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    Iarnród Éireann spent over €600,000 on taxis in five years

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    By Conor O’Carroll Iarnród Éireann has ordered almost 1,000 taxis to transport its train drivers, staff and customers to and from stations since 2019, according to documents released under Freedom of Information. Documents supplied to Village Magazine show how the company has spent over €600,000 in the past five years on 989 taxi journeys for the purpose of transferring staff and delayed customers. While the number of taxis requested each year has been decreasing from a high of 295 in 2019, 188 orders were still made last year. Incomplete figures for 2023 show that 118 taxis have been ordered by the company so far this year. A spokesperson for Iarnród Éireann told Village that taxi services are ordered for drivers travelling to reach their allocated train, for staff in instances of a points failure and for customers following a delayed service where public transport is not available. Taxi services are also sometimes provided to customers on delayed services who have “an important appointment to attend or a flight to catch”, they continued. Iarnród Éireann, which is a subsidiary of the state-owned enterprise, Córas Iompair Éireann, has entered into two separate contractual agreements with taxi companies to provide this service. One with ABC Taxis to transfer drivers from Kent Station or Mallow in Cork to Tralee, and Tralee to Mallow or Kent Station, and the other with Edwards Coaches for journeys between Gorey and Enniscorthy in Wexford, and Connolly Station in Dublin. Both contracts detail the requirement for both planned and ad-hoc journeys, often taking place in the early hours of the morning or late at night when alternative public transport arrangements would not be available. Documents supplied to Village Magazine show how the company has spent over €600,000 in the past five years on 989 taxi journeys for the purpose of transferring staff and delayed customers The documents also show a number of ‘emergency’ situations where Iarnród Éireann ordered taxis for their drivers outside of the contracted scenarios. These include a number of transfers between stations in Galway and others between Tralee and Killarney due to train delays, cancellations and driver illness. Despite the significant environmental impact of driving between train stations, the arrangement is set to continue, with a recent request for tender seeking a further five years of taxi hire between Cork and Kerry. The new contract is set to come into effect in the new year. In a statement, Iarnród Éireann said it “takes its climate action responsibilities very seriously”, but that there are occasions where “it may be necessary to avail of taxi services”. Last month, the company launched its Climate Action Plan, which targets emissions reductions of 51% by 2030. Among the commitments is a transition to an electric-powered fleet, upgrades to buildings and switching to alternative fuel sources. Iarnród Éireann also said that line improvements on the Dublin – Belfast line last weekend was its first-ever that was net zero. All on-track machines, welfare facilities, vehicles, small plant and equipment operated on alternative power sources or alternative biofuel, while the remaining carbon emissions were offset by the planting of 300 trees in Wexford.

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    Government sought advice from UK Home Office on controversial asylum-seeker barge

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    Officials from the Department of Children approached the UK Home Office seeking advice following the launch of the controversial asylum seeker barge, the Bibby Stockholm, as preparations for the Irish ‘flotel’ continue. By Conor O’Carroll Irish Government officials congratulated their counterparts in the UK Home Office following the launch of the controversial asylum-seeker barge, documents released under Freedom of Information (FOI) show. The emails, which were released to Village Magazine, show how an official from the Department of Children, Equality, Disability, Integration and Youth congratulated his peers for the launch of the Bibby Stockholm barge off the coast of Dorset, in southwest England in August 2023. “Congrats on getting the barge ‘open for business’ – have been watching the various news feeds with interest”, the unnamed official said on 9 August, days after the first asylum seekers had been moved onto the barge. A few days later, the barge was evacuated following the discovery of Legionella bacteria in the water supply, which can cause a serious type of lung infection known as Legionnaires’ disease. Contact was established between the two officials in June this year when the Department of Children official reached out through an unnamed mutual contact to the UK Home Office seeking advice in the contracting of barges for asylum-seeker accommodation. They stated that the draft request for tender for Ireland’s version of the barges was “well advanced” and that “berths [had] been identified”. The official sought advice on “planning and environmental matters”, suggesting that a call between both government departments would be beneficial. The Department is seeking tenders to provide floating accommodation for International Protection Applicants (asylum seekers) and not Beneficiaries of Temporary Protection (Ukrainians) However, much of what was discussed between the two officials has been redacted, with the Home Office citing the protection of its commercial interests as the reason for obscuring the information. In May, Minister Roderic O’Gorman confirmed that his department was planning to tender floating accommodation to help ease pressures on providing accommodation. The formal process was expected to have been launched this summer, however, no tender details have been published as of yet. A spokesperson for the Department of Children told Village “publication of a tender is not likely in the immediate future with Department officials still working through the various legal and regulatory issues associated with using floating accommodation”. The Government’s examination of procuring floating accommodation dates back to 2022, when they received a number of proposals from various companies offering cruise ships to house Ukrainian refugees. Further documents released to Village Magazine under FOI show that an approach by Clare-based company ML Hospitality Ltd in 2022 was initially rejected by the Government due to “the lack of port/berths with sufficient deep water for vessels of this size and as a result potential remoteness and lack of access to services and facilities”. An internal feasibility study dated May 2022, produced by the Maritime Transport Division at the Department of Transport, concluded that the sole location suitable to accommodate the two vessels offered by ML Hospitality (the Cobh cruise berth) “would create a significant environmental impact and air quality issue for the area” owing to the need for the continual operation of the ship’s engines to power onboard utilities. Other proposals for cruise ships at Dublin Port were also rejected as it was suggested there would be a negative impact on “overall port capacity and on other port business”. The same feasibility study also raised the potential solution of a “flotel”, with the Department requesting an unnamed entrepreneur who previously approached the Port of Cork with a proposal to locate a ship as a hotel in the port to explore this option on their behalf. The entrepreneur was made to sign a non-disclosure agreement as the enquiries were made. The option presented in the study involves “up to three vessels with a capacity of 800 passengers per ship” and suggested that “it may be feasible to berth the vessels in the centre of Cork at the city quays”. It is unclear whether this is the basis for the forthcoming tender from the Department of Children and a spokesperson did not provide any further details, but did state that the Department is seeking to tender for International Protection Applicants (asylum seekers) and not Beneficiaries of Temporary Protection (Ukrainians). The plan to move asylum seekers onto barges in the UK, such as the Bibby Stockholm, which has a capacity of 506, has proved controversial, with campaign groups and public health officials condemning the plan. The Guardian newspaper reported that cabins were slightly larger than a prison cell and had been fitted with bunk beds to double capacity. The UK’s Fire Brigade Union has also threatened a legal challenge against the use of the barge over safety fears, calling it “a potential deathtrap”. Amnesty International UK’s Refugee and Migrant Rights Director, Steve Valdez-Symonds, voiced objections too, calling it “reminiscent of the prison hulks from the Victorian era” and “an utterly shameful way to house people who’ve fled terror, conflict and persecution”. The Irish Refugee Council expressed concern at the prospect of floating accommodation being used in Ireland; “We are strongly opposed to floating accommodation. They are wholly inadequate places to house vulnerable men, women and children who have come to our country in search of safety. We are concerned that short-term responses tend to become permanent. Direct Provision was temporary. Tents were meant to stop last autumn. Just because something is better than sleeping rough on a street doesn’t mean that we should accept it”. “We shouldn’t let standards slip just to warehouse people and we encourage government to invest in sustainable medium- and long-term accommodation options that support people with dignity”, they continued. A spokesperson for the Department of Children said the contact with the UK Home Office and other “shared experiences will help to establish the most appropriate vessel type for the various factors and considerations, such as berthing, for any ‘floating’ accommodation that the Department publishes a Request for Tenders

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    ESB seek €21 million in gift vouchers for employees and customers

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    Having recorded huge profits in the first six months of the year, ESB look to reward staff with millions in gift vouchers By Conor O’Carroll The state-owned Electricity Supply Board (ESB) is seeking to purchase an estimated €21 million in gift cards and vouchers for its employees and as part of its ‘Beat the Peak’ initiative. The request for tender, released today, details the two-year contract offered by ESB that will see the chosen bidder purchase almost €13 million in employee gift vouchers for delivery in December 2023 and January 2024. Two purchases of up to 6,200 gift vouchers with a face value of €1,000, two purchases of up to 550 gift vouchers with a face value of €500, and ad hoc purchases of gift vouchers with a face value of €50 and €30 will be required according to tender documents. ESB’s profits have soared in recent months, with operating profit increasing to €676 million in the first six months of 2023, a rise of €300 million compared to the same period last year The specific requirements for these gift vouchers state that they must include a “broad range of providers from across Ireland including online and not limited to one shopping centre, one retailer, one website or one particular town or city”. The gift vouchers should also “at a minimum include retail, health and fitness, services, motoring, supermarket, fashion, [and] department stores”. Periodic monitoring and reporting of recipients with no use on their gift vouchers is also requested. The remaining €8 million is to be spent on providing “financial incentives” to customers participating in the ‘Beat the Peak’ scheme. This initiative, launched last year, seeks to reduce electricity demand during peak events over the winter months by offering information to customers on how to “shift their individual energy consumption away from the evening peak” of between 5pm and 7pm. ESB’s profits have soared in recent months, with operating profit increasing to €676 million in the first six months of 2023, a rise of €300 million compared to the same period last year. It is likely to surpass last year’s total operating profit of €847 as the winter months typically see greater demand and energy consumption. 2022 was itself a year of growth for ESB, with operating profits rising by almost 25%. Energy prices have increased substantially since 2020 driven first by the Covid-19 pandemic and then by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Energy companies, along with ESB’s subsidiary, Electric Ireland, announced widespread price hikes as wholesale energy prices soared. However, according to the Central Statistics Office (CSO), energy prices have since fallen sharply once again. In July, wholesale electricity prices fell to their lowest level since June 2021 and in August, they had fallen by over 70% compared to the previous 12 months. While there was a slight rise in September, wholesale prices are still over 60% lower when compared with last year, according to the latest figures released by the CSO. This prompted energy companies, including Electric Ireland, to lower their prices, with the company cutting its electricity and gas rates by 10% and 12% respectively from the start of November. These price cuts will be a welcome respite for people struggling ahead of the winter months, but fall well short of the drop in wholesale prices. Following the announcement, Taoiseach Leo Varadkar TD, told RTÉ News that the reduction wasn’t sufficient and called for further decreases in the coming months. ESB did not respond to a request for comment on their decision to seek millions worth of gift vouchers. Update 23/10: ESB has since responded to our request for comment with the following statement: “ESB recognises the impact the current cost of living crisis is having on our employees and we have agreed to make two voucher payments to our employees designed to go some way to meeting the financial challenges which our employees may face”.

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    International Security Forum a waste of the DFA’s time

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    This week’s Consultative Forum report is nothing more than of academic interest because the DFA set its policy strategy weeks in advance of the public debate. By J Vivian Cooke On Tuesday, the Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) published the report of the Consultative Forum on International Security Policy. It is a balanced, thoughtful and worthy document consistent with the proceedings of the Forum that were, themselves, balanced, thoughtful and worthy. The Forum and its Chair, Louise Richardson, have succeeded admirably within its terms of reference. Over the course of four days, the Forum hosted 12 panel discussions featuring around 50 experts and heard numerous contributions from members of the audience attending. In addition, the Forum received 835 written submissions. Richardson has done well to herd these conceptual cats into a report that brings far more clarity and order to the diverse opinions expressed, characteristics that are not so evident in my own recollection or notes. The report provides a paragraph summary of each panel discussed before sketching out the contending opinions on what emerged as the key themes of the debate. In all, it is a fair representation of a public consultation that was run well. Unfortunately, it is the Forum’s terms of reference that doom this report to anything more than academic interest It transpires that there is a very broad-based consensus about the parameters within which Irish foreign policy operates. There is a near-unanimous agreement that Neutrality should be preserved; that foreign policy should be pursued on a multilateral basis; and that there is an urgent requirement for significant increases in Ireland’s defence spending. In fact, any sharp points of discord are only discernable at the margins of this national consensus; with the opposing extremes respectively embracing with enthusiasm or being repelled in horror by the very suggestion that Ireland would deepen its security cooperation with the US and/or European countries, through the institutional framework of either NATO or the EU.  Such divisions that do exist within the settled field of Irish foreign policy tend to reflect how far individuals are willing to trust any government of the day with discretionary powers to respond flexibly to rapid, evolving crises in opposition to the exercise of parliamentary and public oversight and restraint. In practical terms, this expresses itself in the debate about the Triple Lock and the proposal, received in written submissions but not much discussed in the Forum, to enshrine the policy of neutrality in the constitution. The note of disapproval in the normally impeccably impartial Richardson is unmistakable in her comment: “It will be important to ensure that future Irish governments have maximum flexibility to respond with deliberation and speed when called upon to ensure the safety and security of our citizens” is positively damning. Unfortunately, it is the Forum’s terms of reference that doom this report to anything more than academic interest. These terms state bluntly that only “the Tanaiste will consider the report produced by the Chairperson and will decide whether to bring recommendations to Government.” It was, as the Chairperson noted “a national conversation” but, crucially, “it is not the purpose of the report to make policy recommendations to the Government.” Although Micheál Martin promised a whole-of-government approach to the exercise, he failed to deliver even a whole-of-department approach. The cabinet approved the Forum on 5 April 2023, yet, on 1 June, a mere three weeks before the Forum held its first session, the Department of Foreign Affairs published its Statement of Strategy 2023-2025. The DFA’s impatience to fix its strategy for the next two years denied it the valuable insights that they themselves were trying so hard to cultivate. And their desultory, uninspiring and unimaginative Statement of Strategy is manifestly poorer for that lacuna. During this period, nine other departments (Justice, Children, Housing, Tourism, Further and Higher Education, Transport, Agriculture, Enterprise and Social Protection) engaged in far less elaborate public consultations in preparing their statements of strategies. Despite the imminent start of a public forum to debate its strategy, the DFA pushed on with its statement without any public input of any kind. The contradiction inherent in the DFA’s rush to publish its Statement of Strategy ineluctably casts the relevance of the whole Forum process into doubt. Although Micheál Martin promised a whole-of-government approach to the exercise, he failed to deliver even a whole-of-department approach The Terms of Reference for the Forum stated that “the Consultative Forum is designed to build public understanding and generate discussions on the link between the State’s foreign, security and defence policies.” Village Magazine can attest that the sessions were nuanced and well-informed by practitioners and academics who embraced the complexities of navigating international relations as a small European wealthy island. The report is a valuable document for anyone interested in Irish foreign and defence policies. The tragedy is that the DFA would have benefitted in delaying publishing their statement had they bothered to listen to the national debate they had spent so much time and effort informing.

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