
26June 2015
rate from the current .% to %.
No one – not the ESRI, not the Central Bank, not
any other state body – knows what effect such
increases may have on mortgage arrears, but it is safe
to say that households and companies currently expe-
riencing difficulties repaying their loans will see these
problems magnified. As will households and compa-
nies that are servicing their debts, but are on the
margin of slipping into arrears.
While the ESRI-led analysis does enlighten us about
the effects of higher rates on tax revenues and state
deficits, it does little to provide any certainty as to
what happens with consumer demand (linked to
credit), property investment and development (both
critically dependent on the cost of funding), as well as
the impact of higher rates on enterprise formation,
and survivorship, rates.
In addition, higher rates across the euro area are
likely to imply a higher value for the euro relative to
our major trading partners’ currencies. Which is not
going to help our exporters. Multinational companies
trading through Ireland are relatively immune to this
effect, as most of their trade is priced internally and a
stronger euro can be offset by accounting and other
means. But for SMEs exporting, every percentage
point increase in the value of the euro spells lower
sales and lower profits.
Across the euro area, there many ways higher rates
can drain growth momentum in the economy.
But in Ireland’s case, these pathways are almost all
invariably adversely affected by the debt overhang
carried by households and the corporate sector. Cur-
rent total debt, registered in Irish financial
institutions as being extended to Irish households and
resident enterprises stands at just over €.bn.
And that is before we take into the account our Gov-
ernment debt, as illustrated in Chart 3.
A percentage point increase in
retail rates would see some €.bn
worth of corporate and household
incomes going to finance existing
loans - an amount that is well in
excess of the €.bn increase in
personal consumption recorded in
compared to , and whch is
% of the total increase in Ireland’s
GNP over the same period. Add to
that added Government debt costs
which will rise, over the years, to
some €.bn annually.
What is not considered in the anal-
ysis is that at the same time the rising
cost of credit is likely to depress the
value of households’ collateral, as
property prices are linked to credit-
market conditions. This implies that
during the rising-interest-rates cycle,
banks may face the added risk of lower recovery from
home sales.
The effect of this would be negligible, if things were
relatively normal in Irish mortgages markets. But
they hardly are.
OPINION Constantin Gurdgiev
At the end of Q , the total number of mortgages in arrears stood at ,
accounts, amounting to a total debt of €.bn or % of the total lending for house
purchases. , accounts amounting to €.bn of additional debt were restruc-
tured and are not in arrears. Roughly three quarters of the restructured mortgages
involve ‘solutions’ that are probably resulting in higher debt over the lifetime of the
restructured mortgage than before the restructuring. We cannot tell with any degree of
accuracy as to how sensitive these restructured mortgages are to interest-rate changes,
but arrears cases will be much harder to resolve in the period of rising rates than the
cases so far worked out through the system.
You’d guess that the ESRI and the Department of Finance would have done some
homework on all of the above factors. But you would be wrong. There is no case-specific
risk analysis relating to interest-rate changes performed. Perhaps one of the reasons
why most analysts have been dismissing the specific risks of interest rate increases is
due to the lack of data and models for such detailed stress-testing.
Another reason is the false sense of security.
Take the US case. Its economy is now in mature recovery, based on
the most recent survey of economic forecasters by the BlackRock
Investment Institute. But the underlying weaknesses in growth remain,
prompting repeated revisions of analysts’ expectations as to the timing
of the Federal Reserve rates hikes. Still, the Fed is now clearly signalling
an upcoming rate hike.
The Fed is pursuing a much broader mandate than the ECB - a man-
date that includes the target of full employment. This is harder to meet
than the ECB’s singular objective of targeting inflation.
While European inflation is low, it is not as low as one imagines. Strip-
ping out energy costs - helped by low oil prices - inflation in the Euro
area was estimated to be at .% in April . The prices of gas, heat-
ing-oil and fuels for transport shave . percentage points off the
headline inflation figure. Although .% is still a far cry from the ‘close
to but below %’ target, for every % increase in energy prices, the
HICP (Harmonised Index of Consumer Prices) metric watched by the
ECB will rise approximately . percentage points. So far, in April
, energy prices are down .% year-on-year - the shallowest rate
of decline in five months. Month on month prices rose . percentage points.
Sooner or later interest rates will have to rise. In the US explicit Fed policy is that such
increases will take place after the real economy recovers sufficiently to withstand such a
shock. In the euro area, there is no such policy in place. That is dangerous for Ireland. •
Chart 3: Total real economic debt (1millions)
Source: Author’s own calculation based on data from CSO and the Central Bank
Total of Household debt, Secutitised Household debt, Corporate debt and Gross Government debt
600,000
500,000
400,000
300,000
200,000
100,000
0
Q1 Q1 Q1 Q1 Q1 Q1 Q1 Q1 Q1 Q1 Q1 Q1 Q1Q3Q3Q3Q3Q3Q3Q3Q3Q3Q3Q3Q3
2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009
2003-2008 average
2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015
In 2017 a rise in the
ECB rate to 1% from
the current 0.05%
will probably cost this
economy 2.1% of our GDP
in 2017, rising to 2.4% in
2018 and 2019. By 2020,
the effect could amount
to losses of around 2.5%
of GDP
“