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2 2 April 2017
Johnson and son
The UK's overseas intelligence service, MI6,
reports to the Foreign Secretary, a post now
occupied by the exuberant Boris Johnson.
Since November 2014 MI6 has been led by the
more reserved Sir Alex Younger, a former army
officer, aged 53, who joined its ranks in 1991.
He has served in the Middle East and
Afghanistan.
The next time Johnson schedules a meeting
with Younger, he should drag his affable father
Stanley along with him to confront his spymas-
ter over MI6’s shameless lie to the Hart Inquiry
in Northern Ireland last year that it had never
engaged in sexual blackmail. Johnson senior
knows this is laughable nonsense. He was
recruited by MI6 in 1964 and spent a couple of
months undergoing a training course with it.
Early on, he was exposed to the pros and cons
of sexual blackmail. One of his instructors even
advised him that there was little point in taking
compromising photographs of Egyptian targets
because they were likely to ask for copies for
their friends. The implication of this is that MI6
was so adept at blackmail, it believed it could
predict the response of targets based on their
nationality.
Stanley Johnson was also shown how to
plant explosives and derail trains. His budding
career came crashing to earth after a bombing
exercise took a wrong turn. It started well: he
successfully installed a faux incendiary device
at a power station on the Northumberland
coast. Unfortunately for him, during his escape
across a moor on his way to Hexham, he was
intercepted by an attractive young woman in a
miniskirt who inveigled him into her car and
then delivered him into the hands of the wait-
ing police.
UK secret services and paedophilia rings
by Joseph de Búrca and Frank Connolly
NEWS
1
Her Majesty’s
Deceivers in Chief
MI6’s boss
believes the
real MI6 has
integrity though its
agents were happy to
lie about blackmailing
homosexuals to its
government’s inquiry into
Kincora boys home
Boris Johnson
April 2017 2 3
In 1989 another former MI6 recruit who didn’t
make the grade claimed that MI6 had been
involved in the December 1972 Dublin bombings.
According to him, the operation had achieved a
legendary status within MI6.
Hart failure
Meanwhile, Sir Alex Younger and his
senior staff at MI6’s Legoland HQ and their
brothers in arms at MI5 must be mightily relieved
they received a clean bill of health from the 2017
Hart Report into child abuse. For its part MI6 had
denied any involvement in the Kincora Boys
Home scandal on the spurious ground that it
never engaged in sexual blackmail. Hart believed
them. Let’s hope someone shows Stanley John-
son the report so he can put his son right about
the matter.
Younger has now taken to pontificating about
the integrity of “the real” MI6. In December 2016
he told a group of reporters that it had “a strong
ethical core” and that this trait was “one of the
first qualities we look for in our staff”. He also
claimed that an MI6 officer “always has respect
for the law’ and that his officers were “not for
taking moral shortcuts’. Lying to an official
inquiry paid for by the British taxpayer, however,
seems perfectly acceptable to his underlings.
'Lies, mutilation & even
murder’
If Boris Johnson, a published historian, has any
intention of kicking MI6 into line, the first thing
he should do is learn a little about its recent his
-
tory. A good starting point would be 'Inside
Intelligence' (1990), a book written by the late
Anthony Cavendish, one of MI6’s former officers.
According to Cavendish, deceit was the starting
point of an officer’s career since he was destined
to lie “from his first day in the Service”. Stanley
Johnson, who was instructed to masquerade as
an official on the Sudan desk of the Foreign
Office, can confirm the accuracy of this.
Overall, Cavendish’s experience convinced
him that as “the years go by, the lies take over
from the truth and morality accepts the other
demands which are made on an officer to get the
job done”.
Cavendish also described the use of blackmail
to control MI6 agents along with the use of
“threats to the family of valuable informants”.
Worse still, “theft, deception, lies, mutilation
and even murder are considered if and when
necessary”.
In more recent times people like Richard Tom
-
ilson, also ex-MI6, and author of 'The Big Breach'
(2001), have exposed murderous MI6 wrongdo-
ing. Another exposé is 'Spies, Lies &
Whistleblowers' (2005), by Annie Machon,
ex-MI5. (MI5 is Britain’s internal intelligence
apparatus and is attached to the Home Office).
Professor Keith Jeffery of Queen’s University
Belfast published the official history of the
organisation, MI6, 'The History of the Secret
Intelligence Service 1909-1949', in 2010. He con
-
firmed long-standing rumours that in 1946 and
1947 MI6 had bombed ships ferrying Holocaust
survivors from Mediterranean ports to Palestine.
Jeffery revealed it was codenamed 'Operation
Embarrass'.
Village can add a few details with an Irish
angle: one of the saboteurs was Wing-Com
-
mander Derek Verschoyle, an Irishman born in
1911. On his mother’s side, his family hailed from
Dundalk. Educated at Trinity in Dublin, he later
became the literary editor of The Spectator mag
-
azine. He sometimes relieved his boredom at
work by taking potshots at cats with a 0.22 rifle
which he kept in his office. WWII drew him away
from the literary world, and eventually into the
Special Operations Executive which specialised
in sabotage behind enemy lines. After the war
he joined MI6. During Operation Embarrass he
masqueraded as a first secretary at the British
Embassy in Rome where he served from 1947 to
1950.
Overlapping abuse rings
Cavendish’s insight that "morality
accepts the other demands which are made on
an [MI6] officer to get the job done" sums up
much of what happened in NI during the Troubles.
One of the worst excesses was the Kincora scan-
dal. Decades ago, Chris Moore of BBC Northern
Ireland, author of a compelling book about Kin
-
cora, revealed that he had been informed by one
of his sources that the British Establishment’s
deepest fear about it was that it would unravel a
series of overlapping child abuse rings which
might ripple across the UK. How depressingly
true that has turned out to be: a range of abuse
networks are at present being examined by the
Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse
(IICSA) now led by Professor Alexis Jay.
One of the Kincora survivors, Gary Hoy, has
confirmed the existence of a network which
reached well beyond the walls of Kincora. Hoy
2
3
4
6
According to Anthony
Cavendish, one of MI6’s
officers, deceit was
the starting point of an
officer’s career since he
was destined to lie “from
his first day in the Service”
Stanley Johnson Anthony Cavendish with Margaret Thatcher
Sir Alex Younger
2 4 April 2017
recalled being taken to a house at Fortwilliam in
north Belfast where he was left with an older
man. So horrific was the experience, he blanked
the details of it out of his mind for decades. The
same individual took him to a house at Four-
winds where he sexually assaulted him.
Clint Massey, another survivor, was one of
those who testified against William McGrath, the
‘housefather’ at Kincora, during his 1981 trial -
albeit anonymously. He recalled a lot of "suits"
arriving at the home, often in the evening. "In
those days, there were loads of people over from
London. I have always assumed they were senior
figures from Whitehall. I certainly heard English
accents”.
Regrettably, the 2017 Hart Report concluded
that the abuse was confined to Kincora.
The London Connection
Some aspects of Richard Kerr’s abhor-
rent experience in Belfast as a teenager were
described in the March edition of Village. His sig-
nificance for the purpose of the present analysis
is that he is the personification of the link
between Belfast and the rest of the UK which
Chris Moore discovered was at the root of the
British Establishment’s deep concern over
Kincora.
Kerr was trafficked to the UK while still a resi
-
dent of Kincora, the first time in February 1977.
"I was in London twice, once for a short time
when I was in Kincora, and then for longer when
I left", he has revealed. His torrid time in Belfast
ended when he threatened to expose the vice
ring after he was arrested for theft, an act of
retaliation against one of his tormentors. Some-
one somewhere was able to pull some very
important strings and Kerr was released by the
RUC into the care of Joe Mains, the Warden of
Kincora. Unfortunately, the Hart Inquiry did not
investigate the background to the dropping of
the charges against Kerr and we do not therefore
know who was the ultimate puppet-master
behind his release.
Kerr was provided with a ticket to Liverpool.
"A woman gave it to me with some money and
told me not to come back”, he has revealed. Eric
Witchell, the man who had originally abused him
as an eight-year-old child, introduced him to two
men who exploited him in Manchester. He was
abused at the Rembrandt Hotel and elsewhere.
The two men “had other boys living with them.
They took photographs of us tied up with our
clothes off to put in boys' magazines. They said
they were sending some to Amsterdam”.
The notorious paedophile, Sir Cyril Smith MP,
was one of those who abused him in Manches
-
ter. Kerr was later trafficked to London where,
still in his late teens, he was employed as a bell-
boy. He was abused at the Philbeach Hotel in
Earls Court; raped at Dolphin Square; and
brought to Elm Guest House which was fre
-
quented by Cyril Smith, Jimmy Savile and others.
"I had nothing after I left Kincora. These
people trained me to be a prostitute, they trained
me. It is the only life I knew. There were lots of
people involved because I met lots of people. It
wasn't just one a day - I was meeting about three
a day”, Kerr has disclosed. When he began to
talk about his experience in Belfast to his friends
in London, sinister figures intervened to shut
him up. After revealing too much in a restaurant
one night, he was visited by men who claimed to
be from the intelligence services who slapped
handcuffs on him and warned him to keep quiet.
A while later, police officers visited him at his
B&B at Kings Cross and apologised. The hard-
cop-soft-cop routine and his knowledge of those
who had been involved in the scandal - including
Loyalist paramilitaries - was sufficient to shut
him up for decades.
Kerr also received a visit from the RUC in the
run-up to the trial of the staff at Kincora. They
were determined to suppress any evidence that
pointed to abuse which had taken place beyond
the walls of Kincora. He was warned to keep
away, and did. Would all of this have happened
if the RUC, MI5 and MI6 had nothing to hide?
NEWS
"There were loads of people in Kincora over
from London. I have always assumed they
were senior figures from Whitehall. I certainly
heard English accents”.
5
Clint Massey
Gary Hoy
Sir Cyril Smith
Dolphin Square
Richard Kerr
April 2017 2 5
Trafficking an 11-year-old
boy to Dublin
At least one boy from the North was trafficked to the
Republic. He is referred to in the tepid 1986 Kincora
report furnished by Judge William Hughes who
described him as Resident 18 (R18).
R18, an orphan, was born in May 1962. He was
adopted but his placement was unsuccessful and he
was taken back into care. At some stage in either 1973
or 1974, when he was still 11, he was taken to Dublin to
be abused. The Hughes report did not identify who traf-
ficked him, nor who abused him. All it revealed was that
he was forced to perform oral sex on a man in a Dublin
cinema toilet.
In 1977 R18 was sent to Kincora where he caught Wil-
liam McGrath’s eye. The abuse which followed started
with embraces and "long and intimate talks" about sex
which the boy found disturbing. He complained to the
local authorities and an investigation was launched.
The investigator spoke to Joe Mains who ran Kincora
and was himself a prolific child abuser. Mains con-
cocted a defence which argued that since R18 had been
abused earlier in his life, he had become oversensitive
and was overreacting to what McGrath had done. Up to
then McGrath had not yet engaged in physical abuse.
When pressed for details, Mains refused to say any
-
thing else. He must have suddenly realised that he had
made a potentially catastrophic mistake because any
disclosure of R18’s earlier abuse would have exposed
the abuse in the cinema in Dublin. Crucially, R18 had
been unable to disclose these details to the investiga
-
tor. Hence, Mains would have had to explain how he
knew about it and why he had not reported it.
In the event, Mains was not obliged to provide any
further details. Nothing came of the complaint and R18
was subsequently raped by McGrath. McGrath was
convicted for the buggery of R18 in December 1981.
All of this raises a number of questions:
• Who took R18 to Dublin in 1973/4?
• Who abused him at the cinema?
• Was this part of an operation to reward an agent of
British Intelligence in the South or blackmail a figure
of some importance?
Unfortunately, none of these questions have been
raised, let alone answered, by the Terry, Hughes, or
Hart inquiries.
Dark secrets of the Cold War
Unless Boris Johnson compels MI6 to reveal
the unvarnished truth to the IICSA, and MI5 follows
suit, the Inquiry’s investigation into VIP rings in the UK
is doomed to failure. In the meantime, Village will try
to cast a little light onto this murky subject: it was
about gaining control over politicians to get them to do
the bidding of right-wing cabals.
In February Village described how Tory whips at
Westminster collected blackmail materials on MPs. Ted
Heath, who served as Tory chief whip, 1956 to 1959,
brought a professionalism to the task by compiling
what became known as the Dirt Book, an encyclopae-
dia of embarrassing information concerning his fellow
MPs. It was exploited during the Suez Crisis when some
MPs threatened to break ranks with the party line.
Another whip, Tim Fortescue MP, who occupied the
post 1970-73, told the BBC that MPs who were having
sex with “small boys” were blackmailed.
The control of politicians involved in illicit sexual
assignations was not something that was confined to
Westminster; it was a global phenomenon. G Gordon
Liddy, who was imprisoned after the Watergate scan
-
dal, once worked for the FBI. His boss, J Edgar Hoover,
employed him to put the frighteners on politicians he
wished to blackmail, most of them for sexual misde-
meanours such as visiting the brothels in Washington
which the FBI monitored. Declassified American gov-
ernment records reveal that Hoover also kept the
private lives of Martin Luther King and JFK under close
scrutiny.
Operations which exploited children as disposable
sexual playthings also took place in Italy in the 1970s
and 1980s involving members of the infamous P2
Masonic lodge which was controlled by the CIA.
These blackmail operations were a small cog in a
massive pro-NATO machine which operated during the
Cold War. The intelligence services which oiled it also
orchestrated a global propaganda network. It was
exposed by Watergate journalist Carl Bernstein in Octo-
ber 1977. Bernstein described how CIA and MI6
puppet-masters controlled a nexus of journalists, mag-
azines, newspapers, book publishers and radio
stations around the world.
Parallel to this the Belgians, Italians and others were
engaged in the so-called ‘strategy of tension’. This
involved committing acts of terror which were blamed
on left-wing organisations to blacken them in the eyes
of the public. An underground NATO 'stay behind' army
(based on WWII resistance networks) was put in place
by Britain’s SAS and MI6 and their colleagues in the
CIA, to cater for the day the Warsaw Pact might overrun
Europe. The Italian part of the network was called
Gladio, a name which is now applied by academics to
the broader organisation. It provided the manpower
and weaponry for the anti-Left ‘false flag’ operations.
6
7
Joe Mains
At least one boy
from the North was
trafficked to the
Republic. He is referred
to in the tepid Kincora
report furnished by
Judge William Hughes
in 1986 who described
him as Resident 18.
Was this part of an
operation to reward
an agent of British
Intelligence in the
South?
2 6 April 2017
The Marc
Dutroux
scandal
The chilling Belgium case
of Marc Dutroux is relevant
to this discussion. Dutroux
kidnapped, imprisoned, raped,
tortured and let young girls starve
to death. He served three years of a
thirteen-year sentence for rape. After his aston-
ishingly early release, he was provided with an
income from the state. Back on the outside, he
built a secret room at one of his seven proper-
ties. He videotaped its construction to show
others in his network how it could be replicated.
After two shocking kidnappings, the police
searched his property. A civilian locksmith who
accompanied them could hear the cries of the
two eight-year-old girls who were trapped in the
secret compartment only feet away from them,
yet the police insisted on abandoning the search.
They also took Dutroux’s videotape but never
watched it, allegedly because they didn’t have
access to a video player. The girls starved to
death.
Police cameras monitored Dutroux’s property
but detected nothing because they were
switched off at 6 pm each night. Dutroux became
overconfident and was eventually caught crawl-
ing around the streets of Belgium in his white
van acting suspiciously. After his arrest, he
revealed that he was part of a paedophile net-
work which enjoyed high-level protection.
One of the victims of his network later
emerged to reveal she had been taken to parties
where men, including an official who had been
pivotal in securing Dutroux’s early release from
prison, had abused her. Dutroux was also pre
-
sent at some of the parties. She revealed that
videotapes were made of a number of them.
Rudy Hoskens, a detective who attempted to
pursue her claims, was suddenly yanked off the
case. The team that replaced him altered her
statement and those of other witnesses.
Jean-Marc Connerotte was appointed as the
investigating magistrate of the Dutroux case.
Connerotte’s integrity was beyond question: he
had rescued two of Dutroux’s
kidnap victims. In January
1996 he wrote to the King of
Belgium complaining that
his investigation into the
network he suspected
revolved around Dutroux
was being blocked because
the suspects “apparently
enjoyed serious protection”. He
pressed ahead until November 1996
when he was dismissed on spurious grounds.
There was outrage. On 20 October 1996 the two
survivors he had saved and 300,000 others
marched through Brussels, many dressed in
white and carrying white balloons, in protest.
Connerotte was replaced by a magistrate who
had never carried out an investigation before
who failed to find any evidence of a wider
network.
Officially, the Belgian government denied -
and continues to deny - that Dutroux was part of
a network. Aside from some small fry such as his
wife and driver, no one else has been
convicted.
Twenty witnesses associated with the Dutroux
case died in mysterious circumstances: one was
crushed under a train, another was poisoned,
another perished in a suspicious road traffic
accident, another disappeared with his foot
turning up in a canal later.
There is no reason to doubt Dutroux’s claims
that he supplied children to a paedophile net-
work with high-level protection. The likely
explanation for this is that the Belgian officials
involved in the cover-up were dancing to the tune
of MI6 and the CIA who were prepared to descend
to any depth during the Cold War to advance
their interests. Brussels has provided fertile
ground for all sorts of sexual blackmail for dec-
ades, not just that of paedophiles. Prostitution
is legalised and its brothels are frequented by
all sorts of EU and non-EU politicians and dip
-
lomats. In addition, Brussels
attracts military officers
from NATO and non-
NATO armies alike as it
is the capital of NATO.
Sinister hush-hush
briefings
As the Archbishop Makarios blackmail case
(described in Village in January) demonstrates,
MI6 was prepared to hold its blackmail cards up
its sleeves until it had no choice but to play
them. Makarios was not strong-armed until the
eleventh hour after he refused to sign the Cyprus
Agreement which Britain was promoting.
An off-the-record press briefing which took
place shortly before the signing of another
important settlement, the Anglo-Irish Agree
-
ment at Hillsborough on 15 November, 1985,
illustrates yet another variation of Britain’s
blackmail tune: pressure can be applied indi
-
rectly and from a distance.
The British Establishment, especially the For
-
eign Office, wanted Hillsborough to succeed.
The last thing it wanted was a repeat of the
Ulster Workers Council strike which toppled the
NI Power-Sharing Government a decade earlier.
In early November 1985, Lobby Correspondents
in London received an unattributable briefing
from Thatcher’s press office allegedly revealing
she had ordered the Ministry of Defence to open
a fresh inquiry into Kincora. This may have been
intended to chill a number of the protagonists.
For example James Molyneaux, the leader
of the then dominant Ulster Unionist
Party (UUP), may have had an interest
in concealing a friendship with Wil-
liam McGrath of Kincora.
Another key figure who must have
been concerned was Molyneaux’s
guru, Enoch Powell, a Tory MP 1950–
74 (infamous for his 1968 ‘rivers of
blood’ anti-immigration speech).
Powell had become a Ulster Unionist
Party MP in 1974. After he died in 1998, his
friend Canon Eric James, a former chaplain at
Trinity College, Cambridge, and Chaplain
Extraordinary to the Queen, revealed that Powell
had confided in him ten years earlier that he had
engaged in a homosexual relationship as a
young man. Powell gave him a copy of a collec-
tion of his poems called 'First Poems' (1937). He
NEWS
9
8
It was about
gaining control
over politicians to
get them to do the bidding
of right-wing cabals. These
operions were smll
cog in mssive pro-NATO
mchine which opered
during he Cold Wr.
Marc Dutroux
One of Marc Dutroux's rescued victims White Balloon March
Jean-Marc
Connerotte
April 2017 2 7
highlighted some verses where he had “tried to
put into words what a homosexual relationship
had meant to him”. Most had assumed the
romantic versification described Powell's feel-
ings for Barbara Kennedy whom he took on his
first date with a woman to a music hall in 1948
when he was 35 or 36 years old. Canon James
claimed that Powell did not identify his male
lover but said the relationship was “the most
painful thing in my early life”. The Canon
revealed he had promised Powell he “would not
disclose what he had said to me about the homo-
sexual basis of certain of his poems until after
his death. Then it would be a matter of literary
history”.
In 1937, having graduated with a double first
from Cambridge, Powell had become a classics
professor at the University of Sydney at the
young age of 25. For two years he wrote to his
parents describing his infatuation with his male
students.
In May 1965 Powell became co-sponsor of a
bill on homosexual law reform at Westminster.
He voted for the 1967 Sexual Offences Act which
decriminalised homosexuality. However, the
1967 Act did not apply to NI where Powell was an
MP in 1985, and homosexuality remained a
crime. There were few signs of enlightenment on
the horizon. Ian Paisley was campaigning
against any reform with the warcry: 'Ulster says
no to Sodom’. Powell’s secrets had the potential
to destroy his career. Worse still, he may have
feared being misrepresented as a paedophile in
the tabloid press, something spooks could have
engineered in 1985 with ease. Indeed, some-
thing like this would happen anyway. In 2015,
Powell was named in a Church of England review
into historical child sex abuse concerning the
1980s. One of its spokespersons told that press
that, “The name Enoch Powell was passed to
Operation Fernbridge on the instruction of
Bishop Paul Butler”.
However, no evidence was published to sub
-
stantiate the claim which seems fanciful.
Ian Paisley faced a drubbing too if he was ever
to be hauled before any sort of tribunal. He
would have had to explain under oath why he
had done nothing about Kincora after his
secretary, Valerie Shaw, told him all about it.
Moreover, Paisley had also once been very close
to McGrath. Indeed, he had officiated at the mar-
riage of one of McGrath’s children.
While the intention of the hush-hush briefing
to the journalist in London was probably
designed to cow Unionist opposition to Hillsbor-
ough, it could hardly be deemed a success.
Unionist opposition was ferocious although it
eventually fizzled out. The threatened inquiry
never took place (and is not to be confused with
the Hughes Inquiry which had been set up in
1984).
Will Boris and Amber let
in the light?
Sir Alex Younger’s December 2016 speech about
MI6’s purported “strong ethical core” was part
of a pitch to attract recruits to join his service.
Yet why should anybody believe they have
cleaned up their act if they persist in lying to the
likes of Sir Anthony Hart? On past form it is likely
they are currently engaged in bribery, theft, sur-
veillance and blackmail operations to extract the
negotiation stance of the EU over Brexit, discern
the intentions of Vladimir Putin and unravel Isis
cells.
Will Boris Johnson do anything to ensure that
present day child-abusers with information of
potential value to the intelligence community are
not to be blackmailed by MI6 abroad, and
encourage his colleague, Home Secretary Amber
Rudd, who controls MI5, to do likewise at home?
If Johnson decides to crack the whip, a good
start would be to insist that MI6 apologise to Sir
Anthony Hart in public for lying to him (no less a
figure than Johnson’s own father can confirm the
lie from his own first-hand knowledge); dismiss
anyone associated with it; and order the organi
-
sation to tell the truth about its use of sexual
blackmail to the IICSA, the public inquiry which
will not report for years. Village does not recom
-
mend that readers hold their breath.
To be continued.
Unfortunately, the Hart
Inquiry did not investigate
the background to the
dropping of the charges
against Kerr and we do not
therefore know who was
the ultimate puppet master
behind his release
William McGrath
10
Molyneaux, Powell and Paisley
Home Secretary Amber Rudd: in charge of MI5
