
October 2016 4 5
first while leaving productive workers on the
wrong side of the moat. The age of enterprise
has become the age of unearned income; the age
of the market, the age of market failure; the age
of opportunity, a steel cage of zero-hour con-
tracts, precarity and surveillance.
The political system is not working. Wheover
you vote for, the same people win, because
where power claims to be is not where power is.
Parliaments and councils embody paralysed
force, gesture without motion, as the real deci-
sions are taken elsewhere: by the money, for the
money. Governments have actively conspired in
this shift, negotiating fake trade treaties behind
their voters’ backs to prevent democracy from
controlling corporate capital. Unreformed politi-
cal funding ensures that parties have to listen to
the rustle of notes before the bustle of votes. In
Britain, these problems are compounded by an
electoral system that ensures most votes don’t
count. This is why a referendum is almost the
only means by which people can be heard, and
why attempting to override it is a terrible idea.
Culture is not working. A worldview which
insists that both people and place are fungible
is inherently hostile to the need for belonging.
For years we have been told that we do not
belong, that we should shift out without com-
plaint while others are shifted in to take our
place. When the peculiarities of community and
place are swept away by the tides of capital, all
that’s left is a globalised shopping culture, in
which we engage with glazed passivity. Man was
born free, and he is everywhere in chainstores.
In all these crises is opportunity. Opportuni
-
ties to reject, connect and erect: to build from
these ruins a system that works for the people
of this country, rather than for an offshored elite
that preys on insecurity. If it is true that Britain
will have to renegotiate its trade treaties, is this
not the best chance we’ve had in decades to con-
tain corporate power? Of insisting that
companies which operate here must offer proper
contracts, share their profits, cut their emissions
and pay their taxes? Is it not a chance to regain
control of the public services slipping from our
grasp?
How will politics in this sclerotised nation
change without a maelstrom? In this chaos we
can, if we are quick and clever, find a chance to
strike a new contract: proportional representa
-
tion, real devolution and a radical reform of
campaign finance to ensure that millionaires can
never again own our politics.
Remote authority has been rejected, so let’s
use this moment to root our politics in a common
celebration of place, to fight the epidemic of
loneliness and rekindle common purpose,
tran-
scending the
tensions between
recent and less-recent
immigrants (which means
everyone else). In doing so, we
might find a language in which liberal
graduates can talk with the alienated people
of Britain, rather than at them.
But most importantly, let’s address the task
that the left and centre have catastrophically
neglected: developing a political and economic
philosophy fit for the 21st Century, rather than
repeatedly microwaving the leftovers of the 20th
(neoliberalism and Keynesianism). If the history
of the last 80 years tells us anything, it’s that
little changes without a new and feracious
framework of thought. And when it arrives, eve-
rything changes. Much of my work over the next
few months will be to assess what’s on offer and
try to identify and promote the best ideas.
So yes, despair and rage and curse: there are
reasons enough to do so. But then raise your
eyes to where hope lies.
This article first appeared in the Guardian
www.monbiot.com
When the peculiarities
of community and place are
swept away by the tides of capital, all
that’s left is a globalised shopping culture