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    Rory O’Sullivan reviews Salvatore of Lucan at the Kevin Kavanagh Gallery: Painter of Universal Love The intellectual truth of modern positivist materialism is the psychedelic.

        Everywhere Salvatore of Lucan’s art combines a rigorous and searching honesty about all the most characteristic aspects of a single place, time and self with the intense feeling of a world which is not that place and time – even his name: as much serious as joking, as much old as completely new. If perspective is to visual art what drama is to theatre, then at the climax these paintings cause us to look through the eyes of a universal kinship If perspective is to visual art what drama is to theatre, then at the climax these paintings cause us to look through the eyes of a universal kinship. Most of us love no-one except maybe our families and a few friends, but here for the brief period of observing we understand that everyone, no matter who they are to us, needs and is worth love – even if sometimes they also need forgiveness. It may be (and strictly speaking there is no reason to believe not) that someday the view which is the heart of these paintings will become the global view. But for now, this perspective, arising from our own time in these paintings as from so many others before in other places, remains timeless: a perspective of un-time, of the future. Even before LSD, the psychedelic had already revealed itself as the profoundest contribution to thought of so-called modernity. Its place is equal to that in Christianity of Christ’s atheism on the cross (God, why have you forsaken me?). Those words revealed to the few among so many Christians afterwards who saw that the profoundest divinity in the human condition is the same as its most abject and most material suffering, its barest abandonment. If the divinity of wretchedness is the intellectual truth of Christian teaching, then the intellectual truth of modern positivist materialism is the psychedelic, which is about the beautiful and affective quality of things. If positivist materialism says we are protons and electrons, the psychedelic says this is what protons and electrons are like. In that strange sphere, it is possible for every convention and perception of form to melt away or else become completely different. We are forced to recognise ourselves as what Rilke called “Pollen of the blooming Godhead”. From this standpoint, the psychedelic, Salvatore of Lucan devotes himself in his paintings to understanding its brutal and widespread counterpart, the intoxicant. From this standpoint, the psychedelic, Salvatore of Lucan devotes himself in his paintings to understanding its brutal and widespread counterpart, the intoxicant. The intoxicant lures us in with its dreamlike verisimilitude to psychedelic reality, with its altered experience of drunkenness/being high, combined with the avoidance of seriousness. But in the end this same mechanism serves only to increase suffering by making everything apart from intoxication less bearable, more difficult, less changeable, more dull, less psychedelic. And as against this fear we lose the power to do anything other than repeat this intoxicating pseudo-experience, we change: the end-result of intoxication is deformity. In ‘The Castle Lounge,’ ‘Family Time/Nanny’s Shriek’ and ‘Me Being an Arse’ the subject is alcohol. But ‘Work’, which depicts two employees of what seems to be an IT-retail shop with a skeleton below under the floorboards starting a painting, and ‘Me as a Blemmyae’, where he is staring intensely at his phone, set up for Zoom with a ring-shaped webcam light, are also about intoxication. All ideologies – as well as ambition, money, power, and everything else that places the virtual above the actual – are intoxicants. All ideologies – as well as ambition, money, power, and everything else that places the virtual above the actual – are intoxicants. Currently what is missing in the public debate about alcohol is a sense of how it differs from these other things not in kind at all, only by degree. In these paintings usually the characters get drunk, and always they are subjected to the intoxicated fantasies of a broader world. The two indications of this are deformity, which is one of Salvatore of Lucan’s most developed tools; and defiance, which is his most impressive. Traditionally speaking the deformed is the other – hence all those fascinated descriptions and collections of monsters in Antiquity and the Middle Ages from which comes the ‘Blemmyae’ of one of the paintings – here deformity is about the self: the intoxicated self, deformed and distended by falseness.   But there is also the psychedelic self of whom deformity is the central condition: this is the defiant self, whom we can see in the eyes of every painting, the green and beautiful eyes for example of ‘Me as a Blemmyae’, and the deep and questioning eyes in ‘The Castle Lounge’.   The eyes of people in these paintings designate something in them that is strictly their own, that does not belong to anybody. The intoxicant offers an escape from suffering and death, but its price is deformity and at last self-destruction. If the psychedelic promises to transcend these it is only by confronting them in full horror: because horror, always, eventually, when you look at it for long enough, becomes beauty.   In the middle of this exhibition there are two paintings: ‘Forget Me Nots’, of a pot of flowers with a skeleton underground beneath them, and ‘Dead Present’, after which the exhibition is named and the smallest painting by far – of the same flowers dead and bunched hanging upside-down by a rope with a cross-shaped knot a few centimetres above in a Tiepolo-blue background, like the sky. In the first, life is stalked by death; in the second, death meets the open air of life.   There are many reasons to think our place and time is hopeless. But this exhibition shows that whatever else at least some part of it has not given up on itself. It is still possible for there to be among us an artist, who, even if just while painting, strives to comprehend the task of

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    Letter sent to An Bord Pleanála by Village's editor, Michael Smith, concerning criminality and other ethical failures by its Deputy Chairman

    6 Ormond Quay Upper Dublin 7 D07H324   The Secretary An Bord Pleanála 64 Marlborough St Dublin 1 D01 V902 14 April 2022. By email only to bord@pleanala.ie, communications@pleanala.ie Re: the imperative of An Bord Pleanála pursuing a criminal complaint under Sections 147-149 and 156-157 of the Planning and  Development Act 2000 (the “Act”) against Mr Paul Hyde, and acknowledging that he is no longer       a member of its board Dear Sir/Madam, I am writing giving you information sufficient to ground a criminal complaint under Sections 147 and 148 of the Act which can be prosecuted by An Bord Pleanála (ABP) with the consent of the Director of Public Prosecutions. I believe for ABP to prosecute would be appropriate in this instance in circumstances where the subject of this complaint is the deputy chairperson of ABP who has brought it into disrepute. I am attaching copies of all material in my possession relevant to this complaint. Background Deputy chairperson Paul Hyde has served as a board member of ABPsince 1 May 2014. He has also served as chairperson of the SHD division since December 2017. He has engaged in behaviour that cuts across his obligations under the Planning Acts , the criminal law and the ethics acts. Failure to declare interests Below is attached a list of developments where Mr Hyde had a conflict of interest. Land registry records attached indicate Mr Hyde is the owner of the following properties: 30 Lindeville, Cork; 4 Castlefield,Baltimore, Cork; Apt 30 Pope’s Hill, Blackpool, Cork; Apt 24 Pope’s Hill, Blackpool, Cork; 16 Watergold, Douglas, Cork; Unit 2 Maryborough Green, Douglas, Cork; land at Rathduff, Grenagh, Cork (co-owner) [see attachment]. Court and other records indicate receivers were appointed to dispose of Apartment 30 Pope’s Hill; 16 Watergold and the land at . There are pending transactions on two of the folios. There are no pending transactions on the land at Rathduff  although it is currently advertised for sale. Mr Hyde also has a 25 percent shareholding in H20 Property Holdings Ltd a company incorporated in Ireland on 16 November 2001 (CRO 350179). It was previously named Fingerpost Builders Ltd.It formally changed its name on 17 May The other 75 percent shareholding is owned by Mr Hyde’s father, Stephen Hyde. According to land registry records, the company is the registered owner of Folio CK106589F, a two-acre, partially developed, plot of land at Pope’s Hill. There are no pending transactions on the folio. Mr Hyde declared he had no interests in his 2021 and 2022 declarations of interest to ABP (submitted in accordance with section 147 of the Act) [attached below] On 9 March 2022 Mr Hyde voted on an SHD application for a development in Blackpool, Part of the land of the applicant in that case is located less than 50 metres from the land owned by Mr Hyde’s company (H20 Property Holdings Ltd). Mr Hyde did not declare a conflict of interest at the board meeting as required under section 148 of the Act. The Law Section 147 of the 2000 Act states at (1): It shall be the duty of a person to whom this section applies to give to the relevant body a declaration in the prescribed form, signed by him or her and containing particulars of every interest of his or hers which is an interest to which this section applies and for so long as he or she continues to be a person to whom this section applies it shall be his or her duty where there is a change regarding an interest particulars of which are contained in the declaration or where he or she acquires any other interest to which this section applies, to give to the relevant body a fresh declaration. (2) A declaration under this section shall be given at least once a year. (3) (a) This section applies to the following persons: a member of the Board… Section 147(3)(b) requires a board member to declare “any estate or  interest which a person to whom this section applies has in any land, but excluding any interest in land consisting of any private home within the meaning of paragraph 1(4) of the Second Schedule to the Ethics in Public Office Act, 1995” and “any business of dealing in or developing land in which such a person is engaged or employed and any such business carried on by acompany or other body of which he or she, or any nominee of his or hers, is a member”. Failure to comply with the foregoing is anoffence under section 147(11) of the Act. Section 148(1) provides that “Where a member of the Board has a pecuniary or other beneficial interest in, or which is material to, any appeal, contribution, question, determination or dispute which falls to be decided or determined by the Board under any enactment, he or she shall comply with the following requirements: (a) he or she shall disclose to the Board the nature of his or her interest; (b) he or she shall take no part in the discussion or consideration of the matter; (c) he or she shall not vote or otherwise act as a member of the Board in relation to the matter; (d) he or she shall neither influence nor seek to influence a decision of the Board as regards the matter”.  Failure to comply with the foregoing is an offence under section 148 (10) of the Act. Section 149(1) provides that “proceedings for an offence under section 147 or 148 shall not be instituted except by or with the consent of the Director of Public Prosecutions”. Composition or arrangement with creditors Mr Hyde has clearly experienced compromising difficulties with several property investments since his appointment to ABP. According to The Ditch, in April 2015 Promontoria Aran took over the Ulster Bank mortgage on land in Rathduff, County Cork, owned by Mr Hyde and three co-investors. In March 2017 the distressed loan buyer issued High Court proceedings against Hyde and his co-investors but the

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    The State, led by Michael Martin,Lied And Destoryed Me

    14 March/April 2022 I N  the chairman of ISME (the small and medium enterprise lobbyist), Seamus Butler, wildly alleed that – in my capacity as CEO of ISME – I’d been involved in fraud of the EU by submittin unpaid invoices for payment of EU rants. In fact, unknown to me and after ISME had claimed the rant, the EU chaned its rules, to prohibit what was formerly standard practice – its own acceptance of such unpaid invoices – across the EU. It was that chane that ave credibility to the alleation. Butler and others in ISME wanted to et rid of me, since I adamantly opposed ISME’s involve- ment in the social partnership process which was becomin central to its operations. Butler’s supporters were actually in private discussions with Mary Harney, Tánaiste and Minister for Enterprise, concernin her decision to include ISME in the partnership process despite my opposition. I had not been informed. Since I had the overwhelmin support of the members and I had refused the inducement of £,-plus to resin, ettin rid of me was not oin to be easy. Butler, however, was willin to o to considerable lenths to destroy my character and thus directweaken my authority. So, as explicitly threatened, Butler implemented threats to ensure that I would “never work in this country aain” by makin “poor controls and manaement…. look like fraud”. To that end he conspired in  to brin phoney complaints to the Garda. Nevertheless in , despite the prior faxed threats and to everyone’s The State, led by Micheál Martin, lied and destroyed me By Frank Mulcahy Martin said he’d correct his statements implicating me in fraud after the EU showed that far from committing fraud I’d been set up by his department, but didn’t a) to protect a party colleague and b) to protect the exchequer from a maladministration claim. Indeed the State eventually effected a useless Inquiry process to cover the scandal up NEWS Fax from accountants confirming ISME leaders Hynes, Hobdell and O’Loinsigh threatened in 1998 that “Frank Mulcahy’s name will be blackened, he will never work in this country again”. surprise, his alleations were treated seriously and forwarded to the DPP. In the end no prosecution was recommended. Two years later, after an inter – nal ISME report concluded that Butler had justified his alleations by discreetly corruptin previously audited accounts, I endeavoured to enae March/April 2022 15 Deprtment of Finnce briefing note confirms tht, fter deprtment lobbied, it EU Commission committed to not replying to further correspondence from Mulchy with the Garda. Respondin, the Garda authorities declined to accept a copy of that report. They dismissed my complaint of audit corruption as “impossible”. In  Micheál Martin as the Minister for Enterprise, when replyin to Deputy Ruairi Quinn and others, emphatically endorsed the basis of Seamus Butler’s complaint. The Department wrote that its Minister was actin in “absolute” ood faith. We had no reason to doubt that. Further we knew of no relationship between the Department, its Minister and Seamus Butler which miht have explained that endorsement. However, in  after we established further unsettlin evidence , Assistant Commissioner of the Garda, the later discredited Martin Callinan, undertook to reinvestiate the alleations levelled by Butler. He ave a “per- sonal uarantee” as to the thorouhness of that reinvestiation. Time passed. It proved that Callinan was not a ood bet on a personal uarantee. In November , when no investiation ensued, I made technically unauthorised email contact with the civilian forensic accountant to the Garda, Dave McManus. He was straihtforward. He endorsed what ISME had concluded in its private report in . That was damnin of his Garda colleaues and particularly of Martin Callinan’s stated position. I immediately wrote to Callinan notin that the Garda’s forensic account – ant’s contradiction amounted in law to admission that the Garda had enaed in collusion with Butler. However, when I met the investiatin ardaí in December  they extraordinarily denied any contact with their forensic accountant. Immedi- ately after that meetin the forensic accountant was sent to Coventry, my emails were blocked by the Garda and I was prevented from ever aain con – tactin the forensic accountant or any ocer by their direct email address. Despite repeat enquiries by Assistant Commissioner Noirin O’ Sullivan, by the GSOC and in  by the Minister for Justice, the Garda adamantly denied the block. This interdiction lasted ten years until . This was accepted recently in his report by Jude McMahon, appointed. Faced with an inexplicable wall of hostility by aents of the State, I eventu – ally turned in despair to the EU Commission for clarity. It was then that I slowly pieced toether the tale of how the Department of Finance had been locked in a battle with the European Commission since  because of the EU demand that the Irish exchequer “repay” over one billion euros in European rants. That repayment demand arose from the Department of Enterprise’s “systematic maladministration” of EU rants since  and the“overlappin” drawdown (EU code for double charin) of EU Cohesion funds. In / the Department of Finance endeavoured to prevent the EU Commission from communicatin directly with me [top riht] Memo. Indeed they recorded that they had secured that commitment. However, as if in a studied response, three months later the EU Commission wrote and dis- closed that the culpable party (in respect of Butler’s alleation) had been the Department of Enterprise, itself. The EU Commission specifically exon – erated me. In a second email the Commission oered to ive evidence to Martin Callinan and any relevant Irish Authority. Here’s the email: “From: Brian Gray <Brian.Gray@ec.europa.eu> To: mulcahyfm@eircom.net Cc: ruairi quinn <ruairi.quinn@oireachtas.ie>, eamon ilmore Sent: Mon,  Jul  :: + (IST) Subject: RE: Brian Gray Dir General, Int Audit Services, EU Comm Dear Mr Mulcahy, I confirm my availability to reply to any questions your interlocutors may have on the requirements of EC reulations as reards the declaration of

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    Updated: The very best (and worst) of British. Simon Danczuk is one of a number of courageous British individuals who has tried to tell the truth about British government crimes in Ireland. He joins the ranks of Colin Wallace, Fred Holroyd, John Stalker, Byron Lewis and John Stevens

    Dolphin Square VIP sex abuse. Dolphin Square was opened in London’s Pimlico in 1936. It soon became a magnet for all sorts of scandal and intrigue:  espionage, political, sexual, not to mention mysterious deaths. ‘Scandal at Dolphin Square’ provides a riveting account of the lives of a rolling maul of fascinating and complex characters. As publicity for the publication accurately proclaims, it was ‘a place where the private lives of those from the highest of high society and the lowest depths of the underworld have collided and played out over the best part of a century’. It was also a cesspit where Prince Andrew’s friend Lord Greville Janner abused children. The two most important chapters in the book, both of which describe the activities of members of a VIP child abuse network, have been ignored by the British press. Cut from the same cloth: the Russian and British press Consumers of the media in the UK, have no appreciation of the extent to which they are kept in the dark about British Establishment scandals. They are completely unaware of the role Buckingham Palace played in suppressing the Jeffrey Epstein scandal for years before it broke in the US media. See: Palace of Discord and Deception. [Updated] Prince William&#8217;s officials covered-up his uncle&#8217;s involvement in the Epstein-Maxwell sex trafficking scandal. By Joseph de Burca. At the moment, many in Britain are exasperated at the ignorance of the ordinary Russian citizen who is misled by a corrupt Putlin-led media spouting nonsense about Nazism in the Ukraine. If the average Brit knew about what has been going on in Ireland, he and she might not laugh with such disdain at the typically ignorant Russian newspaper reader. The Dolphin Square book will help open a few eyes in Britain about the wretchedness of their ruling classes. However, before I return to Dolphin Square, it may be helpful to look at a few examples from recent history to understand the wider picture which explains how the ordinary British newspaper reader has been left to wallow in ignorance about British establishment crimes in Ireland. The tactic is: injure, insult and ignore. There is a deep well of hurt in Ireland felt by many as a result of the lethal misbehaviour of the British army and intelligence services on this island, a history now more than fifty years in being. Fresh evidence of transgressions continue to emerge with depressing regularity. In recent times, they include reports from the Northern Ireland Ombudsman about collusion between Loyalist paramilitaries and the State involving the murder of Catholics, many of them non-combatants who were simply in the wrong place at the wrong time. The murder of Irish citizens by British State actors is no more news in Britain than Putin’s war crimes in the Ukraine are for ordinary Russians. Astonishingly, there was little or no coverage of the fact that the State paid out £1.4 million to the families and survivors of the Miami Showband massacre. There has been – and continues to be – a pattern of State sponsored injury followed by insult. The insult takes the form of the cover-up after the event. If the cover-up falls apart, then the British press and TV go into ‘ignore’ mode. John Stalker who refused to back down when he discovered RUC-MI5 murder of a teenager. It cost him his career. The late John Stalker, the former Deputy Chief Constable of Manchester, investigated the RUC’s shoot to kill programme in Ireland in the 1980s. He discovered, for example, that the RUC and MI5 had murdered a teenage boy who had stumbled across an IRA arms dump in a hay shed. Stalker refused to back off and was stabbed in the back by his own side. The deepest wounds were those inflicted by his boss, James Anderton,  a man who believed that God spoke ‘to him and through him’. In reality Anderton became an accessory after the fact to the murder of the boy at the hay shed. Stalker was smeared by a corrupt press in Britain, linked to criminality and taken off his inquiry. The killers got away Scot free as did all of those involved in shafting Stalker. Few in Britain could have cared less. Although he cleared his name, Stalker retired from the police early a demoralised man. Byron Lewis, intimidated and vilified for telling the truth about Bloody Sunday David Cleary (better known as Soldier F) was responsible for a large number of the killings which took place on Bloody Sunday in Derry in 1972. Byron Lewis was beside him on the day of the massacre. Lewis killed no one – he was a radio operator. The journalist and broadcaster Tom McGurk conducted an investigation into Bloody Sunday and uncovered a written account by Lewis. He published it in The Sunday Business Post in Dublin. Privately, he supplied additional information to the Irish Government. This, finally, provided the ‘new evidence’ the British government required to establish a fresh inquiry. And what happened to Lewis? Although McGurk was careful not to name him, his identity was leaked – probably by the Ministry of Defence in London to a gang of soldiers who tried to persuade him not to talk to the Savile Inquiry. The soldiers found where he was living. In a case of mistaken identity, his housemate was beaten so badly he was taken to hospital. That same night Lewis’ life was threatened and he had to go into hiding. When he appeared at the Saville Inquiry, attempts were made to tear his character apart. Lewis has never emerged from hiding. And what of Cleary? The British government of Boris Johnson is presently trying to enact legislation so that he and others like him will not have to face murder charges. Fred Holroyd: smeared and vilified for exposing Robert Nairac and the Dublin  and Monaghan bombers of 1974 When Fred Holroyd, a former undercover British soldier, refused to go along with MI5’s murderous collusion with Loyalist paramilitaries in

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    Rory O’Sullivan reviews Alberto Giacometti at the National Gallery: a genuinely philosophical artist.

      a few hundred pages of hard books  – or else a few minutes with the sculptures of Giacometti Theorists try to understand the world as if unfolding in a giant process with certain rules, whereas for artists the point is to observe it as a spectacle of which any thoughts and representations are just shadows, like childhood memories. But digging in their ditches always they eventually find each other. Plato is beautiful and Shakespeare is wise. Eventually the theorist sits back and laughs and even in Kant there are pages where the argument is carried by nothing but sheer ecstasy, in their repetitions and motifs at last artists discover obscure laws of which the elaboration is their gift. like Jack Yeats, instead of shapes he saw the world as lines Swiss-born Alberto Giacometti (1901-1966) was a genuinely philosophical artist in this sense. Apart from the earliest  pieces those collected here have an obvious unity of purpose: he wanted to describe the human condition as the ground. His sculptures, rather than the free-standing and well-bodied Michelangelo’s David, are mostly trapped as if sinking, but also (if you look from the side rather than the front) as if in judgement, enthroned with gravity on the stream of clay. He was so much a sculptor that even his paintings and drawings look like sculptures. But like Jack Yeats, instead of shapes he saw the world as lines: from that torrential criss-crossing figures emerge, more substance than form, as if soon to vanish. The exhibition is divided according to the models Giacometti used: his wife, his brother, his friends, and a man named Isaku Yanaihara. The photos of each near their sculptures are interesting and revealing. If Giacometti chose the same people over and over it was not because he wanted to sculpt them: it was because, just like Giotto and Charles Swann, for him there were a few primordial faces that represented everything and which each time he sought to disclose. The word for such a thing, in which is contained all of Giacometti’s debt to ancient cultures, is God: neither God-the-Father, nor the stupid God-of-Fire and God-of-Sleep entities of the modern imagination of polytheism, but Gods like Roberto Calasso’s description of the Vedic Rishis: “those who know something and keep silent, those who see what is looming”. The sculptures of Giacometti never act, but he was careful to give them aura: they are severe and full of light but give nothing away. The face is at the heart of this with its serene and perfectly divine expressionlessness. The name – ‘Half Length of a Man’, ‘Bust of a Woman with Folded Arms’ – like the face, is empty, and gives the observer not a single clue. Two shortages in this exhibition are walking sculptures and small sculptures. Giacometti once said “I can never make a woman in any other way than motionless, and a man always striding; when I model a woman, then motionless; a man, always walking”. The fact that no sculptures of men walk here is a shame, but it does make clear that Giacometti rather meant that in his work every woman is imposing and each man resigned. The obvious first- and second-sex connotations of this are certainly there. For Giacometti, women are imposing because of their intensity as desire-objects: this gives them a power that manifests in a few exceptional works in the exhibition. First, near the beginning, a small bust of his wife, painted blue and red – the childishness of feeling in the colours is extraordinary. Second, the ‘Bust of a Woman with Folded Arms’ – its model a woman named Francine Torrent – smiling. In her unique, closed smile there is jouissance, the bird flying in the air: an invitation and a threat. It is striking that Giacometti, a friend of Simone de Beauvoir, regularly at Les Deux Magots, repeated from a male point of view the precise terms of the difference between men and women that their society made seem natural and she eviscerated – whether to condemn or exalt it, I am not sure. As for small sculptures, more of them would have helped with understanding what Giacometti does with size: the large he always breaks down into fragments, the small he closes into unity, each disappearing and arising together and against each other from the generative cascading of the ground. The person who has come closest to Giacometti in this regard in theory was Gilles Deleuze, whose golden period as a philosopher began just two years before Giacometti died, in 1964, with Proust and Signs. That he never refers to Giacometti is completely beside the point: it was typical of Deleuze to speak about everything except what was profoundly nearest to him. Deleuze said things like “Being is said in a single and same sense of everything of which it is said, but that of which it is said differs: it is said of difference itself” and “The inhuman in human beings: that is what the face is from the start. It is by nature a closeup, with its inanimate white surfaces, its shining black holes, its emptiness and boredom”. To understand these lines it takes a few hundred pages of hard books like Difference and Repetition or A Thousand Plateaus – or else a few minutes with the sculptures of Giacometti. Giacometti: From Life is running at the National Gallery of Ireland 9 April – 4 September 2022. Tickets €5-17 with discounted rates on Tuesday mornings and Thursday evenings. Image: Alberto Giacometti Buste d’homme (Lotar II), c. 1964-1965 © Succession Alberto Giacometti / ADAGP, Paris, 2022    

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    Quinn was our champion when the State did nothing

    10 March/April 2022 T his is a tale of greed, destruction, violence, corruption and betrayal. The Quinn Group business employing 7000 with profits of €500m/year has turned into a husk of itself with only 800 employees and meagre profits with its construction division scandal- ously losing money. Conventional wisdom blames the recklessness of Sean Quinn but there was a further betrayal of the community that, reflecting national indif- ference to the border counties, has gone untold. Keep your eye on who was in charge as the Quinn Group has disintegrated! The name of the Quinn Group was changed to Aventas in 2013 to Quinn Industrial Holdings in 2015 and to Mannok in 2020. Along the way it sold o Quinn Glass, Quinn Plastics and Quinn Radia- tors abroad. The sale of Quinn Packaging did not complete. However, the first big event that should detain us is that on 30 March 2010, following an application by the Central Bank of Ireland, the High Court appointed joint provisional administrators to Quinn Insurance Limited, “Quinn was our champion when the State did nothing” By Michael Smith A Crossborder Community feels so betrayed that it’s issued legal proceedings against the part successors to the Quinn Group – QBRC The nme of he Quinn Group ws chnged o Avens in 2013 o Quinn Indusril Holdings in 2015 nd o Mnnok in 2020. Along he wy i sold off Quinn Glss, Quinn Plsics nd Quinn Rdiors brod. The sle of Quinn Pckging did no complee the first manifestation of regulatory stringency that has now been playing out for 12 years. Then, in April 2011, a share receiver was appointed over the whole Quinn Group, by Anglo Irish Bank Group (then owned by the State), to which the Quinn Group owed over €2.8 billion. A receiver took control of the Quinn family’s equity interest in the Quinn Group (Quinn had divested himself some years earlier), replacing them with a board of outside professionals. This served the interests of bondholders who now owned 25% but had 75% voting right, with the balance held by the State. Formerly the bondholders interest had been contingent not a shareholding and they technically had no voting rights. That is the principal grievance of Sean Quinn – he accepts that he had scandalously over-invested in con- tracts for dierence (CFDs – suspended payments, i.e. agreements to exchange the dierence in value of a financial instrument between the time at which a con- tract is opened and it is closed) but feels the situation could have been salvaged if nerves in government had been held and the bondholders not indulged. The Quinn Group and its advisors considered it could repay the €2.8 billion it owed including the €2.34 billion it owed Anglo for share support. Others say that would have depended on retaining institutional confidence that he had done a great deal to lose. Anglo and Quinn had been in discussions to avoid a legal dispute over the way Quinn had supported Anglo’s shares, with awareness from State regulators that the State has disingenuously always tried to deny. But the plug was pulled. NEWS March/April 2022 11 Quinn was declared bankrupt in the Republic on 16 January 2012. The State’s motivation may or may not have been primarily the welfare of the local community and its jobs. But it compromised on legality. A notable delinquency was ignoring the outrageous actions of Anglo Irish Bank. Ann Nolan, the Second Secretary General at the Department of Finance with responsibility for financial stability/risk management gave evi- dence in 2015 to a case taken by the Quinn family against IBRC, and Sean Quinn and former Quinn Group directors. The family had had a 25 per cent stake in Anglo, held through the CFDs. It later converted this into a 15 per cent stake in the bank, using bank finance, partly channelled through Quinn Direct Insurance, while other long-term customers, of the bank (the Maple 10) used further loans from the bank to buy the other 10 per cent. This con – version had the eect of preventing a flood of shares coming onto the market. But it was ultimately illegal and improper to facilitate the wind-down of Anglo and the Quinn Group without resolving this extraordinary illegality for it was predictable that the Quinns would get some very substantial ben – efit if it could be shown that their own delinquencies were known to the regulatory section of the Department of Finance, the State. Nolan stated [above] that a draft letter dated 3 February 2009 from the then chairman of Anglo, Donal O’Connor, to Minister for Finance Brian Leni – han stated: “As requested, I enclose a report on the extent of lending for the purposes of share acquisitions and contracts for dierences generally and Anglo shares in particular”. However, she also drew attention to an alterna – tive version of the same letter, dated the next day which was amended to read: “The total extent of lending by the Bank for the purposes of acquiring publicly quoted shares is €1.767bn (See Annex 1). We do not lend for the purpose of taking positions in contracts for dierences. Of this total, €918.6m relates to lending for the purpose of acquiring shares in Anglo Irish Bank”. The letter was changed to omit a reference that would show the Depart – ment of Finance knowing in 2009 that Quinn Group had a CFD position. There were a lot of improprieties associated with the Quinn Group, espe – cially related to the support of Anglo’s share price. The problem was that Anglo had benefited from Quinn’s support and indirectly therefore so had the state. If the support was illegal and had been approved by Anglo and the State then the State might ultimately have to suer some of the loss that it in the end seemed determined to dump on Quinn himself and his group. The Central Bank came to a weird, presumably embarrassed, settlement with Quinn Direct Insurance, the

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    Tarry Flynn reviewed by Rory O’Sullivan: worthy, entertaining and physical:  every five minutes make you forget the previous five

        In poetry the nearest figure to Patrick Kavanagh is Charles Baudelaire. Both were often destitute. Both found a verse that was above all music, not aspiring to music, like Walter Pater said of every art-form, but music itself made of words and because of it more profound.   For both men the heart of the effort was to make everything a spoken song, and a suspicion that it is one already; both made as much room for beauty as its privation.  But if Baudelaire’s main concern was to capture the putrid falseness of life in the modern city as an image of life everywhere Kavanagh’s was to dream of the true life gushing forth, the repose of memory and desire in happiness, too often misinterpreted as rural pantheism.   But both Kavanagh and Baudelaire succeed more often, if less thoroughly and famously, in their prose.   Baudelaire’s exalted dismissals of forgotten French painters are matched by Kavanagh’s invectives against Irish writers like WR Rodgers and FR Higgins (“Writing about FR Higgins is a problem – the problem of a labyrinth that leads nowhere”). With Baudelaire’s breath-taking asides on the French Revolution there are Kavanagh’s on the Irish question: “All of us who are sincere know that if we are unhappy, trying to forget our futility in pubs, it is due to no exterior cause, but to what is now popularly called the human condition. Society everywhere today and its beliefs are pastiche: there is no overall purpose, no large umbrella of serenity”.  And: “The questions we never ask ourselves in Ireland are: Do we believe in anything? Do we care for anything?”. Kavanagh’s two prose-books are ‘The Green Fool’, an autobiography, a masterpiece; and ‘Tarry Flynn’, a novel nearly as good as his long poem, The Great Hunger, because it is the same thing but set in Cavan instead of Monaghan. The theme of all three is a tension Kavanagh’s two prose-books are ‘The Green Fool’, an autobiography, a masterpiece; and ‘Tarry Flynn’, a novel nearly as good as his long poem, The Great Hunger, because it is the same thing but set in Cavan instead of Monaghan. The theme of all three is a tension: Kavanagh or Flynn or Maguire is caught between the beautiful world of his heart where there are no words, and society, where there is work to be done and questions in need of answers.   Writers often aim to fill gaps in themselves: every school student has heard the maxim, ‘Write what you know’,  but a more honest one may be ‘Write what you need’.   Kavanagh needed this argument with himself: he was vicious and took no shortcuts, which was what gave his words energy, how he could say O the thrilling daisies in the sun-baked hoof-tracks. O the wonder of dry clay. O the mystery of Eternity stretching back is the same as its mystery stretching forward.   He hated theatre. Its root problem for him was the audience: like a congregation in the abstract it seems like a good thing, but without the individual’s sense of real life it falls for simplicities, pietisms, cheapness, and what he called “newspaper morality”. There is a certain foolishness as well as bravery in choosing to adapt for stage a novel whose almost entire appeal is its narrative sentences – with a result its author would certainly have despised.   But this is the twenty-first century: Kavanagh is dead, and the production of ‘Tarry Flynn’ by Livin’ Dred Theatre Company, touring the country, briefly in the Pavilion Theatre in Dun Laoghaire, is lively, with huge range, impressively lurching from each thing – every five minutes make you forget the previous five – to the next, so that what comes out mostly is a theatrical sense of joy: a sense of play. this adaptation gets two important things right: it lets the words from the book do the talking (though with the ground artlessly salted here and there with lines from the poems), and it adds a lot of jumping and somersaulting to give the theatre-element. Originally by Conall Morrison and performed in the Abbey Theatre in 1997, this adaptation gets two important things right: it lets the words from the book do the talking (though with the ground artlessly salted here and there with lines from the poems), and it adds a lot of jumping and somersaulting to give the theatre-element. The worst bits are when it leans on tropes of Late Late Show Irishness: a Mammy, a spineless and severe priest, ‘Cotton-Eyed Joe’ – mercifully not as heavily or often as the kitschy Irish music at the performance’s start would mislead you to believe.   Mostly the show is entertaining singing, dancing and shouting interspersed with a few scenes and monologues by Tarry. In this production nine actors play fifty roles, which gives it a frenetic feeling and a sense of fun.   The weirdest part is when actors playing a bull and heifer act out having human-style sex to music in a cow-costume and bull-inflected gimp suit; the most touching are any of those when Tarry stands alone onstage simply talking about what is in his head.   The shame about this script and production is that it treats all its best parts the same way: raise the audience to a level of exalted feeling, bring them there with Tarry, and then pull the rug out immediately with his Mammy calling him to go to mass or pop a blister on her foot.   This makes the relation between the romance and the real, the inner and outer, tense but stable, easy to delineate and follow. On the other hand ‘Tarry Flynn’ the novel is about destabilising this, causing the real and romantic to spill into each other and contaminate both.   Which is why, at the end, when Tarry’s uncle sweeps him off to big life in the towns, his mother and he heartbroken, ‘Philadelphia Here I Come’–style, as

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