
66 October-November 2025
slightest permission because they are armed
with a little bit of authority”.
In ‘James Joyce and the Making of Ulysses’
(1933), Frank Budgen (with Joyce at his
shoulder), writes that Joyce was familiar with
Connolly’s politics, and in ‘James Joyce and
The Years of Growth’ (1992), Peter Costello
confirms that Joyce attended meetings of
Connolly’s Irish Socialist Republican Party.
Indeed Connolly took a particular interest
in Dublin’s Jewish community and during the
municipal elections in 1902, it emerged that
some of his leaflets were in Yiddish.
Not wishing to oppose ‘Altman the
Saltman’, Connolly’s ISRP did not contest the
Usher’s Quay ward which had a sizeable
Jewish demographic.
Both Joyce’s father John and his brother
Stanislaus, were employed as canvassers
and their experience forms the backdrop to
‘Ivy Day in the Committee Room’, Joyce’s
favourite story from ‘Dubliners’. Davison
argues that Albert Altman is the story’s
‘absent centre’.
Notwithstanding the fact the Leopold
Bloom is racially abused in Barney Kiernan’s
pub by the Irish nationalist known as the
Citizen, rumours abound that the Jew is, in
fact, advising Arthur Grith. “John Wyse
Nolan saying it was Bloom gave the ideas for
Sinn Féin to Grith to put in his paper all
kinds of gerrymandering, packed juries and
swindling the taxes o of the government and
appointing consuls all over the world to walk
about selling Irish industries”.
The notion of an Irish Jew advising the then-
antisemite, Arthur Grith, was considered
preposterous and the reaction of Bernard
Benstock in ‘On the Nature of Evidence in
Ulysses’ (1983) was typical. “It is not just that
reason prevents us from accepting an
historical movement founded by a fictional
character, but that all the pieces of the puzzle
conspire to show that no one is expected to
believe this delightful absurdity”.
Before long however, scholars began to
question this commonly held assumption. In
‘Joyce, Race and Empire’ (1993) Vincent
Cheng speculates as to whether the linking of
Bloom with Grith is a Joycean hint that there
may be some truth to Wyse-Nolan’s story.
The fictional John Wyse-Nolan was based
on the Fenian, John Wyse-Power, who lectured
on the ‘History of Ireland’s Jews’ at the Jewish
Literary Club, Lombard Street West, in 1909.
A friend of the Joyce family, and Ireland’s
leading philo-Semite, the journalist John
Wyse-Power was, without doubt, best placed
to identify Grith’s Jewish mentor.
In his ‘Ulysses’ (1980), Hugh Kenner writes
that the late Anthony Cronin believed that
Grith had, mirabile dictu, a Jewish adviser-
ghostwriter. Kenner was convinced that the
identity of this enigmatic Jew might well be
the key to Joyce’s great work but, despite his
best endeavours, he was unable to identify
Grith’s Jew.
Quite unexpectedly, Jean-Michel Rabeté in
‘James Joyce and the Politics of Egoism’
(2001) revealed that Michael Noyk was
Grith’s Jewish advisor. According to the Irish
Bureau of Military History, Noyk was
introduced to Grith by Joyce’s close friend,
James Starkey, and his Jewish partner, Estella
Solomons, in 1909. Obviously, Noyk was not
the Jew who had acted as mentor to Grith in
the years leading up to the founding of Sinn
Féin four years earlier, in 1905.
In a remarkable piece of research published
in the James Joyce Quarterly (2017), Marc
Mamigonian confirmed that while Ellmann
was aware that Joyce had modelled the
fictional Leopold Bloom on a ‘Mr. Hunter’,
Ellmann had also been informed that the
name ‘Hunter’ was but an alias. According to
Ellmann’s informant, ‘Mr. Hunter’ was the
nickname of a prominent Dublin Jew
associated with the Freeman’s Journal.
For whatever reason, Ellmann ignored this
crucial piece of information and went on to
insist that Joyce’s ‘Mr. Hunter’ was Alfred
Hunter, a friend of the Joyce family. However,
Alfred Hunter was not Jewish and had no
connections to the Freeman’s Journal. Had
Ellmann explored the newspaper archives he
would have discovered that Albert Altman
was Dublin’s most newsworthy Jew. A major
shareholder in the Freeman’s Journal, Albert
was endorsed by Griffith in the United
Irishman in 1902. Not until publication in
2020 of Colum Kenny’s ‘The Enigma of Arthur
Griffith’, did Joyceans learn of Altman’s
influence on Sinn Féin.
The question may well be asked as to why
Joyce fails to mention ‘Altman the Saltman’ in
his letters. In his memoir ‘Silent Years’, Joyce’s
friend the noted cryptographer, JF Byrne, who
lived in Leopold Bloom’s fictional residence
at 7, Eccles Street, writes, “I hope no person
will be foolish enough to assume from what I
have written that I mean to imply that Joyce
portrayed me in the character of Mr. Bloom...
One may consider the totality of Mr. Bloom as
a concoction dished up by a skilful chef...No
one has named either the constituents of the
concoction or its essence and it’s most
unlikely that anyone ever will. This is as Joyce
wanted it to be, although he himself sailed
more than once pretty close to the wind”.
Why then, might Joyce wish to keep the
real-life identity of Leopold Bloom under
wraps? In the United States, ‘Ulysses’ was
banned not least because of the scene on
Sandymount Strand where Leopold Bloom
masturbates in full view of a teenage girl. It
follows, according to Sean Latham in the ‘Art
of Scandal’ (2002), that “If Bloom had some
sort of clear historical antecedent of course,
or if a connection could be drawn to a living
person, then the grounds for a defamation
suit would have been quite strong, particularly
since the text delves so deeply into his sexual
habits and private thoughts”.
Joyce’s concerns were well-founded.
Scandalised by his depiction in ‘Ulysses’,
Reuben J Dodd settled for a substantial sum
in Dublin’s High Court in 1954, when he sued
the BBC after it broadcast excerpts from the
novel. Patrick Callan discovered that, before
transmission, the BBC took legal advice.
Unsuspecting of the litigious Mr. Dodd, the
broadcaster enquired of their Dublin contacts
as to whether the Blooms were based on ‘real
people’.
According to Richard Ellmann, “His work is
‘history fabled’...He was never creator ex
nihilo. He recomposed what he remembered...
Joyce relied chiefly upon his early life in
Dublin and the later visits...In thinking back
upon his native city, Joyce prepared his great
convocation of the city’s eccentrics”.
‘Altman the Saltman’ may well have
appeared eccentric to Dubliners, not least
because he was the most newsworthy Irish-
Jewish public figure during the decades of
Joyce’s youth. Altman was continually
positioned in the press as being at the centre
of both nationalist and municipal
controversies. He had a national reputation
for his politics, which included a left-leaning
labour commitment, a renowned allegiance
to the Temperance movement, and support
for the anti-colonial eort to establish native
Irish industries. He was an Irish Republican
and a member of the Gaelic League. Neil R
Davison superbly documents Altman the
Saltman’s extraordinary life and times in ‘An
Irish Jewish Politician, Joyce’s Dublin, and
“Ulysses” - The Life and Times of Albert L
Altman’.
Connolly’s Yiddish leflet
Drwing of rrest of Jmes Stephens t
Firfield House, Newbridge Avenue from
London Illustrated News (1866)