ī˜Šī˜ ā€” ī˜Ÿī˜žī˜ī˜ī˜œī˜›ī˜š March - April 2012
W
hen, ī˜Šī˜ī˜ years from now, the his-
tory of commercial professional
journalism in these islands is being
written, there is a considerable
chance that the events of ī˜Ÿī˜ī˜Šī˜Š-ī˜Šī˜Ÿ will feature
in the ļ¬nal chapter.
Few moments could be more emblematic of
the terminal condition of the practice than the one
that saw Rupert Murdoch remove his son from the
helm at his British newspapers ā€“ once the crown
jewels of his empire ā€“ and eļ¬€ectively install in
Jamesā€™s place none other than his ī˜Œī˜Š-year-old self.
The move seemed to suggest that the Sun and the
Times will be doing well if they manage to last as
long as he does. His Irish editions might not last
even that long.
It would nice if we could limit Rupertā€™s, and our
own, poor prognosis to physical, for-sale, daily
papers on newsprint, which are widely agreed
to be hobbling on their last legs. Unfortunately,
recent events have demonstrated that the illness
runs deeper.
The parade of horrors exposed at the British
ā€œLeveson inquiryā€ into news-media culture, prac-
tice and ethics is not simply a description of the
awful string of eejits who have testiļ¬ed on behalf
of their tabloid newspapers. What Leveson has
already established is that a large section of the
British press has for decades been piggybacking
on the high-falutinā€™, high-modernist self-concep-
tion of journalism as an essential public good, vital
to democracy, vindicating the peopleā€™s right to
know yada-yada-yada ā€“ while cooking up criminal
schemes to invade the privacy of celebrities, most
of whom have no bearing whatsoever on the basic
functioning of a healthy state and society.
Iā€™m no enemy of pop culture. I love lots of it.
But to suggest that journalism of the sort that does
very little other than to report, elevate, celebrate
and exploit popular-culture should enjoy special
social status as a Fourth Estate and watchdog on
the powerful is absurd. No matter how much peo-
ple may enjoy reading it. (The circulation statistics
would suggest ā€œless and lessā€.)
Of course there is some other journalism
that is often worthy of that special social status.
Indeed, Nick Daviesā€™ revelations in the Guardian
about goings-on at News International fall into
that category. But what is now inescapable after
the scandals of the past year is that there is really
no such practice as ā€œjournalismā€, singular. There
are, rather, ā€œjournalismsā€, most of which ā€“ and
this is the crucial point at the present juncture
ā€“ most of which would never be missed in any
serious way if their current commercial trajec-
tory delivers them, as seems likely, into oblivion.
These journalisms have often made themselves
indistinguishable from, say, public relations, or
reality-TV, and their future lies, if it lies anywhere,
within those industries.
Unfortunately, the other sort of journalism,
the careful, accurate, legal kind, increasingly sees
that the only commercial trajectory that doesnā€™t
point hopelessly downward is one that links its
practice to the information needs of a capitalist
elite that is willing to pay for a bit of care and accu-
racy in its news.
Thus, in the English-speaking world, the ā€œleg-
acyā€ publications that have been able to insist on
some sort of paid model for internet content are
the likes of the Economist, the Wall Street Journal
and the Financial Times. The jury remains out on
the recently back-scaled metered model favoured
by the more generalist New York Times ā€“ which
keeps a stock-market widget in plain sight near
the top of its home webpage ā€“ and here at home
itā€™s too early to tell if the Sunday Business Post
experiment in mixing daily-free and Sunday-paid
content is a runner.
Thatā€™s the context for the recent Irish Timesā€™
campaign to position itself as a business news-
paper. The saddest element of this campaign was
Dan Oā€™Brienā€™s opinion piece to launch expanded
business coverage: it consisted, essentially, of an
assurance that though the business community is
loathed by the Irish people as a whole, it is loved by
the Irish Times. Dan backed up the assertion that
Ireland is anti-business with the thinnest of survey
evidence, and the unsupported claim that Irish peo-
ple say ā€œcaptains of industryā€ a lot, mainly using the
phrase with, God forbid, tongue in cheek.
Those of us who are not captains of industry
will doubtless continue to ļ¬nd more or less reli-
able information in such capitalist tools. But we
will need to use other venues to discuss what we
could possibly do with that information to create
a better world.
Harry Browne lectures in the School of Media at
Dublin Institute of Technology
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Too often, careful journalism links to the information
needs of a capitalist elite, while the reality-TV sort
piggybacks on its undeserved reputation
Harry Browne
opinion
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