
April-May 2025 13
NEWS
Fair Plae
Michael Healy-Rae’s deal with government
is unlawful; and he should have resigned
several company directorships when he
became a junior minister
By Michel Smih
O
n 21 January, Fintan O’Toole
shared the following insight in
the Irish Times:
“It is illegal for government
ministers to allocate
resources to a particular constituency
because of the identity and interests of
the TD that represents it.
The taoiseach, the tánaiste, the
members of the cabinet and the junior
ministers are all ‘Offi ce Holders’ and
subject to the Ethics in Public Offi ce Acts
of 1995 and 2001.
As the Standards in Public Office
Commission (Sipo) puts it in the handbook
each Minister has received: ‘Offi ce holders
should at all times observe the highest
standards of behaviour and act in good faith
with transparency, fairness and impartiality to
promote the common good in the performance
of their offi cial functions’”.
O‘Toole proceeded:
“Transparency means that all decisions
and the reasons for them must be open
to scrutiny. Fairness means that the
criteria used to allocate resources must
be the same for every constituency. And
impartiality means that offi ce holders
cannot put their thumb on the scales
because it suits their personal or
partisan interests to do so”.
He didn’t even deal with good faith though
no better man. And he should have cited the
section of the Code that requires that
offi ceholders “act only by reference to and
dedicate the resources of their offi ces in
furtherance of the public interest”.
O’Toole summarises: “In case this is not
clear enough, SIPO [Section 1.5 of the Code]
spells it out: ministers must ‘make decisions
and encourage and support the making of
decisions on merit and without discrimination’
and must not ‘be infl uenced in their offi cial
duties by personal considerations’. This last
phrase surely covers the highly personal
consideration of securing one’s own seat at the
next general election”. He might also have
cited the section of the Code which states:
“The public interest should always take
precedence over the interests of the individual
and, perhaps more importantly, over the
interests of a political party whether in power
or in opposition”.
According to the Irish edition of the London
Times of 22 December 2024, “The Healy-Rae
brothers will back a government of Fianna Fail,
Fine Gael and independents for the next fi ve
years in return for their native Kerry being
‘looked after’, Michael Healy-Rae has said.
Both Michael and Danny Healy-Rae met the
tanaiste last week and presented him with a
policy document outlining their priorities,
which included issues on infrastructure,
housing, health, farming and fi shing”.
Village asked to see a copy of this document.
Neither the Government information service
nor the Fianna Fáil Party obliged.
The Times reported that: “A senior Fianna
Fail source said the Healy-Raes were being
dealt with ‘seriously and properly in terms of
actual government formation’”.
Michael Healy-Rae was duly appointed
Minister of State at the Department of
Agriculture, Food and the Marine, with
responsibility for forestry, farm safety, and
horticulture, on 29 January 2025.
Shane Ross was Minister for Transport from
2006 to 2010 on behalf of the Independent
Alliance. On 19 January 2025, he wrote in the
Sunday Independent:
“The Programme for Government is
camoufl age, a long-winded blurb, an
umbrella that shelters the uncosted
ambitions of the Independents, Fianna
Fáil and Fine Gael”.
He noted that: “A stroke was being
pulled to fool the listening public. There
are, of course, no visible written deals
between Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and any
Independents. There is no paper trail.
Personally, I have similar experience of
such manoeuvres. Nine years ago, in
2016, I was a negotiator for the
Independent Alliance in government
formation talks with Fine Gael. As the
talks approached a climax, I asked a
specifi c question of the Fine Gael team:
was there a ‘deal with Michael Lowry’?
The reply was an emphatic, ‘No’…
During the [sports-club] grants process,
a constant unwritten — but whispered
— message came down the line from
Fine Gael colleagues that on Tipperary
issues, ‘We have to look after Lowry’.
Of course there was no written ‘deal’
with Michael Lowry, just a quiet
arrangement, what both sides liked to
call an ‘understanding’”.
The former Minister concluded his article:
“The era of secret deals has never been
stronger. The public will not be fooled by the
platitudes of the Programme for Government”.
O’Toole fi nishes his own article, which is
peppered with examples of shifty rural
politicians hamming it up on whether they
have a deal with the governments they are
reported to have agreed to support, that “the
art of the deal requires TDs to be able to say to
their voters: look what I got you. When those
claims are made, SIPO should investigate
them for what they are: evidence that the law
is being fl outed”.
This article is the substance of that
complaint.
Together with a complaint that Michael
Healy-Rae remains a Director of Ml Healy-Rae
Properties Ltd, which registered its annual
return for 2023 on 31 January 2025 but for
which the Companies Registration Offi ce
shows no sign of the necessary B10 form
indicating there has been a change of director.
Section 2.2.4 of The 2003 Code of Conduct
for Offi ce Holders also states that “Offi ce
holders should not hold company directorships
carrying remuneration. Even if remuneration is
not paid, it is regarded as undesirable for them
to hold directorships”.
Healy-Rae is also a Director of Roughty Plant
Hire Limited, Roughty Properties Limited and
Black Cap & Co Limited.
Michael Healy-Rae’s deal with government