6 8 April 2017
S
OME COMMONS still exist: community-owned
forests in Nepal and Romania, lobster fisher-
ies in Maine, pastures in east Africa and
Switzerland, the internet, Wikipedia, Linux,
journals published by the Public Library of
Science, the timebank in Helsinki, local currencies and
open-source’
With one breath, the friends of power told us that
global capitalism was a dynamic, disruptive force, the
source of constant innovation and change. With the next,
they told us it had brought about the end of history: per-
manent stability and peace. There was no attempt to
resolve this contradiction. Or any other.
We were promised unending growth on a finite planet.
We were told that a vastly unequal system would remove
all differences. Social peace would be delivered by a
system based on competition and envy. Democracy
would be secured by the power of money. The contradic-
tions were crashingly obvious. The whole package relied
on magic.
Because none of it works, there is no normal to which
to return. The Keynesian measures espoused by Jeremy
Corbyn and Bernie Sanders – in a world crashing into
environmental limits and the mass destruction of jobs
– are as irrelevant in the 21st century as the neoliberal
prescriptions that caused the financial crisis.
Pankaj Mishra, in his book Age of Anger, explains the
current crises as new manifestations of one long disrup-
tion that has been ripping up society for 200 years or
more. Our sanitised histories of Europe and America
allow us to forget that bedlam and carnage, civil and
international war, colonialism and overseas slaughter,
racism and genocide, were the norms of this period, not
exceptions.
Now the rest of the world is confronting the same dis-
ruptive forces, as industrial capitalism is globalised. It
destroys old forms of authority while promising univer-
sal freedom, autonomy and prosperity. Those promises
collide with massive disparities of power, status and
property ownership. The result is the global spread of
the 19th-century European diseases of humiliation,
envy and a sense of impotence. Frustrated expecta
-
tions, rage and self-disgust have driven support for
movements as diverse as Isis, resurgent Hindu nation-
alism and stomping demagoguery in Britain, the US,
France and Hungary.
How do we respond to these crises? Raymond Williams
said that “to be truly radical is to make hope possible,
rather than despair convincing. I know I have made the
case for despair seem pretty convincing in the past. So
this column is the first in an occasional series whose pur-
pose is to champion new approaches to politics,
economics and social change. There is no going back, no
comfort in old certainties. We must rethink the world
from first principles.
There are many points at which I could begin, but it
seems to me that an obvious one is this. The market
alone cannot meet our needs; nor can the state. Both,
by rooting out attachment, help fuel the alienation,
rage and anomie that breed extremism. One element
has been conspicuously absent from the dominant ide-
ologies, something that is neither market nor state: the
commons.
A commons is an asset over which a community has
shared and equal rights. This could, in principle, include
land, water, minerals, knowledge, scientific research
and software. But at the moment most of these assets
ENVIRONMENT
by George Monbiot
On a finite planet there is no going back but reviving
common ownership is one possible route to social
transformation
Because none of it works, there
is no normal to which to return.
Keynesianism is as irrelevant
in the 21st century as the
neoliberal prescriptions that
caused the financial crisis
C’mon
the commons
April 2017 6 9
have been enclosed: seized by either the state or private
interests, and treated like any other form of capital.
Through this enclosure we have been deprived of our
common wealth.
Some commons still exist. They range from commu
-
nity-owned forests in Nepal and Romania to lobster
fisheries in Maine, pastures in east Africa and Switzer-
land, the internet, Wikipedia, Linux, journals published
by the Public Library of Science, the timebank in Hel-
sinki, local currencies and open-source microscopy. But
these are exceptions to the general rule of private and
exclusive ownership.
In his book Land, the community organiser Martin
Adams urges us to see the land as something that once
belonged to everyone and no one, yet has been acquired
by a minority that excludes other people from its enjoy-
ment. He proposes that those who use the land
exclusively should pay a “community land contribution”
as compensation.
This could partly replace income and sales tax, pre-
vent land hoarding, and bring down land prices. The
revenue could help to fund a universal basic income.
Eventually we could move to a system in which land is
owned by the local community and leased to those who
use it.
Similar principles could apply to energy. The right to
produce carbon by burning fossil fuels could be auc-
tioned (a smaller pool would be available every year).
The proceeds could fund public services and a transition
to clean energy. Those who wish to use the wind or sun-
light to generate power should be asked to pay a
community contribution. Or the generators could be
owned by communities – there are already plenty of
examples in Scotland.
Rather than allow corporations to use intellectual
property rights to create an artificial scarcity of knowl-
edge, or to capture the value generated by other people
(such as Google and Facebook), we could move towards
a “social knowledge economy” as promoted by the gov
-
ernment of Ecuador. A share of profits could (with the
help of blockchain technology, which underpins digital
currency Bitcoin) be exchanged for helping to build
online platforms and providing the content they host.
The restoration of the commons has great potential
not only to distribute wealth but also to change society.
As the writer David Bollier points out, a commons is not
just a resource (land or trees or software) but also the
community of people managing and protecting it. The
members of the commons develop much deeper connec-
tions with each other and their assets than we do as
passive consumers of products.
Managing common resources means developing
rules, values and traditions. It means, in some cases, re-
embedding ourselves in the places in which we live. It
means reshaping government to meet the needs of com-
munities, not corporations. In other words, reviving the
commons can act as a counterweight to the atomising,
alienating forces now generating a thousand forms of
toxic reaction.
This is not the whole answer. My hope is that, after
exploring a wide range of potential solutions, with the
help of your comments and suggestions I can start to
develop a synthesis: a new political, economic and social
story that might be matched to the demands of the 21st
century. Realising it is a further challenge, on which we
also need to work. But first we must decide what we
want. Then we decide how to get it.
First published in the Guardian. www.monbiot.com
Some commons still exist:
community-owned forests in
Nepal and Romania, lobster
fisheries in Maine, pastures in
east Africa and Switzerland,
the internet, Wikipedia, Linux,
journals published by the Public
Library of Science, the timebank
in Helsinki, local currencies and
open-source

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