April 2017 9
T
HE UNEXPECTED death of Martin
McGuinness in March generated con-
flicting commentary.
Tens of thousands of people turned
out for his wake and funeral in Derry,
while the requiem mass in the packed St Colom
-
ba’s church looking over his native Bogside was
attended by President Michael D Higgins, (in
whose 2011 election, Mc Guinness played a
major part), the current and former Taoisigh,
Nobel-Prize winners, politicians of every persua-
sion. As well as civil society and ordinary
supporters and friends. The O’Riada family from
Coolea in west Cork sang a traditional Latin mass
and catholic and protestant clergymen delivered
eulogies.
Former US president, Bill Clinton, delivered a
typically carefully calibrated and concise mes-
sage to a global audience - appealing to
politicians in the North to get back into talks in
order to rebuild the political institutions, sus-
pended by McGuinness himself, over the
cash-for-ash scandal and political snubs he
blamed on the DUP.
Clinton also extolled what he described as the
legitimate and genuine ambition of people for “a
self governing” Ireland, careful to remain con-
sistent with the lifelong struggle of the former
IRA and Sinn Féin leader for national unity, while
sensitive to those in the congregation reluctant
to embrace the end of partition and the union
with Britain.
For those who refused to accept the narrative
of a man who sacrificed his life to build the peace
after decades of prosecuting and defending the
war against occupation, discrimination and
repression, the Queen of England sent her pri-
vate note of sympathy to his wife, Bernie, and
their children Emmet, Fiachra, Gráinne and Fion-
nuala, a family clearly bereft in the loss of a
loving husband and father.
The extraordinary scene of tens of thousands
walking to and from the church to the graveyard
looking over the city from the Donegal side, with
family, friends and comrades bearing the coffin
by turn culminated in a moving and simple ora
-
tion by his long-time friend and political
soulmate, Gerry Adams. The Sinn Féin president
mixed humour and pathos in his personal tribute
and recollections of a man whom he first met
when they were both in their early twenties
behind the barricades of Free Derry. He disputed
the attempt by some to explain that the outbreak
of affection for McGuinness was due to some
Pauline conversion.
“Reading and watching some of the media
reports of his life and death in recent days one
could be forgiven for believing that Martin, at
some undefined point in his life, had a road to
Damascus conversion: abandoned his republi-
can principles, his former comrades in the IRA,
and joined the political establishment. To sug-
gest this is to miss the truth of his leadership and
the essence of his humanity. There was not a bad
Martin McGuinness or a good Martin McGuin-
ness. There was simply a man, like every other
decent man or woman, doing his best. Martin
believed in freedom and equality.
The public day of mourning opened with
Frances Black singing ‘Raglan Road’ outside his
family home on Westland Street and ended some
six hours later with Christy Moore giving a heart
-
felt rendition of the ‘Time has Come’ a moving
lament for another Derry boy, Patsy O’Hara, who
died during the republican hunger strike in 1981.
On the day of the funeral the mainstream
media across Ireland and Britain assessed the
public mood which was acknowledging a peace-
maker whose departure represented a serious
loss to the efforts to complete the objectives of
the Good Friday Agreement and a peace process
in which he played a central role.
Even his often hysterical critics in the Inde-
pendent newspaper group devoted reams of
newsprint to his death - with an array of com-
mentators providing mixed opinions of the
contribution made by McGuinness during times
of war and peace. The Irish Independent opened
with a sympathetic and fair piece by Martina
Devlin in its early pages before giving way to
some outrageous and absurd commentary in an
eight-page pull-out. Serial republican critics
including Jim Cusack, Suzanne Breen and
Eoghan Harris echoed the line peddled by
Sunday Times columnist, Tony Harnden, who
suggested that McGuinness had been working
for British intelligence services for decades, as
far back as 1972 and Bloody Sunday.
Much of his thinking was based on a dream,
said Harnden, in which he opened an envelope
containing the names of all the Irish republican
and loyalist secret agents who worked for the
British intelligence services. This came from a
journalist much of whose work for many years
for the Telegraph and other British organs relied
on and clearly emanated from security sources.
What he could not reconcile, however, is the
apparent contradiction between his assertion
that McGuinness was a British spy while also
being “part of an IRA army council that ordered
the 1996 South Quay bombing in London’s Dock-
lands. Does that mean that the spooks allowed
the destruction of the centre of the city’s busi
-
ness district, costing hundreds of millions of
pounds in damage, not once, but on several
occasions from the late 1980s? If so, perhaps
MI5 and the like were infiltrated by the IRA.
Perish the thought.
Massive crowds,
presidents, politicians
pay tribute
by Frank Connolly
Martin
Mcguinness
RIP
The mainstream media
across Ireland and Britain
assessed the public
mood acknowledging a
peacemaker whose departure
represented a serious loss to
the peace process

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