4 July-August  July-August  PB
T
HE CASE for gay rights, pioneered in the
1980s in this country by David Norris
through the courts and the European Con-
vention on Human Rights, is unanswerable.
Everyone has the option – philosophically
– to believe the equality of gays or to deny it. But the
fact is that if people choose – politically i.e. in prac-
tice - to be oended by what others get up to where
no nuisance is caused to third parties, there would
be no end to the asymmetrical busybodinesses that
would undermine public and individual welfare. For
this reason society is best served by freedom for con-
senting adults to exercise whatever sexual
preferences fulfil them.
But it’s easy to be smug. As Dublin overflowed with
pride in mid-June other countries were not so
self-confident.
In May, Uganda introduced the death penalty for
“aggravated homosexuality. Russian authorities
have been banning Pride eventsfor years in order not
to promote LGBTQ+ lifestyle to children. Former
Moscow mayor Yuri Luzhkov also labelled Pride
‘satanic. This year, 40 Turkish Pride activists were
detained after they defied a ban to stage a march in
Istanbul a month after Turkeys homophobic and
hate-filled election campaign. The celebrations in
Houston, the largest pride event in conserva-
tiveTexas, were scaled back due to rising insurance
and security costs, as Texas lawmakers prepared bills
banning youngsters from drag shows and restricting
how they learn about the LGBTQ+ community; and
restricting gender-arming healthcare.
Pride planners across theUSand Canada said they
were facing higher bills because of anti-LGBTQ+dis-
information and hatred; and many events were
cancelled. Prominent members of the US Supreme
Court have expressed scepticism about deriving
LGBTQ+ rights from the Constitution.
But the principles inherent in decriminalisation and
celebration of LGBTQ+ politics and culture should ani-
mate greater tolerance and enthusiasm for others
who exercise preferences contrary to those of the
majority, and to vulnerable minorities. Village has no
time for a la carte egalitarianism. You cannot be pro-
LGBTQ+ but anti-Traveller.
Against that background this magazine asserts its
strong support for Trans people, the latest target of
discrimination and hatred, particularly online. If
someone wishes to change their gender that is their
business. Issues like Trans’ advantages in sport and
female changing rooms can be dealt with forensically
and sensibly. They do not cut across the overriding
principle for society that the majority should not
interfere with a minority that is doing no harm.
So, if this government has done little else that
appeals to this magazine, we commend its
determined backing of new Hate Legislation currently
nearing passsage by the Seanad. The Criminal Jus-
tice (Incitement to Violence or Hatred and Hate
Oences) Bill 2022 will amend the law on the prohi-
bition of incitement to violence or hatred against a
person or a group of persons on account of certain
characteristics: (a) race, (b) colour, (c) nationality, (d)
religion, (e) national or ethnic origin, (f) descent, (g)
gender, (h) sex characteristics, (i) sexual orientation,
or (j) disability.
In our experience, however, many of the diculties
in enforcing Hate crimes at the moment – under the
Prohibition of Incitement to Hatred Act 1989 — derive
from inadequate training and enthusiasm from the
Garda in pursuing those who harass or abuse others
because of characteristics like race or gender. A
changed ethos will be necessary.
There has been dissent: some malicious, some
thoughtful. Concerns have been expressed that Hate
has not been defined. People Before Profit want the
legislation to specify “intimidation, hostility or dis-
crimination”. However, the judiciary is at least as well
placed to ascertain the context and nuance of the
motivation behind Hate Crimes as the legislature;
perhaps marginally better placed because complex-
ity requires discretion.
And the usual suspects are up in arms that the leg-
islation opens up the current binary of gender, so
risking the prosecution of those who, for example,
assert basic gender simplicities. But in fact it is not
the assertion of the simplicities that grounds a crime.
It is the provocative assertion of them in ways that
intimidate or humiliate. The Bill requires “intent [or
recklessness] to incite violence or hatred against
such a person or group of persons on account of those
characteristics”. Irish people should reflect on the
fact that advertising ‘No dogs, No Irish’ should have
been a crime.
Concern has also been expressed that the legisla-
tion opens up the possibility of a person “being
criminalised purely for having material that is hateful,
without that material being communicated to the
public. But the Bill makes it clear that the material
must have been “made available on a platform that
is or may be accessible by the public or a section of
the public” and that, only then, will there be a pre-
sumption, that can be rebutted,that the person
intended to communicate the material to the public
or a section of the public”.
In short most of the objections to the Bill are illu-
sory. Few of them are oered by the vulnerable
people who have asked for its protections.
We live in a world of increasing economic inequal-
ity but in this country we are moving against the
tyranny of the majority imposing its mores on vulner-
able minorities. It is progress worth fighting for.
EDITORIAL
Issue 80
July-August 2023
Chllenging he endemiclly
complcen nd ohers by
he cue promoion of
equliy, susinbiliy nd
ccounbiliy
ONLINE
www.villgemgzine.ie
@VillgeMgIRE
EDITOR
Michel Smih
edior@villgemgzine.ie
DEPUTY EDITOR
J Vivin Cooke
DESIGN AND PRODUCTION
Lenny Rooney
ADVERTISING
sles@villge.ie
PRINTERS
Boylns, Droghed,
Co Louh
VILLAGE IS PUBLISHED BY
Ormond Quy Publishing
 Ormond Quy Upper,
Dublin 
Proud of liberalism; hostile to hate

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