28āMarch 2015
E
VER since October 2009 when the Greek
Government ļ¬nally faced up to bond-market
pressures and admitted that its predecessor
has falsiļ¬ed the national accounts, the euro
area has been unable to shake oļ¬ a sovereign-
debt crisis. When the dust ļ¬nally settled on revisions,
the Greek debt-to-GDP ratio shot up from 98 percent at
the start of 2009 to 133 percent of GDP in early 2010.
Five years of subsequent Troika interventions, support
programmes, enhanced agreements and debt restruc-
turings underwrote the Greek debt-to-GDP ratio rise
to 175 percent of GDP, the highest in the world for any
country with a ļ¬xed exchange rate.
As the Economist wrote in April 2010, āGreece has
become a symbol of government indebtedness. ā¦It
cannot grow out of trouble because of ļ¬scal retrench-
ment and its lack of export prowess. It cannot devalue,
because it is in the euro zoneā. The Economist went on
to claim that despite these realities, Greeks āā¦seem
unwilling to endure the cuts in wages and services
needed to make the economy competitiveā.
As we know now, the reality is far worse than that.
Contrary to the Economist (and the prevailing con-
sensus across European elites and analysts), it was not
the lack of Greek willingness āto endure the cuts in
wages and servicesā that persistently and consistently
undermined Athensā ability to reverse its economic
fortunes.
Reality of internal devaluation
Economically, the macro ļ¬gures tell a story that can
also be narrated through social and personal experi-
ences of the Troika-impoverished nation.
Greek GDP per capita declined 22.5% in real terms
from the end of 2007 through 2014, based on the
latest estimates from the IMF. Irelandās decline (the
second largest in the Euro area) was half that at 11.9%.
Total investment, as a share of GDP, fell 12.3 percent-
age points in Greece, against 10.8 percentage points
in Ireland. This decline in investment was clearly
accompanied by the internal devaluation: savings, as
a percentage of GDP, rose by 2.4 percentage points in
Greece. In contrast savings fell in Ireland by 3.0%.
Ireland is commonly presented as a country that
has managed to deliver an export-led recovery, while
Greece is usually seen as a laggard in this area. This
too is false. Greek current account balances improved
by $46.4 billion between January 2008 and the end of
2014, while Irish current account rose by $22.5 bil-
lion. And as a percentage of GDP, Greek current-account
gains amounted to 14.7 percentage points, against Ire-
landās 7.8 percentage points.
By all indicators, Greece has been solidly dealing with
the problems it faces, in the Troika-ordained manner.
Flowing from the internal devaluation āsuccessā,
Greeceās employment and unemployment situation
remain dire. The ratio of those in employment as a
percentage of the total population declined 7.3 per-
centage points between 2007 and 2014 in Greece,
much steeper than in Portugal (-4.6 percentage points),
but less than in Ireland (-9.0
percentage points). Overall
employment is down 18.8 per-
cent on 2007 levels, compared
to Irelandās 10.3 percent. The
unemployment rate rose 17.5
percentage points between the
end of 2007 and the end of last
year in Greece, almost triple the
rate of increase in Ireland (6.5
percent).
Unemployment and the col-
lapse in economic activity are
two core factors driving down
Government revenues and
pushing up social-protection
spending. In Greece, state rev-
enues fell 10.6 percent between
2007 and 2014, less than in
Ireland (down 12 percent). Fol-
lowing Troika orders, Greek
government expenditure was
down 18.8 percent by the end
of 2014 compared to the end of
2007. Irelandās ābest-in-classā
austerity performance shrank
public spending by only 0.7 percent over the same
period of time.
The āun-reforming Greeksā have, thus, endured a
much sharper rebalancing of public spending (a swing
between revenue and expenditure adjustments of over
15 percent) than Ireland (downward adjustment of 6.4
percent).
Something similar is reļ¬ected in Government deļ¬-
cit ļ¬gures. In 2007, the Greek Government deļ¬cit was
6.81 percent of GDP. By the end of 2014 this had fallen
to 2.69 percent ā an improvement of 4.1 percentage
points. In the same period of time, Irish deļ¬cits wors-
ened 4.4 percentage points. Greek austerity was even
more dramatic in terms of primary deļ¬cits (public def-
icits excluding interest payments on debt). The Greek
primary balance in 2014 was in surplus of 1.5 percent
of GDP, up 3.52 percentage points on 2007 perform-
ance. Irish primary balance was in a deļ¬cit 0.3 percent
of GDP, marking 1.1 percentage point worsening on
20 0 7.
How Greece and
its unrecognised
reforms have
been paralysed
by the Troika
and debt
Constantin Gurdgiev
OPINION
INTERLOPER
Sisyphus
and Achilles
The Irish
state avoided
passing the
pain onto the
multinational
sector and
dumped the
entire economic
adjustment onto
households
and domestic
companies.
Greece had no
such choice
ā