
April 2016 4 1
of Anglicisation.
These were common anxieties among almost
all Irish nationalists.
A recurring theme in Gaelic League publica-
tions was that the Irish, by abandoning their
native language, had become deficient and
deformed and no longer real men. As one turn-
of-the-century Gaelic Leaguer said, if the Irish
continued to speak only English, then “we can
never be perfect men, full and strong men, able
to do a true man’s part for God and Fatherland”.
The movement to revive the Irish language was
thus imagined as a process of reasserting a
purified male power and was often associated
with a recovery of sovereignty and strength.
When the Irish Volunteers were established
in 1912, many of their founding members had
already imbibed the thinking that saw national
revival and masculine revival as two parts of a
broader whole. Writing in the Irish Republican
Brotherhood’s Irish Freedom newspaper in July
1912, Ernest Blythe, a government minister in
the 1920s, discussed the contribution that the
Volunteers would make to healthy Irish mascu-
linity. While he criticised the weak “flabby men”
that predominated in Ireland, he also spoke of
a subterranean manliness still surviving, he
said, thanks to both militant nationalists “but
also those whose thoughts have gone no fur-
ther than the running and leaping and hurling
which they delighted in”. The future Irishmen,
whom physical-culture and physical-force
enthusiasts such as these would birth, would
be noticeable by their “mighty lungs and mus-
cled frames”. The Volunteers were “the rebirth
of manhood unto this Nation”. Their muscular
masculinity would replace the flabby weakness
of Ireland under British rule. Talk of masculine
power continued to circulate in the years after
the Rising. Indeed, Ernie O’Malley, a medical
student turned IRA soldier, later remembered
that one positive effect of the war was that the
“familiar stage-Irishman had disappeared”,
replaced by the confident, armed men of the
IRA.
The rhetoric of heroic men standing together
for the national interest, also lent itself to sup-
pressing the ‘wrong’ kind of politics. A 1921
pamphlet on 'The Labour Problem' published
by the Sinn Féin-allied Cumann Léigheachtaí an
Phobhail presented socialism as an intrusion
into the national fraternity of men: “Labour… is
like a virulent foreign element in the social
system… whatever else we are, capitalist or
worker or neither, we are all Irishmen interested
beyond anything else in the welfare of our
common country, and as an Irishman speaking
to Irishmen I put it that these industrial con-
flicts, if continued, will inevitably impair, if not
utterly destroy, our common country”. Femi-
nism was denounced in almost the exact same
terms.
The tourism-friendly version of Irish national-
ism that has featured in the 'Decade of
Commemorations' has received a large dose of
justified criticism. With the government pro-
moting an image of romantic, if depoliticised
Irish rebels, it is worth remembering, first, how
much Irish nationalism was a product of the
encounter with British colonialism. Second, the
State that emerged from this national struggle
was noticeably coercive, particularly when it
came to female citizens or left-wing politics.
Masculinity, and the nationalist desire to
create a harmonious nation of muscular men,
was central to all of that. Masculinity matters.
Aidan Joseph Beatty is Scholar-in-Residence at
the School of Canadian Irish Studies, Concor-
dia University, Montreal and author of
'Masculinity and Power in Irish Nationalism,
1884-1938'.
aidanbeatty.com
‘Labour… is like a virulent
foreign element in the
social system… industrial
conflicts will inevitably
impair our common
country
A real man?