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    No aircraft inspections as highest monthly munitions exemptions reported

    The Department of Transport’s failure to inspect aircraft at Shannon Airport leaves Ireland relying on the good faith of those transporting munitions through Irish sovereign territory. By Conor O’Carroll The highest number of munitions exemptions since 2016 was granted by the Department of Transport in October, raising questions over whether Ireland has facilitated the supply of munitions to the ongoing conflict in Gaza through its sovereign territory. 182 applications were granted by the Department last month, up from 122 in September. This represents the highest monthly total from the available records, which date back to 2016. The figures come from the routinely published statistics on the number of exemptions granted to civil aircraft under the Air Navigation (Carriage of Munitions of War, Weapons and Dangerous Goods) Orders 1973 and 1989. Under these orders, “it is expressly prohibited for civil aircraft to carry munitions of war in Irish sovereign territory, without being granted an exemption to do so by the Minister for Transport”, Minister of State Jack Chambers TD said in response to a parliamentary question posed by independent TD, Thomas Pringle, in September. The latest figures show that there was a 42% increase in the number of applications received by the Department in October, though it should be noted that the figures are based on the date the Department issued a decision on each application, not the date the application was received or the date of the flight itself. The vast majority of the exemptions granted (158) permitted flights to fly through Irish sovereign territory, while the remaining 24 exemptions permitted flights to land and take off from Ireland. These flights relate to civilian aircraft that are contracted by militaries, typically the US, to transport munitions to different parts of the globe. Some exceptions also relate to diplomatic flights where security personnel are armed. The Department also does not appear to inspect the planes that land in Ireland, to ensure they are carrying what their applications say Designated military aircraft are the responsibility of the Department of Foreign Affairs and any aircraft wishing to enter Irish airspace requires diplomatic clearance from the Minister for Foreign Affairs. This clearance is subject to strict conditions, according to the government, with a requirement that the aircraft be unarmed, carrying no arms and not be part of intelligence gathering or a military operation. The presence of US military aircraft in Irish airspace has been a hotly debated topic for many years. Peace activists have long demanded that Ireland end its arrangement with the US military, arguing that it violates the constitutional protection of neutrality. Two weeks ago pro-Palestinian supporters staged a protest outside the Department of Transport, demanding that Minister for Transport, Eamon Ryan TD, stop providing exemptions to US military aircraft headed for Israel. Many of the munitions carried through Irish airspace on US military aircraft drop off at regional bases, such as in Eastern Europe for Ukrainian supplies, or in bases in the Middle East, meaning tracking where the munitions end up is practically impossible. Village asked the Department of Transport whether it seeks the final destination of any munitions it provides an exemption for. A spokesperson for the Department did not respond specifically, but did say that the exemption “is not an approval to land at any airport outside the State”. The Department also does not appear to inspect the planes that land in Ireland, to ensure they are carrying what their applications say. In the same response to Pringle, Minister Chambers said “insofar as it can be determined, there is no record of an inspection of a civil aircraft having been carried out pursuant to these Orders”. The latest figures show that there was a 42% increase in the number of applications received by the Department in October. A Department spokesperson told Village: “While the orders do provide for the inspection of a civil aircraft to ensure compliance, it is only whenever it appears that a flight would be in contravention of them. There is no provision for such an inspection without this prerequisite”. They also provided the same response from Minister Chambers when asked whether an aircraft had ever been inspected. “The complete lack of willingness to inspect the flights is shocking”, Pringle told Village. “As an independent state we can take the view that other states can transit through our airports and airspace but the very least we could do is check that they are complying with our laws and respecting our status as a neutral independent state”, he continued. *** One of the US military aircraft that flew through Irish airspace last month disappeared off-radar over Jordan, Village Magazine can reveal, further complicating the task of tracking the final destination of the aircraft and its cargo. The aircraft, which is owned by Omni Air International, entered Irish airspace in the early hours of 11 October 11 en route to Bulgaria, Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates. It had taken off from Bangor International Airport, in Maine, the previous evening, but had made stops at Hill Air Force Base in Utah and Ellsworth Air Force Base in South Dakota before crossing the Atlantic. The aircraft also used a call sign reserved for the US Transportation Command (CMB), the US Department of Defence body responsible for providing the US military with air, land, and sea transportation. Flight logs show that the aircraft disappeared abruptly over Jordan, before reappearing several hours later and continuing on its journey, suggesting it turned off its transponder to mask its location. This practice isn’t unusual when travelling over or close to a warzone, but the time difference between the pings on the map above is significant. A spokesperson confirmed that this aircraft received an exemption from the Department of Transport in Ireland. Tracking six other US military aircraft since the outbreak of the conflict in Gaza, Village found a further five ‘disappearances’ over Jordan, though in every other case, the aircraft avoided entering Irish airspace. The flight logs of these seven aircraft also show

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    Opinion: Ireland and Palestine – a late-flowering love affair

    Thousands have marched in solidarity with Palestine following the conflict in Gaza, but Ireland’s support of the Palestinian cause was not always so straightforward. By Diarmuid Breatnach Palestinian flags fluttering at demonstrations and rallies across Ireland, passing drivers beeping their horns in solidarity; Israeli Ambassadors complaining and even criticising the President of the Irish State; Irish politicians, out of step with the US-led consensus, calling for an unconditional ceasefire while an extremist Israeli Minister calls for the wiping out of the Gaza Palestinians or their expulsion to Ireland. There is little doubt where lie the sympathies of the majority of the Irish public. When asked why this is, most people point to the long struggle of the Irish against invasion, occupation and sectarianism. But it wasn’t always like that. In fact, not so long ago, the Irish public was mostly pro-Israel. In the early decades of the Irish state, most people’s sympathy with Jews, because of their history of oppression and the horror of the Holocaust, transferred easily enough to the creation of the State of Israel. In addition, there were important Irish political and cultural connections with the new state and finally, Hollywood played an important part in the moulding of Irish public opinion. State Politics The 1937 Constitution established under De Valera specifically mentioned Judaism in Article 44.1 and protected it from persecution while he himself had good relations with the first Chief Rabbi of Ireland, Chaim Herzog, who had an important role in relation to the founding of Israel. Nevertheless, the Irish State was wary of granting recognition to Israel, conscious that Palestine had been an Arab colonial possession or ‘mandate’ of the UK, many of whose other possessions around the world were being de-colonised. Five years after the founding of Israel, the Irish State was hardly encouraged to recognise it following the attack on Egypt, along with imperialist France and the UK, following an Egyptian attempt to nationalise the Suez Canal. The US, keen to show that the balance of world power had changed since the Second World War, publicly condemned the attack, especially chastising the old colonial powers and previous world masters, the British and French. President Eisenhower refused to intervene in the foreign-exchange markets to defend the plummeting value of the pound and the British Prime Minister, Anthony Eden, was forced to resign. Irish-language supporters and campaigners who wished to have the Irish language spoken throughout Ireland and not only in the Gaeltacht areas, admired the Israeli State for its achievement in restoring Hebrew as a daily-spoken language The Irish State of course had friendly relations with the US but the Israeli State had some important Irish connections too. The Chief Rabbi of Palestine, Yitzhak Herzog, was late of Belfast and Dublin, where he had also been Chief Rabbi of Ireland. One of his sons, Chaim Herzog, was born in Belfast and raised in Dublin, before becoming the sixth President of Israel. His own son serves as the current President. Robert Briscoe (1894-1967), an Irish Republican, former prominent IRA Volunteer, TD (1927-1961), and twice Lord Mayor of Dublin (1956/7, and 1961/2), not only supported the creation of the Israeli State but was a special adviser to Menachem Begin after the Second World War. He advised Begin in the transformation of the terrorist Irgun organisation into a parliamentary political movement in the form of Herut in the new Israeli state; the party later became Likud. Briscoe had also fundraised for the Irgun in the US (as he had for the IRA during the Irish War of Independence). Republican Politics During the 1960s there was a US and European fashion, especially among young middle-class students both Jewish and Gentile, of going to work in Israeli-dominated Palestine, in collectively-owned agricultural communities, known as kibbutzim. Also, Christian pilgrims to the Holy Land (holy to all three strands of the Abrahamic tradition: Christians, Jews and Muslims) went by permission of the Israeli State and had a very narrow and sanitised experience (if any at all) of what life was like there for the Palestinians. But by the late 1960s most left-wing thinking around Europe was clear that the Palestinians were oppressed and fighting a liberation struggle.  Official Sinn Féin sent a delegate to conferences in Jordan and Kuwait in 1970/1. In 1970 an article in the party’s weekly United Irishman described Ireland, like Palestine, as engaged in a national liberation struggle. The Official IRA prisoners in Mountjoy Prison supported the Palestinians in their journal An Eochair in 1973 and Palestinians were among the guerrilla groups represented in the second Anti-Imperialist Festival organised by the Officials in July 1976. Nevertheless, the election manifesto of the Workers’ Party, successor to Official Sinn Féin, in 1983 accepted the recognition of the State of Israel, although that contradicted party policy and the involvement of its members in the Irish Friends of Palestine organisation, which was committed to supporting the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). However, party policy was soon publicly and internally reoriented in solidarity with Palestine. Around this time, the British and Irish Communist Organisation, a small but influential organisation, had a pro-Israel position. However, it was reversed in the late 1980s, shortly before its demise. In the 1970s, Provisional Sinn Féin’s weekly newspaper An Phoblacht often featured articles sympathetic to the Irish struggle from a US-based correspondent signing himself as Fred Burns O’Brien, one of which was notably favourable in its reference to the Israeli state. However, once the Provisionals declared themselves to be in favour of socialism, they became pro-Palestinian and since the 1990s Palestinian representatives have attended Provisional Sinn Féin’s Ard-Fheiseanna (Annual Congresses), most recently when Palestinian ambassador to Ireland, Dr Jilan Wahba Abdalmajid, addressed the party’s gathering this month. In the early decades of the Irish State, most people’s sympathy with Jews, because of their history of oppression and the horror of the Holocaust, transferred easily enough to creation of the State of Israel The PLO, dominated by Yasser Arafat’s Al Fatah party, recognised the State of Israel

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    Government ignored Central Bank advice on Budget 2024

    By Conor O’Carroll The government ignored the advice of the Central Bank on the mortgage-interest relief scheme introduced as part of Budget 2024, according to documents seen by Village Magazine. The records, which were released under Freedom of Information legislation, include confidential memos sent to the Department of Finance before the Budget where the Central Bank is unequivocal in its criticism of the government’s approach to mortgage-interest relief. The first memo, dated 25 September, highlights the Central Bank’s opposition to a broad mortgage-interest relief scheme, arguing that “the burden of higher interest rates does not fall evenly” across households. This, it argues, means “policy responses should focus on assisting households most at risk from cost-of-living pressures” and that it should be “timely, targeted, and sustainably funded”. A wide mortgage-interest relief package, Central Bank officials advise, would disproportionally reach high-income households and risk “overheating” the economy, which would bring about persistent higher rates of inflation. As part of Budget 2024, the government announced a mortgage-interest tax-relief scheme for homeowners who have an outstanding mortgage balance of between €80,000 and €500,000 on their primary home. Using the proposal submitted to them by the Department of Finance, the Central Bank finds that the main beneficiaries of the policy owe less than other borrowers on average and are disproportionately likely to be over 50 years old. However, the Central Bank advised that such a policy would be regressive. Pulling from a large body of international policy assessments from the OECD, the Central Bank found mortgage-interest relief schemes provide a subsidy to homeowners, who are more likely to have higher incomes than renters or those in social housing. It also states that studies show mortgage-interest relief schemes raise house prices without increasing homeownership rates. The Central Bank acknowledges, however, that the higher interest rates are “undoubtedly creating financial difficulties for some households” and suggests that relief through the social welfare system, where means-testing and targeting are more feasible, would have a greater impact in providing support to vulnerable households. A second memo, dated a week before Budget Day, reiterates the concerns held by the Central Bank with the “inherent regressivity of using taxpayer funds to support mortgage holders in a non-targeted fashion”. They also caution that the relief may increase the incentive for lenders to raise interest rates, arguing that under such a scenario “the relief would act to support lender profitability without necessarily helping borrowers as intended”. A spokesperson for the Department of Finance said: “The Government is acutely conscious of the impact of rising interest rates and mortgage costs on many taxpayers…As the Minister for Finance has stated previously, it is not possible or desirable for the Government to alleviate the full impact of the increased interest rates for all mortgage holders”. “Some mortgage holders, will be in a much stronger position and will have the capacity to absorb the impact of the recent increases in mortgage rates”, itcontinued, “and the Minister believes that the parameters of the relief are appropriate and sufficiently targeted”. The Department spokesperson did not respond specifically to a question from Village asking why the government did not take the advice of the Central Bank. Data from the European Central Bank showed interest rates in Ireland were the ninth highest in the Eurozone and coming in above the average rate in September. Using the proposal submitted to them by the Department of Finance, the Central Bank finds that the main beneficiaries of the policy owe less than other borrowers on average and are disproportionally likely to be over 50 years old. This, it says, “do not point to the targeting of greatest need for support”, as they “have benefited from lower average interest bills than other borrowers for a decade or more, with a total impact over time significantly exceeding recent changes in interest rate costs”. Conor Dowd, independent candidate for Galway East at the forthcoming local elections and recipient of the FOI replies told Village: “The government appear to be embracing a strategy rooted in electioneering, by trying to give the impression the mortgage interest relief of Budget 2024 is of benefit to a wide income range”. Having received the second memo from the Central Bank, officials from the Department of Finance responded with appreciation for its help and said “the advice is very clear”.

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    Minister accused of ‘scaremongering’ over flood management reforms

    By Conor O’Carroll Environmental advocacy group, Friends of the Irish Environment (FIE), have echoed comments made by Sinn Féin Senator Lynn Boylan accusing Minister of State Patrick O’Donovan TD of “scaremongering” over flood management reforms. In a recent Dáil debate following the widespread flooding in Cork caused by Storm Babet, Minister O’Donovan criticised attempts by Senator Boylan to “dismantle” the Arterial Drainage Act, discouraging her “not to go down that route because it will leave many communities in this country in a very vulnerable situation”. Under the Act, the Office of Public Works (OPW), which the Minister has special responsibility for, is obliged to maintain all rivers, embankments and urban flood defences in “proper repair and effective condition”. However, the Act has come under scrutiny recently with the Citizen’s Assembly on Biodiversity Loss recommending that the Act “is no longer fit for purpose and must be reviewed and updated in order to take proper account of the biodiversity and the climate crisis”. Environmental groups also say that the ‘maintenance’ of the rivers by the OPW is leading to the “destruction of whole river systems”. Senator Boylan previously accused the Minister of “scaremongering” in a Seanad debate in June, stating that “flood management strategies have evolved significantly since 1945” and that “nature-based approaches like “slow the flow” can provide a win-win solution for both biodiversity and flood prevention”. These nature-based approaches, known as Natural Water Retention Measures, are designed to work with the natural processes of rivers and their floodplains to slow down the flow of water and reduce the risk of flooding. A petition with over 5,000 signatures from the Irish Wildlife Trust was also presented to the Minister in July 2021. It called for reform of what they described as an “archaic piece of legislation not fit for the 21st century”. Concerns were previously raised in 1975 when an Inland Fisheries Commission report claimed: “Drainage operations eliminated desirable natural meanders in rivers, removed holding pools, destroyed spawning beds, and produced canal-type water courses characterised by long stretches of steep banks piled high with rubble and spoil”. The Act has come under scrutiny recently with the Citizen’s Assembly on Biodiversity Loss recommending that the Act “is no longer fit for purpose and must be reviewed and updated in order to take proper account of the biodiversity and the climate crisis” In a statement, FIE director Tony Lowes said the Act “could be amended to give the OPW more flexibility to reduce river flows facilitating the implementation of natural retention measures while maintaining current flood safeguards”. “We urge Minister O’Donovan to work with Senator Boylan and other stakeholders to amend the 1945 Arterial Drainage Act to enable the adoption of Natural Water Retention Measures while upholding existing flood protection”, he continued. Village contacted the Department of Public Expenditure for comment but has not received a response.

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    Pfizer questioned release of FOI by Dept of Finance to journalist

    By Conor O’Carroll American pharmaceutical giant, Pfizer queried the Department of Finance’s Freedom of Information (FOI) policy following a report of their meeting with officials in the Business Post. Documents supplied to Village Magazine, also through FOI, show how representatives acting on behalf of Pfizer sought a meeting between its new Senior Vice President of Global Tax, Jerome Mychalowych and officials from the Department of Finance in June. The meeting formed part of a series held at the Department of Finance over the summer with multinationals that included the likes of Coca-Cola, Google and AstraZeneca, as well as Pfizer. For its part, Village Magazine finds the Department’s FOI Publication Scheme to be comprehensive and clear, and the corporate hand-holding that Pfizer requested was unnecessary to understand the operation and parameters of the Act Each company used the opportunity to express their thoughts on the evolving international developments surrounding corporation tax. However, and uniquely, Pfizer also raised an article published in the Business Post last year, saying it was “surprised by the content of the article and would like to understand better the Department’s position on responding to FOI requests from journalists”. The article in question details a meeting between Mychalowych’s predecessor, Tom Hogan, and officials at the Department of Finance last year where Pfizer warned that a “historic overhaul of global corporate tax rules would create ‘losers and winners’ and lead to administrative headaches for businesses”. Emails sent to Deirdre Donaghy, Head of Business Tax at the Department of Finance, state that “while Pfizer really value this type of meeting”, they requested to speak to officials “about FOI parameters arising from what transpired following the meeting back in June 2022”. Donaghy agreed to speak to Pfizer’s representatives on the issue raised, though reminded them that FOI in Ireland is governed by the Freedom of Information Act, 2014. No records of what was discussed were released and it’s unclear if any notes of the exact nature of Pfizer’s concerns were taken. A spokesperson for the Department of Finance said “a Department official had a telephone call with the agent in response to the request.  The agent was directed to the Freedom of Information Acts and advised that these provisions would apply in respect of any meeting and related correspondence”. This explanation was accepted by Pfizer, they continued, and stressed “the Department did not feel under any pressure with regard to the release of records”. Pfizer did not respond to a request for comment. Pfizer also raised an article published in the Business Post last year, saying it was “surprised by the content of the article and would like to understand better the Department’s position on responding to FOI requests from journalists” For its part, Village Magazine finds the Department’s FOI Publication Scheme – found here – to be comprehensive and clear, and the corporate hand-holding that Pfizer requested was unnecessary to understand the operation and parameters of the Act. The minutes of the subsequent meeting on corporate tax were also released. They show that Pfizer continued their position from last year with “a discussion around the administrative burden of the new rules” taking place. Discussions surrounding moving to a territorial tax system also took place ahead of Minister Michael McGrath’s announcement in September that Ireland would begin its transition to such a system, introducing an exemption on foreign profits and simplifying the overall tax code. The Irish Tax Institute say multinationals are eager for this move as it would “reduce the administrative burden for Irish companies with international operations and simplify how double taxation relief would be available in Ireland on such foreign earnings. It would [also] bring Ireland’s corporation tax code in line with most OECD countries and EU Member States”. This, they say, would maintain Ireland’s competitiveness in attracting foreign direct investment once the OECD minimum corporate tax rates come into effect.

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    Iarnród Éireann spent over €600,000 on taxis in five years

    By Conor O’Carroll Iarnród Éireann has ordered almost 1,000 taxis to transport its train drivers, staff and customers to and from stations since 2019, according to documents released under Freedom of Information. Documents supplied to Village Magazine show how the company has spent over €600,000 in the past five years on 989 taxi journeys for the purpose of transferring staff and delayed customers. While the number of taxis requested each year has been decreasing from a high of 295 in 2019, 188 orders were still made last year. Incomplete figures for 2023 show that 118 taxis have been ordered by the company so far this year. A spokesperson for Iarnród Éireann told Village that taxi services are ordered for drivers travelling to reach their allocated train, for staff in instances of a points failure and for customers following a delayed service where public transport is not available. Taxi services are also sometimes provided to customers on delayed services who have “an important appointment to attend or a flight to catch”, they continued. Iarnród Éireann, which is a subsidiary of the state-owned enterprise, Córas Iompair Éireann, has entered into two separate contractual agreements with taxi companies to provide this service. One with ABC Taxis to transfer drivers from Kent Station or Mallow in Cork to Tralee, and Tralee to Mallow or Kent Station, and the other with Edwards Coaches for journeys between Gorey and Enniscorthy in Wexford, and Connolly Station in Dublin. Both contracts detail the requirement for both planned and ad-hoc journeys, often taking place in the early hours of the morning or late at night when alternative public transport arrangements would not be available. Documents supplied to Village Magazine show how the company has spent over €600,000 in the past five years on 989 taxi journeys for the purpose of transferring staff and delayed customers The documents also show a number of ‘emergency’ situations where Iarnród Éireann ordered taxis for their drivers outside of the contracted scenarios. These include a number of transfers between stations in Galway and others between Tralee and Killarney due to train delays, cancellations and driver illness. Despite the significant environmental impact of driving between train stations, the arrangement is set to continue, with a recent request for tender seeking a further five years of taxi hire between Cork and Kerry. The new contract is set to come into effect in the new year. In a statement, Iarnród Éireann said it “takes its climate action responsibilities very seriously”, but that there are occasions where “it may be necessary to avail of taxi services”. Last month, the company launched its Climate Action Plan, which targets emissions reductions of 51% by 2030. Among the commitments is a transition to an electric-powered fleet, upgrades to buildings and switching to alternative fuel sources. Iarnród Éireann also said that line improvements on the Dublin – Belfast line last weekend was its first-ever that was net zero. All on-track machines, welfare facilities, vehicles, small plant and equipment operated on alternative power sources or alternative biofuel, while the remaining carbon emissions were offset by the planting of 300 trees in Wexford.

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    Government sought advice from UK Home Office on controversial asylum-seeker barge

    Officials from the Department of Children approached the UK Home Office seeking advice following the launch of the controversial asylum seeker barge, the Bibby Stockholm, as preparations for the Irish ‘flotel’ continue. By Conor O’Carroll Irish Government officials congratulated their counterparts in the UK Home Office following the launch of the controversial asylum-seeker barge, documents released under Freedom of Information (FOI) show. The emails, which were released to Village Magazine, show how an official from the Department of Children, Equality, Disability, Integration and Youth congratulated his peers for the launch of the Bibby Stockholm barge off the coast of Dorset, in southwest England in August 2023. “Congrats on getting the barge ‘open for business’ – have been watching the various news feeds with interest”, the unnamed official said on 9 August, days after the first asylum seekers had been moved onto the barge. A few days later, the barge was evacuated following the discovery of Legionella bacteria in the water supply, which can cause a serious type of lung infection known as Legionnaires’ disease. Contact was established between the two officials in June this year when the Department of Children official reached out through an unnamed mutual contact to the UK Home Office seeking advice in the contracting of barges for asylum-seeker accommodation. They stated that the draft request for tender for Ireland’s version of the barges was “well advanced” and that “berths [had] been identified”. The official sought advice on “planning and environmental matters”, suggesting that a call between both government departments would be beneficial. The Department is seeking tenders to provide floating accommodation for International Protection Applicants (asylum seekers) and not Beneficiaries of Temporary Protection (Ukrainians) However, much of what was discussed between the two officials has been redacted, with the Home Office citing the protection of its commercial interests as the reason for obscuring the information. In May, Minister Roderic O’Gorman confirmed that his department was planning to tender floating accommodation to help ease pressures on providing accommodation. The formal process was expected to have been launched this summer, however, no tender details have been published as of yet. A spokesperson for the Department of Children told Village “publication of a tender is not likely in the immediate future with Department officials still working through the various legal and regulatory issues associated with using floating accommodation”. The Government’s examination of procuring floating accommodation dates back to 2022, when they received a number of proposals from various companies offering cruise ships to house Ukrainian refugees. Further documents released to Village Magazine under FOI show that an approach by Clare-based company ML Hospitality Ltd in 2022 was initially rejected by the Government due to “the lack of port/berths with sufficient deep water for vessels of this size and as a result potential remoteness and lack of access to services and facilities”. An internal feasibility study dated May 2022, produced by the Maritime Transport Division at the Department of Transport, concluded that the sole location suitable to accommodate the two vessels offered by ML Hospitality (the Cobh cruise berth) “would create a significant environmental impact and air quality issue for the area” owing to the need for the continual operation of the ship’s engines to power onboard utilities. Other proposals for cruise ships at Dublin Port were also rejected as it was suggested there would be a negative impact on “overall port capacity and on other port business”. The same feasibility study also raised the potential solution of a “flotel”, with the Department requesting an unnamed entrepreneur who previously approached the Port of Cork with a proposal to locate a ship as a hotel in the port to explore this option on their behalf. The entrepreneur was made to sign a non-disclosure agreement as the enquiries were made. The option presented in the study involves “up to three vessels with a capacity of 800 passengers per ship” and suggested that “it may be feasible to berth the vessels in the centre of Cork at the city quays”. It is unclear whether this is the basis for the forthcoming tender from the Department of Children and a spokesperson did not provide any further details, but did state that the Department is seeking to tender for International Protection Applicants (asylum seekers) and not Beneficiaries of Temporary Protection (Ukrainians). The plan to move asylum seekers onto barges in the UK, such as the Bibby Stockholm, which has a capacity of 506, has proved controversial, with campaign groups and public health officials condemning the plan. The Guardian newspaper reported that cabins were slightly larger than a prison cell and had been fitted with bunk beds to double capacity. The UK’s Fire Brigade Union has also threatened a legal challenge against the use of the barge over safety fears, calling it “a potential deathtrap”. Amnesty International UK’s Refugee and Migrant Rights Director, Steve Valdez-Symonds, voiced objections too, calling it “reminiscent of the prison hulks from the Victorian era” and “an utterly shameful way to house people who’ve fled terror, conflict and persecution”. The Irish Refugee Council expressed concern at the prospect of floating accommodation being used in Ireland; “We are strongly opposed to floating accommodation. They are wholly inadequate places to house vulnerable men, women and children who have come to our country in search of safety. We are concerned that short-term responses tend to become permanent. Direct Provision was temporary. Tents were meant to stop last autumn. Just because something is better than sleeping rough on a street doesn’t mean that we should accept it”. “We shouldn’t let standards slip just to warehouse people and we encourage government to invest in sustainable medium- and long-term accommodation options that support people with dignity”, they continued. A spokesperson for the Department of Children said the contact with the UK Home Office and other “shared experiences will help to establish the most appropriate vessel type for the various factors and considerations, such as berthing, for any ‘floating’ accommodation that the Department publishes a Request for Tenders

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    ESB seek €21 million in gift vouchers for employees and customers

    Having recorded huge profits in the first six months of the year, ESB look to reward staff with millions in gift vouchers By Conor O’Carroll The state-owned Electricity Supply Board (ESB) is seeking to purchase an estimated €21 million in gift cards and vouchers for its employees and as part of its ‘Beat the Peak’ initiative. The request for tender, released today, details the two-year contract offered by ESB that will see the chosen bidder purchase almost €13 million in employee gift vouchers for delivery in December 2023 and January 2024. Two purchases of up to 6,200 gift vouchers with a face value of €1,000, two purchases of up to 550 gift vouchers with a face value of €500, and ad hoc purchases of gift vouchers with a face value of €50 and €30 will be required according to tender documents. ESB’s profits have soared in recent months, with operating profit increasing to €676 million in the first six months of 2023, a rise of €300 million compared to the same period last year The specific requirements for these gift vouchers state that they must include a “broad range of providers from across Ireland including online and not limited to one shopping centre, one retailer, one website or one particular town or city”. The gift vouchers should also “at a minimum include retail, health and fitness, services, motoring, supermarket, fashion, [and] department stores”. Periodic monitoring and reporting of recipients with no use on their gift vouchers is also requested. The remaining €8 million is to be spent on providing “financial incentives” to customers participating in the ‘Beat the Peak’ scheme. This initiative, launched last year, seeks to reduce electricity demand during peak events over the winter months by offering information to customers on how to “shift their individual energy consumption away from the evening peak” of between 5pm and 7pm. ESB’s profits have soared in recent months, with operating profit increasing to €676 million in the first six months of 2023, a rise of €300 million compared to the same period last year. It is likely to surpass last year’s total operating profit of €847 as the winter months typically see greater demand and energy consumption. 2022 was itself a year of growth for ESB, with operating profits rising by almost 25%. Energy prices have increased substantially since 2020 driven first by the Covid-19 pandemic and then by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Energy companies, along with ESB’s subsidiary, Electric Ireland, announced widespread price hikes as wholesale energy prices soared. However, according to the Central Statistics Office (CSO), energy prices have since fallen sharply once again. In July, wholesale electricity prices fell to their lowest level since June 2021 and in August, they had fallen by over 70% compared to the previous 12 months. While there was a slight rise in September, wholesale prices are still over 60% lower when compared with last year, according to the latest figures released by the CSO. This prompted energy companies, including Electric Ireland, to lower their prices, with the company cutting its electricity and gas rates by 10% and 12% respectively from the start of November. These price cuts will be a welcome respite for people struggling ahead of the winter months, but fall well short of the drop in wholesale prices. Following the announcement, Taoiseach Leo Varadkar TD, told RTÉ News that the reduction wasn’t sufficient and called for further decreases in the coming months. ESB did not respond to a request for comment on their decision to seek millions worth of gift vouchers. Update 23/10: ESB has since responded to our request for comment with the following statement: “ESB recognises the impact the current cost of living crisis is having on our employees and we have agreed to make two voucher payments to our employees designed to go some way to meeting the financial challenges which our employees may face”.

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    International Security Forum a waste of the DFA’s time

    This week’s Consultative Forum report is nothing more than of academic interest because the DFA set its policy strategy weeks in advance of the public debate. By J Vivian Cooke On Tuesday, the Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) published the report of the Consultative Forum on International Security Policy. It is a balanced, thoughtful and worthy document consistent with the proceedings of the Forum that were, themselves, balanced, thoughtful and worthy. The Forum and its Chair, Louise Richardson, have succeeded admirably within its terms of reference. Over the course of four days, the Forum hosted 12 panel discussions featuring around 50 experts and heard numerous contributions from members of the audience attending. In addition, the Forum received 835 written submissions. Richardson has done well to herd these conceptual cats into a report that brings far more clarity and order to the diverse opinions expressed, characteristics that are not so evident in my own recollection or notes. The report provides a paragraph summary of each panel discussed before sketching out the contending opinions on what emerged as the key themes of the debate. In all, it is a fair representation of a public consultation that was run well. Unfortunately, it is the Forum’s terms of reference that doom this report to anything more than academic interest It transpires that there is a very broad-based consensus about the parameters within which Irish foreign policy operates. There is a near-unanimous agreement that Neutrality should be preserved; that foreign policy should be pursued on a multilateral basis; and that there is an urgent requirement for significant increases in Ireland’s defence spending. In fact, any sharp points of discord are only discernable at the margins of this national consensus; with the opposing extremes respectively embracing with enthusiasm or being repelled in horror by the very suggestion that Ireland would deepen its security cooperation with the US and/or European countries, through the institutional framework of either NATO or the EU.  Such divisions that do exist within the settled field of Irish foreign policy tend to reflect how far individuals are willing to trust any government of the day with discretionary powers to respond flexibly to rapid, evolving crises in opposition to the exercise of parliamentary and public oversight and restraint. In practical terms, this expresses itself in the debate about the Triple Lock and the proposal, received in written submissions but not much discussed in the Forum, to enshrine the policy of neutrality in the constitution. The note of disapproval in the normally impeccably impartial Richardson is unmistakable in her comment: “It will be important to ensure that future Irish governments have maximum flexibility to respond with deliberation and speed when called upon to ensure the safety and security of our citizens” is positively damning. Unfortunately, it is the Forum’s terms of reference that doom this report to anything more than academic interest. These terms state bluntly that only “the Tanaiste will consider the report produced by the Chairperson and will decide whether to bring recommendations to Government.” It was, as the Chairperson noted “a national conversation” but, crucially, “it is not the purpose of the report to make policy recommendations to the Government.” Although Micheál Martin promised a whole-of-government approach to the exercise, he failed to deliver even a whole-of-department approach. The cabinet approved the Forum on 5 April 2023, yet, on 1 June, a mere three weeks before the Forum held its first session, the Department of Foreign Affairs published its Statement of Strategy 2023-2025. The DFA’s impatience to fix its strategy for the next two years denied it the valuable insights that they themselves were trying so hard to cultivate. And their desultory, uninspiring and unimaginative Statement of Strategy is manifestly poorer for that lacuna. During this period, nine other departments (Justice, Children, Housing, Tourism, Further and Higher Education, Transport, Agriculture, Enterprise and Social Protection) engaged in far less elaborate public consultations in preparing their statements of strategies. Despite the imminent start of a public forum to debate its strategy, the DFA pushed on with its statement without any public input of any kind. The contradiction inherent in the DFA’s rush to publish its Statement of Strategy ineluctably casts the relevance of the whole Forum process into doubt. Although Micheál Martin promised a whole-of-government approach to the exercise, he failed to deliver even a whole-of-department approach The Terms of Reference for the Forum stated that “the Consultative Forum is designed to build public understanding and generate discussions on the link between the State’s foreign, security and defence policies.” Village Magazine can attest that the sessions were nuanced and well-informed by practitioners and academics who embraced the complexities of navigating international relations as a small European wealthy island. The report is a valuable document for anyone interested in Irish foreign and defence policies. The tragedy is that the DFA would have benefitted in delaying publishing their statement had they bothered to listen to the national debate they had spent so much time and effort informing.

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