38February 2015
Consciences of goldsh
Increase emergency beds, keep rents down and generate
sustainable homes by allocating 50% of social houses to
homeless households. By Mike Allen
A
PERSON who is homeless
can expect to live only until
his or her mid-forties. Each
year around 30 people who
are homeless die in our cap-
ital city; most in emergency shelters,
a few on the streets. You never hear of
them. Their deaths get as little atten-
tion as their lives, unless they die in some
manner which is sufficiently gruesome
to be newsworthy, such as by drinking
hand-cleaner or being crushed to death
in a rubbish bin.
Jonathan Corries death within sight of
the Dáil last December received a level of
coverage usually reserved for the deaths
of national figures or celebrities. For
years the people of Dublin walked past
Jonathan Corrie with few giving him a
moment’s thought. Now we needed to
hear almost everything about his life: his
terrible addiction to drugs, his upbring-
ing, his relationships, the feelings of his
children.
Within 24 hours of Jonathan’s death
the Catholic bishops called for a ‘Summit
on Homelessness. Labour Minister for
the Environment, Alan Kelly and the
Lord Mayor of Dublin, veteran leftist rad-
ical, Christy Burke sought to be the first
to respond to the bishops’ call. Within
ten days Minister Kelly announced a ‘20
point action plan’ to tackle the problem of
rough sleeping in Dublin. Kelly declared,
after five years of cuts in homeless and
health services, that money was not
going to be a problem.
You want to clap and cheer. At last
the scandal of homelessness has come
to public attention and political will has
heard the public concern and turned it
into action. We are a good people and
Kelly’s is the sort of determined and
immediate response we want from our
politicians.
On the 9th of January this year a home-
less man was found dead in Temple Bar.
There were news reports but, by the
following day when his identity was
confirmed, everyone had lost interest.
For the record, he was Vytas Virzintas,
a 54-year-old Lithuanian. In the sec-
ond week of January, the Department of
Environment posted a progress report on
its 20-point plan on its web-site. There
was little interest.
Now you want to put your head in your
hands and sigh. We are the goldfish of
social conscience.
Poverty is a profound problem in our
society, but perhaps the least acknowl-
edged aspect of the problem is that
it is rarely simple and often hard to
comprehend. One of the remarkable con-
sequences of Jonathan’s death was that,
for a brief period, it was possible to talk
about these complexities. People wanted
to understand what had happened, to
hear about the messy human reality of
homelessness – and about the fact that
there are solutions and things we could
do to prevent it.
Jonathan Corrie died because he
had nowhere to sleep? No. He had been
offered a bed that night but did not take
it up. Jonathan slept on the street by
choice? No. He felt unsafe in a lot of the
emergency hostels, though he was actu-
ally OK with the one he was offered that
night. There are almost 2,000 homeless
people in Dublin sleeping rough every
night? No, actually most people who are
homeless are in emergency accommoda-
tion. Rough sleeping is the most visible
face of homelessness but numbers vary
between 100-200. Isn’t homelessness
caused by poverty? Well not always.
Jonathan didn’t have a deprived upbring-
ing. Is it about not having a home?
Sorry again, Jonathan seems to have
been bought a home on two occasions.
Extreme poverty and homelessness are
the outcome of all the myriad things that
can go wrong in a life and with the net-
work of family, friends, State services
or a voluntary organisations which we
all need.
Jonathan’s childhood friend Luke
Murphy said it best: “There are no simple
lessons or easy political points to make
from his life or death. He was brought up
with love and discipline, his family never
gave up trying to help him.
POLITICS HOUSING
The most
significant
weakness of
the action plan
is the failure
to address
the crisis of
rapidly rising
private rents
February 2015 39
So did the unique circumstances of
Jonathan Corries death make a differ-
ence? Did the complexities of his story
help Government to avoid knee-jerk
reactions?
The centrepiece of the 20-point plan is
a commitment that ‘by Christmasthere
should be enough emergency beds avail-
able so that no-one should be forced to
sleep on the street for want of a bed. This
is a good commitment. All homeless
services had been telling the authorities
for months that there were not enough
beds for the people who needed them. On
November 11th, the official ‘rough sleep-
ing count’ identified 168 people sleeping
rough. That cold, rainy night virtually all
of the more than 1,700 emergency beds
in the city were full.
Kelly’s plan committed to 260 new
emergency beds being available and by
Christmas the Catholic Church, Civil
Defence and voluntary organisations had
exceeded this and provided a total of 271
new beds. As a result, although around
15 people slept rough over Christmas
there were more than 15 empty beds in
the system. No one slept rough for want
of a bed.
But by the second week of January, the
joint Focus Ireland/Peter McVerry Trust
street team estimated almost 50 people
were sleeping rough with no beds avail-
able for them. This is partly because the
problem of homelessness is growing,
but also because the ‘hidden homeless’
(people in precarious situations, such as
squats) take the opportunity of decent
beds being available to move into the
mainstream system.
This highlights that, while we must
provide enough emergency beds for
everyone who needs them, more and
more emergency beds is not the answer.
Throughout the world, cities that respond
to a public outcry about homelessness
only by providing more emergency beds
find that, when the public attention
moves on, the city is left with a perma-
nently higher number of emergency beds
and the same rough-sleeping problem. In
this way many US cities have homeless
hostels holding thousands of destitute
men and women with no hope.
While there are many routes into
homelessness, every route out of home-
lessness requires the provision of a
home. In many cases a variety of sup-
ports is also necessary.
Without the possibility of a home,
people who are homeless end up being
supported in their destitution, accli-
matising to a way of life in which their
fundamental humanity is undermined.
That is why, Actions 6, 8 and 9 in Kelly’s
plan are so important, because they pro-
vide homes.
Action 6 commits to offer 50% of
all social houses which get allocated to
homeless households. In previous years
the allocations to homeless households
varied between 5% and 20%. This
action will make a significant difference
to the chance of someone moving out of
homelessness. The other actions make
derelict housing units available, also cre-
ating potential new homes.
Some of Kellys housing measures are
problematic and raise the question of
when a housing unit is not a home. For
instance, recent proposals to put home-
less families into the units in O’Devaney
Gardens, which were vacated several
years ago to allow the regeneration of
the estate, would put families who are
already very vulnerable into even greater
risk.
The most significant weakness of the
action plan is the failure to address the
crisis of rapidly rising private rents.
Over 20% of Irish households now live
in private rented accommodation, with
only 10% living in social housing. While
private tenants have certain rights and
security, there is no limit to the annual
rent increase their landlord can demand.
Hundreds of households have found that
rights of tenure are meaningless when
you can no longer pay the rent.
The problems are even greater for
the 70,000 low-income households
dependent on Rent Supplement (RS).
For over two years Joan Burton, Minister
for Social Protection, has refused to
increase RS levels to match rents that
have risen by up to 20%. This has con-
tributed to around 40 families a month
losing their homes, along with countless
single people. The failure to address this
issue either through rent regulation or
increased RS may yet undermine the pos-
itive commitments in Kelly’s plan. There
is also silence in the plan on distressed
owner-occupier mortgages.
At the start of April, the annual ‘Cold
Weather Initiative’ will come to an end.
Dozens of emergency beds temporarily
provided by the civil defence and others
will be closed down.
If Kellys housing measures have not
by then allowed significant numbers
of people to move out of homelessness
into their own homes, or if unaddressed
rent ination or the banks assault on dis-
tressed homeowners continue to drive
increased numbers into homelessness,
Dublin’s night-time streets will again fill
with citizens with no place to shelter.
We need the public to have the atten-
tion span which the media and the
political system lack. Kelly’s action plan
promised both emergency beds and long-
er-term structural solutions. We need to
welcome the delivery of the emergency
beds but keep up the vigilence needed to
ensure that the deeper solutions – sus-
tainable homes, affordable rents – are
also delivered. So when those emer-
gency beds close in April it is not because
because we have returned to accepting
rough sleeping as normal, but because
people now have their own homes. •
Mike Allen is Director of Advocacy with
Focus Ireland
inhale,
“homelessness”,
exhale, “what was it?”

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