February 2015 39
So did the unique circumstances of
Jonathan Corrie’s death make a differ-
ence? Did the complexities of his story
help Government to avoid knee-jerk
reactions?
The centrepiece of the 20-point plan is
a commitment that ‘by Christmas’ there
should be enough emergency beds avail-
able so that no-one should be forced to
sleep on the street for want of a bed. This
is a good commitment. All homeless
services had been telling the authorities
for months that there were not enough
beds for the people who needed them. On
November 11th, the official ‘rough sleep-
ing count’ identified 168 people sleeping
rough. That cold, rainy night virtually all
of the more than 1,700 emergency beds
in the city were full.
Kelly’s plan committed to 260 new
emergency beds being available and by
Christmas the Catholic Church, Civil
Defence and voluntary organisations had
exceeded this and provided a total of 271
new beds. As a result, although around
15 people slept rough over Christmas
there were more than 15 empty beds in
the system. No one slept rough for want
of a bed.
But by the second week of January, the
joint Focus Ireland/Peter McVerry Trust
street team estimated almost 50 people
were sleeping rough with no beds avail-
able for them. This is partly because the
problem of homelessness is growing,
but also because the ‘hidden homeless’
(people in precarious situations, such as
squats) take the opportunity of decent
beds being available to move into the
mainstream system.
This highlights that, while we must
provide enough emergency beds for
everyone who needs them, more and
more emergency beds is not the answer.
Throughout the world, cities that respond
to a public outcry about homelessness
only by providing more emergency beds
find that, when the public attention
moves on, the city is left with a perma-
nently higher number of emergency beds
and the same rough-sleeping problem. In
this way many US cities have homeless
hostels holding thousands of destitute
men and women with no hope.
While there are many routes into
homelessness, every route out of home-
lessness requires the provision of a
home. In many cases a variety of sup-
ports is also necessary.
Without the possibility of a home,
people who are homeless end up being
supported in their destitution, accli-
matising to a way of life in which their
fundamental humanity is undermined.
That is why, Actions 6, 8 and 9 in Kelly’s
plan are so important, because they pro-
vide homes.
Action 6 commits to offer 50% of
all social houses which get allocated to
homeless households. In previous years
the allocations to homeless households
varied between 5% and 20%. This
action will make a significant difference
to the chance of someone moving out of
homelessness. The other actions make
derelict housing units available, also cre-
ating potential new homes.
Some of Kelly’s housing measures are
problematic and raise the question of
when a housing unit is not a home. For
instance, recent proposals to put home-
less families into the units in O’Devaney
Gardens, which were vacated several
years ago to allow the regeneration of
the estate, would put families who are
already very vulnerable into even greater
risk.
The most significant weakness of the
action plan is the failure to address the
crisis of rapidly rising private rents.
Over 20% of Irish households now live
in private rented accommodation, with
only 10% living in social housing. While
private tenants have certain rights and
security, there is no limit to the annual
rent increase their landlord can demand.
Hundreds of households have found that
rights of tenure are meaningless when
you can no longer pay the rent.
The problems are even greater for
the 70,000 low-income households
dependent on Rent Supplement (RS).
For over two years Joan Burton, Minister
for Social Protection, has refused to
increase RS levels to match rents that
have risen by up to 20%. This has con-
tributed to around 40 families a month
losing their homes, along with countless
single people. The failure to address this
issue either through rent regulation or
increased RS may yet undermine the pos-
itive commitments in Kelly’s plan. There
is also silence in the plan on distressed
owner-occupier mortgages.
At the start of April, the annual ‘Cold
Weather Initiative’ will come to an end.
Dozens of emergency beds temporarily
provided by the civil defence and others
will be closed down.
If Kelly’s housing measures have not
by then allowed significant numbers
of people to move out of homelessness
into their own homes, or if unaddressed
rent inflation or the banks assault on dis-
tressed homeowners continue to drive
increased numbers into homelessness,
Dublin’s night-time streets will again fill
with citizens with no place to shelter.
We need the public to have the atten-
tion span which the media and the
political system lack. Kelly’s action plan
promised both emergency beds and long-
er-term structural solutions. We need to
welcome the delivery of the emergency
beds but keep up the vigilence needed to
ensure that the deeper solutions – sus-
tainable homes, affordable rents – are
also delivered. So when those emer-
gency beds close in April it is not because
because we have returned to accepting
rough sleeping as normal, but because
people now have their own homes. •
Mike Allen is Director of Advocacy with
Focus Ireland
inhale,
“homelessness”,
exhale, “what was it?”