Corbin the light - Village Magazine

September 2016 2 9

rolls, bullies, and wounded egos stalk

Twitter and Facebook. Blocks are

interposed. Friends are defriended.

The internet is the forum of choice in

the most recent Battle of Britain that

is Jeremy Corbyn. The mainstream media has

joined the battle rather than offer any analysis.

Cool perspectives are not available.

‘Corbyn: The Strange Birth of Radical Politics’

by Richard Seymour is not itself always dispas-

sionate. Tony Blair, for example, appears as “an

SDP viper in the Labour breast”. Nonetheless,

Seymour usefully takes us behind how Corbyn

emerged, to explore why he did. This generates

lessons for all concerned with advancing a more

equal society. Seymour identiﬁes Corbyn as a

product of crises in politics, social democracy,

and the labour movement.

Of course a popular with-

drawal from politics is

depriving democracy of its

lifeblood, participation,

across Europe. Voter turnout

is on an ongoing downward

trend. Membership of politi-

cal parties has dropped

precipitously. This is not a

matter of apathy driven by

contentment and afﬂuence.

Seymour argues rather that

it is about deliberate absten-

tion, a rejection of the choice

on offer, and the lack of dif-

ference between political

parties. He concludes “it is

not apathy that characterises a growing chunk

of the electorate, it is their effective exclusion

from political power”. This abstention is par-

ticularly evident among young people and

those living in poverty or from ethnic minorities

who might otherwise be expected to vote

Labour.

Social democracy has been a “casualty of

neo-liberalism”. The strategy of Social Demo-

cratic parties had been to fund welfare state

commitments from a thriving capitalist econ

omy. However, they ended up embracing

austerity policies as eco

nomic crisis took hold. Social

democracy has not yet been

able to present or pursue a convinc-

ing alternative economic model. Its economic

base has disappeared, and it has “lost its pur-

pose”. A ‘Social Liberalism’ has taken its place,

where “the leadership is neo-liberal and the

direction of policy is aimed at gradually con-

verting the base to a neo-liberal common

sense”.

The crisis in the labour movement is seen in

falling trade union density, the decline of left-

wing groups, the transience of social

movements and the sparsity of egalitarian pub-

lications. It is presented by Seymour in terms

of the impact of Blair on the Labour Party. Under

Blair’s ‘third way’, equality was abandoned for

meritocracy and welfare shifted from being a

safety net to being a lever to get people into

paid work. While power had never been vested

in party members,

party conferences

became ever more

stage-managed as

power was concen

trated in a leadership

that relied on polling

and focus groups for

its vision.

Seymour suggests

“Corbyn is the culmi-

nation of a series of

defeats for a form of

political organisa-

tion that seems to be inadequate in today’s

world”. He offered real choice, pointed to a dif-

ferent agenda, and practised a new politics.

However, he considers that Corbynism is

“headed for a defeat of its own”, particularly if

progress is not made in the short term in

addressing: popular values; party organisation;

electoral prospects; and policy.

Ideologically, Corbyn’s call for a “kinder poli-

tics” is important, particularly on issues of

immigration and welfare. Seymour considers,

“Corbyn is willing to challenge more than the

establishment; he aims to run against popular

prejudice and win”.

Corbyn must revitalise the Labour party. The

inﬂux of new members is encouraging. How-

ever, there is a challenge to democratise the

party and secure active engagement from

members.

Corbyn’s electoral strategy aims to “rebuild

the core disintegrating vote while motivating

abstainers”. Labour’s share of the vote has not

grown, though Seymour notes that polling com-

panies weight against young and poor voters

on the basis that they don’t turn out, obscuring

any rise in support. However, he concludes that

Corbyn is “unlikely to recoup enough of Labours

electoral losses to carry a general election”. He

suggests that there is a contradiction, however,

in prioritising this electoral goal in that the

“main point of Labour’s existence is to win

Labour governments, however much these gov-

ernments may undermine Labour’s other

purposes in the long-term”.

For policy the “most pressing task is to dem-

onstrate that there is a coherent alternative

economic model”. Corbyn has committed to end

austerity and introduce a “People’s Quantita-

tive Easing” with investment in infrastructure,

jobs and high-technology industries. This is to

be funded by closing tax loopholes, stimulating

growth, and spending less on, for example

defence projects like Trident. Seymour high

lights that this “agenda is not the stuff of which

revolutions are made”, but he is not convinced

that, if elected, Corbyn would be able to imple-

ment these policies anyway.

Ireland still awaits its Corbyn, its Sanders or

even its Podemos. This book offers some

insights as to what a new politics might really

look like and the challenges it would inevitably

face.

Corbin the light

Jeremy Corbyn’s new politics and his

Labour Party are torn between radicalism

and power and he needs to address

popular values, party organisation,

electoral prospects and policy

Seymour notes that

Corbyn is willing to

challenge more than

the establishment;

he aims to run against

popular prejudice

and win

Niall Crowley

BOOK

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