February 2016 21
Browne during a Late Late Show debate in early
1982 just days before the government fell.
Browne said to Kenny that he “never speaks at
all” in Leinster House to which a humiliated
Kenny replied that the journalist had refused an
offer to visit his west of Ireland constituency. In
more recent times, the dispute has resurfaced
after Browne suggested on air that the politi-
cian go into a room with a bottle of whiskey and
a gun. Kenny has refused to appear on air with
him since. Browne has apologised for his indis-
cretion but to no avail.
His first cabinet job did not invite much con-
troversy although he was touched by some
difficult questions when, after lobbying from
developers, he appeared to favour the RDS in
Dublin for a national conference centre, a pro-
ject which was subsequently shelved. He never
declared any interest in the leadership until the
contest with Noonan in 2000. At a time when
his wife, Fionnuala, was the home-maker with
three young children, his sudden pursuit of the
top job took her and his close friends by sur-
prise. His child-minding skills were later put to
the test when a telephone radio interview was
suddenly terminated after he could not manage
to quieten his kids as they ran around the house
screaming.
It wasn’t quite like Cowen’s Garglegate and,
if anything, made viewers aware that behind the
bland and pompous persona was a family man,
however semi-detached.
In government, he has managed to maintain
cordial relations with his Labour partners over
five years, at first with Eamon Gilmore and in
the last two years with Joan Burton. It is well
known that he found it easier to deal with Gil-
more although they had their difficulties with
Gilmore close to walking out over the resigna-
tion of the Garda Commissioner. He had not
been informed that the Taoiseach was holding
weeknd discussions on such a sensitive matter
with key figures including the Attorney General.
His relations with Joan Burton have been more
strained particularly as the end of the five year
term approaches and both parties seek to set
out independent stalls.
Kenny came on board the Marriage Equality
campaign despite his conservative, Catholic
instincts and had earlier shocked many by his
criticism of the Vatican over child abuse in his
early months in government.
With the help of handlers and spin doctors
Mark Kennelly, Mark Mortell, Hogan and others
he has fought off many external and internal
pressures to his leadership.
Frank Flannery prepared the detailed 21st
Century Report that charted the party’s plan for
success just months after Kenny took the lead-
ership in October 2002.
“The current image of Fine Gael is whole-
some, healthy, traditional and boring. It seems
to belong to another age”, the document
argued. It added that “a lousy party can suc-
ceed with a brilliant leader – the opposite does
not work”.
Among the suggestions was the appointment
of a fundraiser which helped dramatically to
improve the fortunes of Fine Gael. Kenny also
decided to reverse the plan by his predecessor,
Noonan, to refuse corporate donations.
Fine Gael is undoubtedly in rude financial
health as it faces into the general election, not
least due to the work of Kenny’s backroom
team. At 28-31% in recent opinion polls there is
a strong chance that he can cobble together a
new government with the help of various right-
of-centre independents, Labour and others.
But there is none of the apparent certainty of
just a few months ago and the serious issues
that have arisen over the questionable “fiscal
space” figures trotted out by Noonan in the first
days of the campaign have given the party a
wobbly start. Kenny’s statement that voters are
not up to hearing financial and economic sta-
tistics thrown at them drew the inevitable
response that he is not very strong on complex
issues, himself.
It may be that Kenny’s success is built on
sand and on the mistakes and misfortune of his
political rivals. It may also be that he thinks the
people love him more than they do. We will find
out, soon.
thing Fine Gael put in plans. Least of all five-point ones. What-
ever anyone said he had lots of thoughts, but what he really
wanted was a fabulously big idea. Mary Mitchell-O’Connor. Fine
Gaelers who lunch. He’d already had what had seemed like quite
a big idea, the one about making Ireland the best little place in
which to do business. But people had been sniffy about that. It
was time for another one. He’d tried the Seanad abolition one.
What would Garret do? Michael Collins? He’d the pic of Collins
in his office. Michelle Mulherin once said he looked like him.
Junior Ministerial material, on a good day. So many problems
but the media gave him no credit. Always slagging him off as if
he was an eejit, though he had climbed Mount Kilimanjaro and
completed the Ring of Kerry Charity Cycle. And brought unem-
ployment down from 15 to 8.6 per cent. And his Dad was on the
team of ’36. 20 years a backbencher on Leeson St, and not a
single memorable word out of him. The people don’t under-
stand economics. Professor Honohan wanted the Army to
guard the State’s ATM machines. The "nigger" joke about
Patrice Lumumba, assassinated Prime Minister of Congo.
Electrify the party he would. And had. People went mad bor-
rowing. Paddy. High-five. Thumbs up. Winking at the
camera. Sitting next to Denis O’Brien. "Sacking" Callinan.
Never forget the power of a Commission with a coalition-
not-unfriendly judge. He loved primary teachers and the
places they could go politically. And he loved the bar, especially
Frank who knew what was very Fine Gael and what was not at all
Fine Gael. Mind you sometimes he wondered if he was very Fine
Gael or just quite Fine Gael. No matter. He rolled in the rippling
suds. He wasn’t the smartest. But he had Fionnuala, he had
Davos, he had a plan, he’d outwitted Bruton, he’d served small
business with every fibre, he’d never told a tribunal he won a
bribe on a horse, he’d never kept a mistress, fallen over or been
drunk on Morning Ireland. He was at
home, happy. He was accepted.
He was king of all he beheld.
Humble on the stump. Smug
in the bath.

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