ī˜Ÿī˜Ÿ ā€” ī˜Ÿī˜žī˜ī˜ī˜œī˜›ī˜š March - April 2012
T
he High Court will now hear in full
Treasury Holdingsā€™ action against NAMAā€™s
bid to put many of its Irish properties into
receivership with Ernst Young.
Treasury, one of the ten biggest borrowers with
the State loans agency, feels it is on the verge of a
deal favourable to both it and NAMA ā€“ to sell its
portfolio to third-party investment companies, but
it has failed to repay loans of around ā‚¬ī˜‹ī˜ī˜ mil-
lion. NAMA also claims Treasury diverted ā‚¬ī˜Ÿī˜.ī˜‰
million in shares from a related company to its
directors, just before Treasuryā€™s portfolio went
into NAMA. Nice.
Treasury, Johnny Ronan and Richard Barrett,
inspire awe and respect in ļ¬nancial, political and
media circles but I have had reason to be circum-
spect, myself, over the years.
Johnny is an accountant whose father was a
wealthy pig farmer in Tipperary and whose cousin
is Vita Cortexā€™s Jack Ronan. Richard comes from
a family of Ballina millers. They were at school
together in Castleknock College.
I ļ¬rst met Richard and Johnny in the mid-ī˜Šī˜‹ī˜‹ī˜s
when they were developing the Hilton (subse-
quently Westin) Hotel on Dublinā€™s College Green.
I was opposing their plan for the biggest destruc-
tion of listed and historic buildings in Dublin since
the ī˜Šī˜‹ī˜ī˜s.
After they got their permission, an academic
advised us that they should clearly have con-
ducted an Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA)
because of the signiļ¬cant ā€œnature, size and loca-
tionā€ of the ā€˜projectā€™. We decided the scheme was
unsustainable and uncivilised, Treasuryā€™s attitude
cocky and the planning authoritiesā€™ ļ¬‚outing of the
law on EIA outrageous ā€“ so we would attack their
scheme in the courts.
Treasury allegedly played dirty and were
involved in twenty-six other sets of litigation. An
Taisce, which I had been representing, didnā€™t want
the risk of a devastating legal-costs order, we didnā€™t
want the inevitable PR storm to blow away vulner-
able individuals and we didnā€™t want personal legal
liability for costs, so we formed a company that
could take the litigation.
We had little time so we got a pre-formed ā€˜shelfā€™
company, the chivalric-sounding, ā€œLancefortā€™. After
ī˜‘ī˜Ž appearances in the High-Court and six days in
the Supreme Court Lancefort lost its case on the
primary ground that, although it was okay to liti-
gate through a company that had not even existed
at the time of the Bord PleanƔla decision which it
was challenging, the protagonists in the company,
primarily I, should have raised the need for an EIA
before An Bord PleanƔla. The chief justice Ronan
Keane seemed to imply I had known of the point
at the time, even though I did not and there was no
evidence to that eļ¬€ect. Usually the Supreme Court
does not invent facts. Furthermore European law
clearly states it is the obligation of the authorities
to conduct the EIA.
Academics and practitioners generally accept
that the Lancefort decision is wrongly-decided.
Since that time ā€“ ī˜Šī˜‹ī˜‹ī˜Ž ā€“ EIA (and its plan-
focused counterpart (SEA) has taken oļ¬€ as a tool
for residents and environmentalists in assessing
the impact of what is being imposed on them ā€“ if
only because it often requires photomontages of
the proposed scheme and an indication that the
developer fully considered the alternatives.
During the campaign we were assailed by
Treasury and their PR team ā€“ and I guess since
Johnny Ronan reckoned we cost them ā‚¬ī˜Œm, we
were fair game.
Irish Times environment correspondent, Frank
McDonald, is often one of the most acute and cou-
rageous commentators on these matters. But he is
close to Richard Barrett ā€“ as well as to some of us
in the campaigning sector, and he wrote several
damaging reports including pieces misrepresent-
ing our European Law stance in a way unwittingly
likely to annoy Irish judges, mis-stating the num-
bers of listed/historic buildings on the site and
giving extraordinary coverage to the support-
ers of the scheme ā€“ including a fawning proļ¬le of
David Slattery, the ā€˜conservationā€™ architect who
was writing oļ¬€ the value of some of the buildings
to the beneļ¬t of Treasury, in an interview under
the headline ā€œKeeper of the Pastā€.
When we lost the case, Frank McDonald in the
Irish Times quoted Richard Barrett saying ā€œhis [ie
my] house is goneā€ and that ā€œIā€ faced legal costs
of Ā£ī˜Šm. In fact, we were always going to escape
the costs of the case because the company was a
separate vehicle from its directors, who at vari-
ous stages included heritage activists Garret Kelly,
Ian Lumley, Tony Lowes and in the end my gamey
brother.
Nonetheless Lancefort ļ¬nished up compre-
hensively liquidated. Treasury later boasted that
ā€œcertain opponents of ours have underestimated
our ability to cause legal havoc to their detrimentā€.
This was probably true.
At one stage, when the publicity was bad and
the case looked fragile, we had discussions with
Johnny Ronan about settling our case and it appears
some of our lawyers got further with instructions
we gave them than we had understood. We were
then skewered by Matt Cooper in the Sunday
Tribune and Cliodhna Ɠā€™Donoghue of the prop-
erty section of the Irish Independent in aggressive
but not entirely unfair features that made it sound
like we were seeking money for ourselves rather
Buccaneers
michael smith
The Treasury boys once had little Dublin at their feet
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The boys and political friend