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43
A
SSURANCES from Minister for
Agriculture, Simon Coveney, that the
process of approval by the European
Commission of his ambitious plans for
the “agrifood journey we want to create” are pro-
ceeding “as normal” perpetuate his campaign of
misinformation.
The campaign began in February of this year
when he informed the Dáil that he had applied to
the European Commission to bring in changes to
the Disadvantaged Area Scheme that would ensure
that only ‘productive farmers’ would receive
payments in future. He did this by doubling the
required stocking rate for sheep to qualify for
payments - retroactively, cutting out more than
10,000 farmers in the Western Counties.
In fact, Coveney did not make his application to
vary Ireland’s agreed 2007–2012 CAP commit-
ments until April, ensuring that the Commission’s
reply would not come in time to jeopardise the
June deadline for 2012 grant applications. In late
June the Commission replied with a 10-page letter
Coveney won’t release requiring further informa-
tion – in euro-speak a refusal - leaving the 10,000
farmers caught in the cross-fire.
Coveney’s over-reaching plan to double
agricultural production by 2020 – called Food
Harvest 2020 [FH2020] – called for a Strategic
Environmental Assessment [SEA] of its own pro-
posals. Coveney has refused this recommendation,
claiming that FH2020 is not government policy
that would in law require an SEA - but rather an
‘industry led initiative’ – and in the process fur-
ther advancing Ireland’s reputation in Brussels
for playing the cute hoor.
Unfortunately, unbeknownst to the heed-
less Irish media the Commission recently quietly
collapsed its SEA case against Ireland which cen-
tred on the national failure properly to assess
the National Development Plan. The Directive is
poorly written and Ireland is not the only state to
dance around its requirements.
However, Minister Coveney will not find it
so easy to avoid the Habitats Regulations, which
were specifically strengthened last year to require
assessment of plans that might have a significant
effect on protected areas – 13% of Ireland’s land.
Ireland already has a European judgment regis-
tered against it - for overgrazing in disparate areas,
from sensitive upland mountains to sand dunes
In fact FH2020’s recommendations will run
up an impressive list of offences. Ireland is legally
required to deliver a 20% reduction in non-indus-
trial greenhouse gas emissions by 2020 (relative
to 2005 levels). Agriculture already accounts for
the largest share of the national total at 33% - and
Coveney’s proposal will result in a 12% increase
from the dairy sector alone.
And the manure! Ireland’s farm animal waste
production is already what would be expected of a
population of 68 million people and requires der-
ogations from the Nitrates Regulations because
of the run-off from slurry-spreading into surface
waters. Where are they going to put another 25
million people’s worth? With artificial fertilis-
ers, you can at least cut your supply with a phone
call to your retailer. If you increase your herd at
a national level, the stuff keeps on coming. And
coming.
And it’s not just water quality. Ireland now has
the highest rate of cryptosporidiosis and e coli
infections in Europe. Much of this is transmit-
ted through animal waste. And there are indirect
effects: increases in beef for export will require an
expansion of slaughtering facilities, for example,
which are associated with high levels of water and
energy consumption.
On sea, Coveney’s plans for the biggest salm-
on-farm in Europe in the omphalos of Galway Bay
is not being met with the welcome he anticipated.
Aran Islanders have been through this before with
attempts at salmon farming in the 1980s. They
are well aware that what few jobs there will be in
an increasingly-mechanised production process
are dirty, dangerous, and badly-paid.
FH2020’s consultation document says that
aquaculture has been excluded from the consulta-
tion process because it has already been assessed.
But the Department confirmed to Village that
the only assessment
was in 2008, when the
proposed expansion in
salmon farming was
78%, mostly derived
from increasing pro-
duction in existing sites.
In contrast, Coveney
is planning a 300%
increase in produc-
tion in entirely new
locations.
As is the case with
farming on land, a big
issue is the increased
nutrients - from fish
excrement (and food
waste). The Galway Bay
farm will discharge the
nutrient equivalent of more than twice the sew-
age of the population of Galway city itself. And
of course there is the sea-lice issue, where the
build-up of lice in salmon farms infects wild pop-
ulations. In the case of the Connemara sea-trout
fisheries, it wiped out a whole sporting industry
in the 1990s.
Now coastal residents will be faced with three
mega-fish farms ‘off shore’ – ie in coastal bays like
Galway Bay. When the Volvo yacht race returns
to Galway in the future, they can expect to have
to slalom between the cages to complete the race.
Unless, of course, those pesky folk in Brussels get
to hear of it.
Öʽ®ã®Ý
Coveney
takes on
Europe
- it may
bite back
Europe is in no mood
to indulge further
Irish flouting of
environmental directives
on agriculture, fisheries,
SEA, greenhouse gases,
animal waste and
water quality
ãÊÄù½ÊóÝ
Minister
Coveney will
not find it so
easy to avoid
the Habitats
Regulations
¨
