24April 2015
EDITORIAL
Diddled
NAMA and bankruptcy have insidiously bailed out most of our useless developers
O
NE of the biggest scandals in the history of the state,
one of the greatest injustices, is now becoming
manifest. The National Assets Management Agency
(NAMA) which Brian Lenihan then Minister for Finance
who established it, assured us would be a bailout of the
(largely taxpayer-owned) banks is in fact a bailout of
developers. This is a massive corruption of fairness and a
sign of just how little progress has been made in
eliminating the attitudes that led to our boom, and bust. It
is a pity the left has not made it the centrepiece of its
campaigning, instead of the small and diminishing issue
that is the water tax. For the rebooting of the speculators
who cost us a decade is at the heart of the inequality that
drives this country, an inequality that favours those who
know enough to buy a few apartments – in Ballina or
Bucharest, who vote Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael and know
their way around the development flanks of those two
dinosaurs, to the detriment of the little people.
“Nothing in the proposed Bill will provide a bailout for
borrowers, whether builders, developers or otherwise . . .
anyone who owes money before NAMA, continues to owe it
and is expected to repay the full amount of the debt,
proclaimed Lenihan in 2009.
His master, Taoiseach Brian Cowen, a few days later laid
down that while NAMA would acquire loans from the banks
at a discount, the developers who had borrowed from the
banks would still have to pay back to NAMA the full value of
the loans they had taken out.
Writing in the Irish Times, John MacManus noted:
“Nobody suggested that NAMA was going to involve
anything other than huge write-downs of the loans given
by the banks to property developers. And, likewise,
anybody who was paying attention knew the bill for the
write-downs was always going to be borne by the taxpayer,
who would have to re-capitalise the banks – to the tune of
€65bn – in order to allow them absorb these and other
losses.
But what did turn out to be at best a fib was the claim that
NAMA would operate in a way that would make it
impossible for the developers who took out the loans to
benefit from the write-downs. The NAMA legislation did
include a clause that the developers could not buy their
loans back from NAMA but, as we have seen, it was not
possible to prevent them having a continued interest in the
underlying business and assets once the debt had been
written down and sold off by NAMA.
Nor, as the dust settles on the Great Recession, do we any
longer hear anything of the fifteen transfers from
developers, including the majority of the top 30 developers
in NAMA, to their wives, three reverse-transfers from
wives to husbands and eight NAMA registrations of charges
against property associated with the wives of developers
that occupied us five years ago. No punitive action was ever
taken. Can we be confident that none of it was done to avoid
the rigours of the law:
The central point is that while the likes of Ray Grehan,
Bernard McNamara, Tom McFeely, John Fleming and Paddy
Shovlin more or less put their hands up and declared
themselves bankrupt, developers who made a fist of their
position and co-operated with NAMA by selling assets and
paying down debt are back; as are developers like Johnny
Ronan and Richard Barrett of liquidated Treasury
Holdings, who retained property in their own personal
names, outside their principal operating companies.
Treasury Holdings went belly-up with debts of €2.7bn,
€1.7bn of which was owed to NAMA, on foot of an action
taken by KBC Bank Ireland. But it was more serious than
that: the liquidator, Michael McAteer of Grant Thornton,
accused Ronan and Barrett of carrying out two asset-
stripping transactions – as Treasury writhed in its last
throes leaving behind its giant debt – that in effect
defrauded the company’s creditors.
One of these involved the sale by Treasury to Barrett of
two other companies which managed its Chinese properties
for something around a fifth of their real value. McAteer
ended up agreeing to a proposal to repay him €47m, with
Barrett bagging €5m for putting the deal together, and he
and Ronan getting €36.3m each in cash from the sale of the
shares they held directly in Treasury’s Chinese operation.
Judge Peter Kelly in the High Court approved the deal as
being in the best interest of creditors but ventilated
disquiet at payments to Barrett who he described as “ a
defendant against whom there is an allegation of fraud.
That allegation appears now to have been dropped.
Also in this section:
Sinéad Pentony on sexism 26
Constantin Gurdgiev on growth 28
Donna Mullen on Phil Hogan 32
Niall Crowley on human rights 33
Mannix Flynn on York Street 34
EDITORIAL&OPINION
NAMA which
Brian Lenihan
assured us
would be a
bailout of
the (largely
taxpayer-
owned) banks
is in fact a
bailout of
developers
April 2015 25
Meanwhile Ronan has recently finalised a deal with two
multi-billion dollar funds, Colony Capital and M&G to
secure his leave-taking from NAMA. Between them they
will pay over €250m to buy out Ronan’s personal debts of
over €290m. The Sunday Independent cannot get enough
of it.
But nearly all of the boomtown boyos are back, one way
or another – in the Sindo and, even worse, in reality.
NAMA has recently written off €300m in debts for 23
major property developers, we hear.
It has been reported that representatives for the Quinn
family and the Irish Bank Resolution Corporation (IBRC)
are currently negotiating a settlement of their €4.5bn case
against the former Anglo Irish Bank and the Irish state. The
family might drop its €4.5bn claim arising from the seizure
of the Quinn Group in 2011, a claim already found by the
Supreme Court to be partially infirm, and the liquidators
might drop the so-called conspiracy case against members
of the family.
According to the Sunday Business Post (March 29th) the
Quinn family could, under the terms of the negotiations,
resume control of hundreds of millions worth of property
and other assets, though the Irish Times subsequently
reported that there was no question of the family ending up
with any of the valuable foreign property portfolio it tried
to put beyond the banks reach, or that the IBRC would walk
away from any suspected fraud it may have encountered.
Although whatever wealth Castlethorn’s Joe O’Reilly had
before the crash pales alongside the €2.8bn his companies
owed when his loans were taken into NAMA in 2010, the
combination of a high-quality property portfolio including
Dundrum Town Centre, the Pavillions in Swords, the Gaiety
Centre on Dublin’s South King Street and offices at Grand
Canal Dock, and their lucrative rent rolls coupled with well-
located land banks in Dublin appears to make O’Reilly
worth every cent of the €200,000 annual salary NAMA
allows him. He remains in his 15,000 sq ft Foxrock
mansion, Cnoc Ard.
Bernard McNamara is back, leaving his €1bn debts far
away, working on Denis O’Brien’s Stephen’s Green offices
and a €20m revamp of the loathsome Kildare club for
Michael Smurfit.
Michael O’Flynn owed his banks €1.8bn when he entered
NAMA in 2009, but left NAMA owing vulture fund
Blackstone €1.1bn – with the ultimate upshot a deal with
Blackstone allowing him to keep 600 acres in Edinburgh,
Cork and Dublin including the 20-acre former Nissan
headquarters on the Naas road. Blackstone had abortively
called in the €1.1bn. John McManus noted that: “This
amounts to a potential effective writedown of his debts by
700m. The loss ultimately shows up in the books of the
banks that lent him the money – not NAMA, which
probably made a profit buying and selling his debts. The
loss will have been met by some of the €65bn pumped into
the banks by the taxpayer. Hence the allegation of a
taxpayer-funded bailout.
Exactly how much of the €1.8bn Mr O’Flynn repays is
between him and Blackstone. No doubt they will squeeze
him [and they did] but the chances are it’s not going to be
far off €1.1bn unless NAMA has got its sums badly wrong.
Accountant to the stars and globe-trotting dealmaker
Derek Quinlan has paid
off €3bn of his €3.5bn
debts. He had a
spectacular fall and quit
Ireland for Switzerland.
He is currently trying to
flog his most expensive
acquisition– the £1bn
Citibank tower in Canary
Wharf. He is also a
shareholder in the
Maybourne group, which
owns Claridges Hotel.
MacManus quotes a
source close to the
developer: “The country
needs to get going again
and you can’t do it
without developers and
financiers. We actually
need NAMA to allow the
likes of Johnny Ronan and Derek Quinlan to get back to
work and start spending money and create employment in
the Irish economy.
Mr Quinlan, we are told, has ‘sorted all his banks’ with
the exception of NAMA – to which he owes €500m – but is
fully cooperating with it, whatever that means.
Another way of putting this is that Quinlan still owes the
Irish taxpayer €500m. To put that in perspective, we are
currently trying to refinance our debts with the IMF in
order to save €350m a year and avoid having to put up
taxes again. If Mr Quinlan were to ‘sort’ NAMA, we might
have some time for him.
The more pragmatic and compelling argument for
keeping them as far away as possible from the property
market is that they are not good developers and financiers.
They are, in fact, bad developers and financiers. Neither of
them seems to have seen the crash coming and both of them
seemed to have doubled down at the wrong moment. This
goes for most of their peers and the number of Irish
developers who got it right can be counted on the fingers of
one hand.
It is true that there is a need for players to finance and
develop property in Ireland. But these guys are not the
solution, they are part of the problem. In fact it is arguable
as to whether property development should be done by
“guys” at all.
The superstar developer model that prevails in Ireland is
a creature of a small country blighted by political
corruption”.
Very few of the recalcitrant bailed-out developers are in
any way grateful for the interventions of the state through
NAMA, for they each – being thoroughgoing Alpha males
– assume they would have worked through their difficulties
with their banks, if allowed to do so. In fact it is likely most
of them would not because a crisis of confidence, unfair or
not, would have toppled the whole system. And this
inconveniently for the Alphas would have included them.
How many times must we read ‘Heres Johnny’ in our
broadsheets before we are allowed to say that its not a good
thing that any of this crowd are back? •
the problem

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