry Browne
 Industril reltions: the
photogrphs of Hill nd Bernd
Becher NJ McGarrigle
 Locl uthorities nd the
Arts Council don’t engge
communities Ed Carroll
Interview with climte guru,
Kevin Anderson John Gibbons
 Predictions from climtologist,
Jim Hnsen John Gibbons
 The impct of met-eting
George Monbiot
 Brced for Brexit
Anthony Coughlan
 Polr Czechs
Frank Armstrong
 The UNs Globl Compct is mdly
compromised Michael Smith
 Villge Idiot: Frnk Flnnery
Villge Mgzine subscribes o he Press
Council code of conduc. Complins bou
he conen of he mgzine my be mde
o: Office of he Press Ombudsmn
- Wesmorelnd Sree Dublin 


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