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PB February/March February/March 3
T
he opinion polls show the Green Party marooned
on 4% (or 5%), a disgraceful haul for the party
with the agenda of the epoch but about right for
a party that is abjectly failing on signature cli-
mate targets, a party presiding over the lowest
rates of renewable energy in the EU, a party failing on bio-
diversity and balanced regional planning despite an
uninformed wishful media consensus to the contrary.
After the last general election this magazine editorial-
ised: “If the Greens stand their ground and insist on a full
G
reen and social agenda, and the other parties lend their
unglamorous pragmatism to implementation of that
agenda it could be a great government”. Well the Greens
haven’t and the government…isn’t.
We have forged a Green Party that learnt nothing from
its last time in oce, that is promoting inadequately pro
-
gressive fi
scal policies, an unambitious housing policy, a
two-tier health policy and little focus on quality of life
rather than just the economy.
In the most recent Red C poll, in the Business Post, long-
insurgent Sinn Féin sees its vote down from 36% to 25%
since May 2022 (28% in the Irish Times/Ipsos B&A poll).
It too deserves it.
Key to Sinn Féin’s ethos, it is assumed, is Republican
-
ism. The concept is opaque but it normally imports
radicalism, ideology, socialism and anti-colonial egalitari-
anism. Yet, in the last few weeks, its openness to coalition
with conservative parties, its willingness to attend the St
Patrick’s Day Bidenfest in the US while the US funds a
potential genocide in Gaza and its changed policy on
immigration suggest a betrayal of its roots. In particular,
as the Business Post report on the poll says: “Sinn Fein’s
recent strategy on immigration [a coded lurch to embrace
“reasonable” people who are against housing refugees
in their areas] [which] has put voters o after the party
became increasingly vocal on the issue ahead of June’s
local and European elections”.
Sinn Féin has nurtured for too long a Nationalist but not
Republican respect for IRA violence, and its political evo-
lution seems too cynically populist — though its policy
platform for some time has probably been the best on
oer. Now if it is abandoning Republicanism in the sense
defined above (and never really understood the environ-
mental agenda) it is moving to policy platforms that would
find it no favour with this magazine. It would risk becom-
ing Fianna Fáil for slow learners.
V
illage has always been well disposed to parties with
clear ideas. In the shape of environmentalism and Repub-
licanism in the sense defined above respectively. The
Greens and Sinn Féin have them, but in the Greens’ fail-
ures on climate, biodiversity and planning and with Sinn
F
éin in its policy on refugees, they have sold them out.
Village has never been impressed with the pragmatic
civil war parties of the centre and centre right, Fianna
Gael. Since they’re not really wedded to any ideology, you
don’t know what you’re voting for — and there’s always
the chance they’ll sacrifice the issue you’re interested in
on the altar of something else you’re not interested in.
Typically Village has endorsed parties of the left and
radical left, and green, without saying which.
It is not just that the country lacks a serious environ-
mental party, V
illage is not convinced any of our parties
are mainstream radical left. How else could they justify
opposing property taxes, or focus their biggest cam-
paigns on green taxes like water and carbon taxes instead
of on the excesses of the rich and the inequality they
purvey?
Fundamentally this magazine believes Ireland needs a
serious party of the left and the environment, a Green and
Red party.
The strategic priorities for such a party should be set-
ting measurable targets for quality of life indicators
(sometimes known as sustainability indicators): for cli-
mate and biodiversity and equality of wealth, income and
quality of life itself; and implementing them unstintingly
as legal imperatives.
In 2020, as the Greens entered government we wrote
on this page:
“If the Greens remain weak and continue to waiver it is
imperative a Red and Green alternative is available to fill
the gap.
If we get the pusillanimous imagination and ideology
of the civil war parties combined with the guileless non-
pragmatism of the Greens it could be the worst
government ever”.
Anyway, four years on, the Greens are gone as a force
for anything ideological, radical or thoughtful.
It is true we do not have the worst government in the
world and we do well economically but, with extraordinar-
ily favourable demographics, it is remarkable how little
this generation has achieved to advance quality of life,
social cohesion, equality or the environment.
Governments have failed to leave any significant
legacy.
We are disgraced by underperformance, lack of imagi-
nation, lost opportunities.
I
n the era of existential climate and biodiversity crises
and proto-fascism in our hinterland this leaves a lot at
stake.
There’s a party called An Rabharta Glas that knows at
least that there is a gap to be filled but it seems to be in
the way, inert, undynamic and now moribund.
Young people living in a world of climate collapse, war
and advancing fascism, in part generated by frustration
at elites and inequality, will vote left and green if there are
credible parties to represent them. They have to.
Ireland deserves a new party the coming generation
could be proud to vote for.
EDITORIAL
Issue 82
February/March 2024
Chllenging he endemiclly
complcen nd ohers by
he cue promoion of
equliy, susinbiliy nd
ccounbiliy
ONLINE
www.villgemgzine.ie
@VillgeMgIRE
EDITOR
Michel Smih
edior@villgemgzine.ie
DEPUTY EDITOR
J Vivin Cooke
INVESTIGATIVE REPORTER
Conor ’Crroll
DESIGN AND PRODUCTION
Lenny Rooney
ADVERTISING
sles@villge.ie
PRINTERS
Boylns, Droghed,
Co Louh
VILLAGE IS PUBLISHED BY
Ormond Quy Publishing
Ormond Quy Upper,
Dublin
Ireland needs beer correcives o Finn Fil
nd Fine Gel hn he Greens nd Sinn Féin
The Greens are
down to 4% (or
5%); Sinn Féin
to 25% (or 28%)
