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Wasting anger
Channel it away from the minor water tax to the biggest issue: equality
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Channel it away from the minor water tax to the biggest issue: equality
by Village
By Sinéad Pentony. The EU Social Justice Index developed by the Bertelsmann Stiftung Foundation does not make for smiley reading in Ireland. Ireland is ranked 18th out of 28 countries, well below the EU average. The top three countries for social justice are Sweden, Finland and Denmark. (Chart 2 shows the overall rankings). The Index draws a number of wide-ranging conclusions which include the following: • Europe is making progress in terms of economic stabilisation, but the level of social justice has declined in recent years in most EU member states. • The comparisons between the 28 member states clearly shows that the concept of social justice is realised to very different extents. • EU member states vary considerably in their ability to create a truly inclusive society. • Social injustice has increased in recent years most in crisis-hit countries including Greece, Spain, Ireland, Italy, Hungary and Portugal. The Index investigates six different dimensions of social justice: poverty, education, employment, health, social cohesion and non-discrimination and inter-generational justice, across the 28 EU member states. The strengths of the Index include its holistic approach to examining a broad range of indicators that are compared across member states and its evidence-based approach to assessing the levels of social justice across the EU. It is informed by a paradigm that requires a strong state to focus on improving social equity as a means of realising equal opportunities and life chances. This approach has limitations because it does not zero in sufficiently on the structures that give rise to and perpetuate inequality in society. Equal opportunities do not always lead to equal outcomes. However, notwithstanding these limitations, the Index provides an evidence-based approach to social-policy change in the EU and the poor performance on specific indicators should be used as a roadmap to guide the Irish Government on the specific areas of policy where improvements are necessary. For poverty prevention Ireland is ranked 21st out of 28 countries. The most striking feature of Ireland’s performance here is the fact we have a significantly higher proportion of the population living in workless households or households with low-work-intensity (e.g. part-time work) than all other 28 member states. This has a knock-on effect on the level of household income and the standard of living that can be achieved. In general, poverty is a consequence of weak policymaking in areas such as education and the labour market. These areas are central to addressing Ireland’s low level of poverty prevention. For education, Ireland is ranked 22nd out of 28 countries. Ireland is above the EU average in preventing early school leaving. However, we spend less than any other EU country on pre-primary education. Budget 2015 failed to advance this issue in any way. The report notes that early and well-targeted investments in the youngest members of their societies are not only morally sound, but also economically productive. In the area of employment, a majority of EU countries have suffered a deterioration in labour-market access opportunities as a result of the crisis. Ireland ranks 15th out of 28 countries, which is slightly above the EU average. The EU-wide problems in the labour market are above all evident in the unequal distribution of access to decent jobs, with good pay and conditions, for various at-risk groups. Unemployment among young people and low-skilled workers is a particular problem across the EU. This situation has resulted in extremely high rates of long-term unemployment, which greatly increase the risk of poverty and social exclusion. While we have seen much needed improvement in the labour market in Ireland, we still have almost 250,000 people unemployed and over half of these are long-term unemployed. Unemployment of young people remains high, at over 20%, and more than one in five young people is not in education, employment or training. Ireland compares better with other European countries for health where it is ranked 13th out of the 28 countries. However, the quality and inclusiveness of health services varies greatly in Ireland and in other countries that perform relatively well in health. The Irish health system is a complicated mix of public, private and voluntary care providers, with unfair, unclear and complex routes in and through the system for the users of health services. For social cohesion and non-discrimination Ireland performs above the EU average, and is ranked 11th out of 28 countries. The report emphasises the efficacy of strict anti-discrimination laws and the role of the Equality Authority in this regard. However, it remains to be seen if Ireland will maintain its strong performance in this area following the cutbacks to bodies charged with addressing discrimination, and the merger of the Irish Human Rights Commission and the Equality Authority. The final dimension of the Index is inter-generational justice. This includes a variety of indicators across a number of areas including family policy, pension policy, the environment, research and development spending, Government debt and old-age dependency. Ireland is ranked 19th out of the 28 countries. Our general level of gross debt is a significant factor, as the debt burden taken on during the financial crisis will pass to the next generation, at the expense of investment in areas such as infrastructure, education and health. The Social Justice Index considers how differences in social justice within Europe can be explained. It asks if some countries are more socially just simply because they are economically stronger overall? Countries with a higher economic performance are, on average, also more socially just. However, there are differences. The Czech Republic, Slovenia and Estonia, in particular, show that a comparatively high degree of social justice is possible despite having an average economic performance. These countries appear more effective in translating economic strength into fairness within society. They illustrate the fact that social policy – besides economic productivity – plays a critical role in achieving social justice. (See Chart 1). In contrast to these countries, Ireland’s GDP per capita is similar to Germany or Sweden, the top performers in terms of social justice. However, Ireland
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KARI MARIE NORGAARD Interview by John Gibbons A few minutes into Dr Kari Marie Norgaard’s recent lecture in Trinity College, Dublin, she ran a short animation showing the steady ratcheting up of global surface temperatures over time. The clip began in 1950. By the time it had reached 2014 the globe graphic was heavily pock-marked by pink blotches. From there, it quickly ran through the remaining years using climate model projections until 2100. An intense silence fell over the lecture hall as the years advanced and the graphic melded into what looked like a global firestorm. Who knows what the end of the world will look like, but this certainly looked like the end of our world being played out in stop-motion before a stunned audience. Understated and self-effacing, Kari Norgaard is an improbable prophet of the apocalypse. Assistant professor of sociology and environmental studies at the University of Oregon, she is best known for her critically acclaimed 2011 book, ‘Living in Denial: Climate Change, Emotions and Everyday Life’. A third-generation Norwegian-American, Norgaard chose her ancestral homeland as the ideal place to carry out extensive field work on the phenomenon of how we internalise denial of the dire implications of climate change. Awareness of climate change constitutes what she calls “background noise” in most of our lives – paradoxically, it is both deeply disturbing and almost completely invisible, “it is simultaneously unimaginable and common knowledge”, she explains. Failure to grasp or address climate change is often blamed on poverty, poor quality of education, political disengagement or strong ideological opposition (as in the US). Norway suffers none of these disadvantages, yet its public has internalised denial as comprehensively as anywhere else. Knowing and not knowing, understanding and yet ignoring climate change involves us in what has been described as “the absurdity of the double life”. In her book, Norgaard tracks what she describes as socially organised denial through its multiple strands, including emotions, cultural norms and politics. What this means is that, although knowledge and information about climate change is widely available, these insights are completely disconnected from how political, social and even private lives are organised. It is, she argues, everywhere, yet nowhere. “We humans are now modifying Earth systems; these are accelerating out of control, in terms of ocean acidification, carbon dioxide build-up, sea level rise – all of these associated phenomena that come with the greenhouse effect”, Norgaard told Village in an in-depth interview: “On my way here, I flew over two very large wildfires in the state of California – the state is in extreme drought right now. While the effects of climate change are becoming ever more manifest, these are occurring unevenly and unpredictably in different parts of the world. Climate change poses a threat to our ideas of modern progress, our ideas of the good life and what’s attainable, of our fossil-fuel-driven economic systems that are organised around growth. Also, our political structures, we haven’t been able to come together and respond, and find agreement on these things. It also poses threats to people’s individual identity as ‘good’ people…when you have a really big threat and there’s no clear sense of what can be done without having huge change – people don’t, either individually or as a collective, say ‘fine, I’ll change my mind’ – it doesn’t work that way. One of the most powerful theories in psychology is of cognitive dissonance, the idea that, with climate change, everything we’ve been doing and holding in our lives is not working any more is completely in contrast not only with what we’ve been taught to believe, but also what we see in the culture around us. This is the kind of denial that is my work”. The culture in which we all operate has, she adds, “been created by dominant elites – there’s a sense of abundance (created by advertising) and ‘buy, buy, buy’ – this cultural messaging is produced by entities that are invested in the status quo…our whole idea of progress, ever since the Enlightenment, that we could use science to have a better world, that we could come together to resolve our mutual differences, while science guides us to a better future – all our ideas of modernity, that life will get better and better; that has come to an end in terms of the degree of impact that we now have on the Earth’s ecosystem, which is unravelling”. Norgaard identifies a key flaw in post-Enlightenment reasoning that placed humanity over nature, in a position of dominance rather than dependence and reverence, as was common in many pre-industrial societies. Nature was re-framed from being a powerful but largely benevolent parental figure to an undefended trove of treasures, a bottomless quarry from which we can extract an infinity of goods to satisfy our infinitely expanding needs. Scottish engineer and inventor, James Watt put it presciently when he said: “Nature can be conquered, if we can but find her weak side”. While the recent WWF ‘Living Planet’ report tracked a chilling decline in biological diversity and abundance, even its utterly shocking headline numbers seem to have failed to put a dent in public consciousness. Why? “Here in Dublin, people who are urban especially, they live in a very mediated environment – they may never have seen those particular species”. Many New Yorkers were shaken from their urban insulation two years ago when Hurricane Sandy slammed into the city, but this was exceptional. Mostly, says Norgaard, “it’s almost like we live in gated communities, and our media sources could be seen as another level of that gate. Similarly, the kinds of conversations people have around you can form a kind of gate that keeps out (unpleasant ecological) information”. She believes that, despite the best efforts of the corporatised media, the sheer number and intensity of extreme weather events sweeping the continental US is beginning to really break into standard conversation. “That filter, the one that says no one else really cares about this, it mustn’t
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“In conclusion, for the period up to 2013, there was an inadequate framework at EU and Member State level to translate the EU’s objectives for the sustainable development of aquaculture into reality and the measures actually taken did not provide sufficient results”. – Kevin Cardiff ‘The effectiveness of European Fisheries Fund support for aquaculture’ By Tony Lowes Surprisingly, Kevin Cardiff, the controversial Irish Government appointment to the Court of Auditors, is garnering the respect of seasoned Brussels watchers. Cardiff resigned as Secretary General of the Department of Finance and alternate governor of the World Bank, in February 2012 to take up the Brussels post. Cardiff’s elevation raised strenuous objections from those who saw his role in the disastrous 2008 bank guarantee – and an accounting error of 12.3 billion in 2012, as disqualifying him for anything other than early retirement. Ironically, his first report for the Court of Auditors addressed the fact that the level of trust and confidence in our rulers – in this case the European Union – has plummeted. Eurobarometer polls show that citizens who trust the European Union have fallen from 50% in 2004 to 31% in 2013. Cardiff’s initial report led to twitching eyebrows, given his opaque appearances in Irish inquires to date about the events of October 2008. Entitled a ‘Landscape review: Gaps, overlaps and challenges: a landscape review of EU accountability and public audit arrangements’, he calls on the Member states “to re-think public accountability and audit within the EU to improve its financial accountability towards citizens”. His second report is a damning study entitled ‘The effectiveness of European Fisheries Fund support for aquaculture’. Not surprisingly, this was hailed with silence from the Irish government, and remains unreported by the Irish Times. In spite of more than €438 million in EU funding, the aquaculture industry’s 2011 production is lower than it was ten years previously, while worldwide production has doubled. While the report did not specifically examine Ireland, the key conclusions do apply here: •Measures to support the sustainable development of aquaculture have not always been well designed and monitored at EU level •The Commission’s review of national strategic plans and operational programmes did not systematically ensure that they were designed to maximise the effectiveness of aquaculture policy •The Commission did not provide comprehensive aquaculture-related guidance on environmental matters •There were few relevant audits and evaluations by the Commission, and limited monitoring “Environmental and health risks were not considered sufficiently in funding decisions for aquaculture”, Cardiff said, calling on the Commission ”to establish guidelines for the consideration of relevant environmental facts when determining public funding”. Cardiff echoed his fellow auditor in Norway, the world’s largest producer of farmed salmon. Jørgen Kosmo’s report from 2012 had concluded: “The aquaculture industry is facing significant environmental challenges, among other things in the form of high figures for escaped fish, salmon lice and extensive losses due to disease. The extent of these and other environmental challenges is so great that it is necessary to strengthen the management of aquaculture in order to ensure environmental sustainability and the possibility of future growth in the industry”. Irish state support for salmon farms was detailed in an unpublished 2011 SalmonWatch Ireland Report which showed that more than €57 million (index-llinked) in state aid had gone to fish farms that had gone under from disease, parasites, and other biological challenges. A complaint before the Competition Commissionership at the moment records that 30% of the funding from Europe intended for indigenous small to medium enterprises was split between Bord Iascaigh Mhara – a State agency, and Marine Harvest – the multi-national salmon-farmers which now controls 80% of Ireland’s salmon farms and last year lost €6.7 million here because of ‘biological challenges’. Rather than taking up the gauntlet that Cardiff offered to “provide comprehensive aqua culture-related guidance on environmental matters”, the Environmental Directorate who are responsible for addressing the ‘environmental challenges’, recently (19 September, 2014) closed its ‘Pilot’ and ‘Chap’ investigations into salmon-farming in Ireland. The evidence provided did not demonstrate that “the particular SACs designated for wild Atlantic salmon do not meet their conservations objectives”, that the “scientific debate is not closed”, and that in fact “there is no legal basis under EU law for requiring a general moratorium on salmon farm development”. The decision is a serious blow to the opponents of the proposed Galway Bay 15,000-tonne salmon farm and the environmental groups who had the complaint reopened after its initial closure in 2012. It is also entirely contrary to the overwhelming international scientific consensus. Ironically, on almost the same day that the Commission gave Ireland the green light for Minister Coveney’s aggressive plans to build nine super farms along the coast, a major study by ten top international scientists of more than 300 published papers on the subject left no doubt about the adverse impact of salmon-farming along our coasts. It concluded that “sea lice have negatively impacted wild sea trout stocks in salmon farming areas in Ireland, Scotland and Norway” and that the lice have “a potential significant and detrimental effect on marine survival of Atlantic salmon with potentially 12-44% fewer salmon spawning in salmon farming areas”. Come home, Kevin Cardiff, reinvented.
by Village
Dear Dermot, Didn’t see you at the pre-Christmas Business and Finance Business awards. Hyland giving out the gongs as usual, while all around him crumbles and his stable of magazines including B&F and Magill is largely dormant. Top man, Ian, if ever you want an award or a listing, dinner in Shanahan’s with Clinton or to ring the bell on Ireland Day at the NYSE. Totally nice guy. All the egos there. Missed you. Hoping to get hands on the Four Seasons in Ballsbridge – my sort of place. Super organisation. For around €50m from London and Regional. Cost the Nollaig Partnership fronted by Quinlan €70m to build. Over the last year I’ve lobbed another €9.8m into Communicorp which owns 98FM, Newstalk and Today FM (yesterday’s Mistake as Leslie calls it). We’ve bought eight regional British stations and sold a number in central Europe for €9m. I’m now owed €60m by it. Commentators are saying we should merge with Doughty Hanson which owns TV3. I could then do a Sam Smyth on Browne. ‘Not fit to own a newspaper’. He said. Well how about not fit to run a magazine, and no longer running a tv show? Is it my imagination or is the Irish Independent covering smaller and smaller moves by uncontrolling me? Digicel, it reported recently, has invested $5m (€4m) in a Sweden-based micro-insurance provider, Bima. Don’t ask. I’ve appointed top guy, Emmet O’Neill, who recently sold Smiles Dental – former E and Y Entrepreneur of Year candidate and my nephew – CEO of Topaz. Super lad most notable so far for speaking the unpalatable truth: “What frustrates me is the constant bad news in the media. It drives me mad. I feel what we need is a five year period of dictatorship, sort it all out, give it back to us and not allow anyone to have an opinion”. Irony of course. No one sees it. Topaz, now with Cowen on the board has, through its parent Kendrick Investments owned by me, confirmed that it is about to bag rival Esso Ireland in a deal that will see it take around 30 per cent of the motor fuels market for around €70m. Esso owns 38 service stations and the right to supply 60 more. It’s all subject to approval from the Competition and Consumer Protection Commission. A bit bloody SIPTU if you ask me. Topaz building two new service stations, one in Clonshaugh, north Dublin, and one in Laois at cost of €10 million. 110 jobs. Green jersey in a grubby parking lot by the M7. The Beacon, my private hospital, has appointed a new board, Great organisation. It’ll be led by non-executive chairman Colm Doherty – Topaz Director and managing director of AIB until 2010. Part of the policy of shining up clever old bastards with collapsed dreams. And making them grateful and LOYAL FOREVER to Denis O’Brien. The hospital has also appointed three new non-executive directors including Niall Devereux, group financial director of my meter supplier Siteserv, a co-founder in 1996 of Bupa Ireland who is chief financial officer of Topaz. Super job. Great to see loyal Sarah (Carey) getting it wrong in her Irish Independent article that Ireland must introduce water charges because “the Water Framework Directive introduced by the European Union made it European law”. Actually Ireland’s got an exemption from the law but was great propaganda for us meter installers. Such a charming lass: can’t think why the Times went along with all that leftie crap about “her credibility as a columnist had been damaged by the findings of the report of the Moriarty tribunal and its aftermath” etc. Gas days I had in the Esat days, paying government ministers and partying all night. The final rules will not apply retrospectively. Did you hear that, Dermot? THE FINAL RULES WILL NOT APPLY RETROSPECTIVELY. New Government guidelines on media mergers say it is “undesirable” for one person or business to hold excessive influence. Excessive influence? “Sam had done his job and should move on”. “I know other reporters, really kind of writing pretty positive situations. There was one good story last week carried – I can’t remember who, but by and large it’s generally negative stuff. Someone with our friend [Sam] down there I think really trying to ensure that a good balanced story comes out. That would be appreciated”. So you can see I love balance. Leslie loves balance. And if I have anything to do with it Independent Newspapers will learn to love balance and the Sindo not to love Denis-disloyalist O’Connor as editor. Super job. They’d laugh at us in Haiti if I told them these bloody new rules. They’d fall off the chair laughing. That is Stone Age stuff. That is completely the antithesis of where the world is moving to. Sure there’ll only be one newspaper in ten years anyway. Chaired by Leslie. Edited by John Delaney: the shrewdest businessman I know. Recently, Seamus Dooley of the National Union of Journalists called on Alex White to “call a halt” to what it saw as my threat to media diversity. That plea came after Newstalk secured a deal to provide news to more stations, making it the largest supplier of radio news in Ireland. Who the fuck? Is it that you do nothing or just that you don’t control enough media for anything you do to get reported. The only thing I could find you’d done this month was buy 6% of One51 an Irish renewable energy and plastics goup for nearly €10m. One51 owns 24% of NTR, the wind-energy company. Yawn. Well I guess at least you’ll be in Pink Sands this Christmas, designing salt cellars or whatever floats your (smallish – relatively) yacht. Construction underway on my palace on Shrewsbury so I guess Catherine and I will be in Malta. Unless we get the Four Seasons before the 25th. Seasons greetings, Denis
by Village
By James Nix. A currently proposed, the EU Commission would, for the first time in more than two decades, have no dedicated environment Commissioner. Instead environment is rolled in with fisheries and maritime to make up one of what are essentially 20 sub-Commissioner roles – under Commissioner Karmenu Vella. Its role will centre on deregulation. Merging climate and energy and then putting this (sub) Commissioner under a Vice-President for Energy Union implies that climate action is considered subordinate to energy-market considerations. Legally and practically, what new Commission President Jean Claude Juncker has done is quite revolutionary. Instead of 27 Commissioners, all on a par, under one President, Juncker has appointed a ‘first’ Vice President (Dutchman Frans Timmermans), High Representative for Foreign Affairs (Italian Federica Mogherini) and five Vice-Presidents. These seven plus Juncker himself form a team of eight that arches over 20 sub-Commissioners. Each of these 20 subordinates is to report in to a given Vice President – their line manager. Critically, no legislative changes can be promoted by any sub-Commissioner without the approval of the supervising Vice President. Specifically on the environment [,] legislation “will now be the responsibility of the Vice-President for Jobs, Growth, Investment and Competitiveness, who does not have the environment mentioned in his mandate” notes the Green 10, an alliance of European environment organisations. “Since the environment is completely absent from the priority list, and no Vice-President is charged with promoting it, this means a de facto shut down of EU environmental policy-making”. With this downgrading, Juncker has decorated the stage for a serious subversion of existing EU commitments to sustainable development, resource efficiency, air quality, nature conservation, climate action – and health protection. Juncker’s changes come in spite of a Eurobarometer poll in September showing that notwithstanding the economic crisis, 95% of 28,000 citizens interviewed said that protecting the environment is important to them personally and that more should be done. The survey shows no public demand for environmental deregulation. Yet Juncker’s vision effectively scraps the 7th Environmental Action Programme, a legally binding commitment negotiated and agreed by Commission, Member States and European Parliament only a year ago. Juncker’s plan to take responsibility for relations with the European Chemicals Agency, whose job is to protect European citizens from harmful chemicals, out of the Environment portfolio, where it now lies, and add it to Enterprise shows a clear bias towards prioritising business interests over human health and the environment. Juncker has ‘disappeared’ sustainability from EU priorities – at the time as the need for sustainability, resource efficiency and the circular economy are becoming more acute. In fact none of the above are even covered at all at Vice-President level, except for one vague reference to “green growth” in the mandate of the Energy Union Commissioner. This implies a Commission that will be operating on the basis of a hopelessly outdated paradigm of economic growth without counting real costs. Vella has also been ordered by Juncker to stop the two most relevant policy packages inherited from the current Commission – the air quality package and the Circular Economy programme – to give more time for ‘assessment’. Juncker’s chopping and changing of briefs also puts citizens’ health at risk: the shift of several responsibilities on regulation of harmful chemicals from the environment and health portfolios, handing them over to the enterprise directorate of the commission is telling. Unless the Commission structure is changed, Europe is going to end up in a messy situation at next year’s global negotiations on climate emissions in Paris. It could send its Vice President for Energy Union – i.e. a representative with a portfolio that doesn’t cover climate. Or it could send the sub-Commissioner for Climate and Energy – but that would be to send someone from the junior ranks. The European Parliament is now the only backstop to prevent an agenda to weaken more than 25 years of EU environment policy without democratic debate. At a minimum the Parliament must: 1. Secure a Vice-President for Sustainability with environment explicitly in the remit. 2. Ensure what is currently titled the Vice-President for “Energy Union” is amended to reflect “Climate Action and Energy Union”. 3. Ensure the Environment portfolio is reinstated, restoring its competences and providing the Commissioner with a new mandate to respect the European Parliament’s work and implement the 7th Environment Action Programme. Furthermore the Parliament must ensure the instruction to weaken the Birds and Habitats Directives is replaced with an instruction to strongly implement nature conservation. Parliament must also hold the Commission to account in continuing to protect people’s health by strengthening, not weakening, key legislation on air quality and chemicals, and move the responsibility for biocides and pesticides back to the commission department responsible for environment. 4. Resolve potential conflicts of interest for the nominees, and notably for the Climate and Energy portfolio. Juncker’s decision to pick a Climate and Energy Commissioner with well-known links to the oil industry adds a great deal of fuel to his bonfire. The many conflicts of Miguel Arias Canete, Commissioner designate for Climate & Energy Miguel Arias Canete, a member of Spain’s Partido Popular, was nominated to the newly-formed post of EU Climate and Energy Commissioner in mid September. During his tenure as Spain’s Minister for Agriculture, Food and the Environment from 2011 to mid 2014, Canete and his family controlled 80% of the shares in two oil companies. Yet part of Mr Canete’s environment brief in Madrid was to tackle climate change. When both oil companies secured public contracts, as they did in 2011 and 2008, Mr Canete did not include this in his declaration of interests, which was an illegal omission. After his non-declaration was exposed, Mr Canete claimed he was not aware that the oil companies had secured the contracts.In light of the size of the state contracts, and the 80% family stake, it’s a very difficult claim to sustain. Asked at the Commissioner hearing if (just after the recent share-selling) if his brother-in-law now controls both oil companies,