T
HE RAGE of London at the moment is a self-consciously
anonymous blog called The secret barristerwhich is
an expoof the profession of a criminal barrister and
indeed of the criminal justice system written by a junior
counsel specialising in criminal law. This blog aims to
provide a fly-on-the-wall view of the criminal justice system, and
of life at the Criminal Bar in general. He writes for the
New States-
man
,
The Sun
,
The Mirror
and
Huffington Post
. His first book,
Stories of The Law and How It’s Broken, published in March, is a
bestseller.
If the author had named himself the professional repercussions
would not have stinted so, sagely, he has not. The book is writ-
ten with an avowed sense of sadness, indignation and anger
grounded in an overarching desire to secure a measure of fairness
within the criminal justice system. The morphology of the book is
to take a criminal case from inception to conclusion to show what
goes wrong – to demonstrate that which is unfair.
The books argument, delphically stated and perhaps not fleshed
out in the detail it should, is that we are moving from a criminal
justice system to a
criminal
system which risks presumptions of
guilt. The presumption of innocence which is a British creation is
central to justice in a civilised system. But the scruple-based pro-
cess has become telescoped and mere accusation is now
criminalisation. The hallowed, flawed system is losing its protec-
tions and safeguards.
There is, in criminal justice possibly more than any other sphere
of public life, a devastating lack of public education, exacerbated
by inaccurate, ill-informed media reports and political pronounce-
ments that betray an ignorance of the legal system that stretches
up to the very top of government. This lack of understanding
means that politicians escape scrutiny when terrible things are
wreaked upon criminal justice
such as the policy that you can
be wrongly accused of an off ence,
denied legal aid and then denied
the cost of your private legal fees
even when acquitted and that,
when we see a legal story
reported in the press such as
the latest ‘look at how much
legal aid this murderer received
from your taxes' – we often lack
the tools to critically evaluate it.
Now I agree with all this and it
corresponds with my professional experience in Ireland and the
United Kingdom. We are not far from the point that corrupt and
(in Ireland) criminal state authorities use an accusation to create
a snowball ef fect, Often an accusation alone touted and reinforced
by a dirty and compliant media is enough to destroy. Once the
machiner y of mediocrit y and state incompetence gets a half baked
sense of an accusation the whole thing trundles along and guilt
or innocence are merely matters of happenstance. This is aug-
mented by the cult of the pseudo-expert: a three-week training
course alone underpinning the pontificator’s cant.
This is accentuated in Ireland by our deeply corrupt and crimi-
nal professional classes and as we have seen the toxic relationship
between TUSLA, the Department of Injustice and the bar with its
illusory independence. In the UK I have not seen not overt state
criminality though I recognise the book’s theme of derelict state
disclosure of favourable unused material in the practice of the
criminal bar here in London where I am now working. In an extraor-
dinary 87 per cent of cases audit trails show the disclosure of
evidence to defence lawyers from the police or Crown Prosecution
Service to be unsatisfactory,
In my view this is systemic, as the police, social services, aca-
demics and an over-burdened professional class are making
decisions in conditions of radical uncertainty and often with lim-
3 2
July-August 
Only a covert counsel can splash the dirt as the presumption of
suspects innocence takes a popular pounding
The Secret Barrister
The Secret Barrister
Pan Macmillan
Published March 2018
Reviewed by David Langwallner
POLITICS
An Irish book would
be much more
depressing. At
least here in the UK
outcomes are not
predetermined
July-August 
3 3
ited training.
Putting victims first, witness protection and the prohibition of
hard and intimidating cross-examination is very dangerous. It pro-
tects liars and fabricators. A cloak of protection engineered by
police, social workers and a dumbed down culture protecting those
who enlist the nanny state of the semi competent.
Advocates have a right to annihilate people and not to be
stopped in their tracks, as I was recently, if they reduce someone
to tears where necessary.
Through lack of training, under-resourcing, lack of motivation
and a drop in standards the system is descending in both jurisdic-
tions into chaos.
The systems flaws are not those of the people who work within
it, but are imposed: by the State. Each flaw is:
...either deliberately designed – such as the Innocence Tax, (the
Legal Aid Act 2012 under which defendants find themselves mas-
sively out of pocket even when found not guilty) or the restriction
of compensation for miscarriages of justice or is the product of
populist, tough-on-crime, anti-defendant posturing, or betrays
warped spending priorities where politicians persuade voters that
one penny off a pint of lager is a better investment than a work-
ing justice system”.
Moreover, as the Secret Barrister notes:
“Part of the problem, as well, is the legal profession. We do a
stunningly poor job of explaining to people what the law is, and
why it matters. Too many of us are content to busy ourselves in
our own work, safe in the knowledge that what we do is impor-
tant, but without feeling the need to deconstruct for the man on
the street why two wigged figures incanting Latin before an old
man wearing a giant purple robe, and the obscured codes and
rules governing this mediaeval ritual, has any relevance to their
everyday life. We then wonder why there is an obvious disconnect
between the legal system and the people it exists to serve and
protect”.
He is concerned about the ethical compass of vulture solicitors,
as am I.
He does not say much about the art of the advocate per se but
much about how cuts over time and an increasing workload have
diminished the quality of justice and the profession. He is scath-
ing of minor prosecutions: “Much prosecuting in the magistrates
court takes the form of someone getting to their feet and present-
ing a case they have never set eyes on before”.
In a sense being an advocate is a vocation and a truth-telling
and truth-eliciting exercise. The object like an artist is to estab-
lish the truth or as near an approximation of it as possible or at
the very least to trade in ambiguity and complexity to create ascer-
tainable and, what is still the hallmark of the jury system,
reasonable, doubt.
Initially
Stories of The Law and How It’s Broken
shows that such
matters as trial by jury and the presumption of innocence, so central
to British and Irish justice, are not as sacred as is of ten assumed but
rather are relativistic cultural practices, constantly eroded, and that
the inquisitorial system, favoured in mainland European countries,
where a case-hardened judge with the assistance of a prosecutor
builds up a le over a number of years provides a more obvious route
to the truth. However, ultimately the book rather hedges its bets on
that. Yes an inquisitorial system is more likely to get to the truth in
theory. The opposite will be the case if the inquisitor is a compro-
mised state official and neither neutral nor objective but subject to
political influence. The book also addresses very markedly the dan-
gers of political inuence in engineering a prosecution or an outcome.
So the attempt to prosecute the organiser of the Catalan referendum
Puidgemonte for treason or the prosecution of the Anti Austerity Alli-
ance in Ireland for false imprisonment arising out of a water protest
are politically motivated, with the criminals the state.
In my experience of the respective systems, the UK is better: its
judges independent unlike in Ireland where an exclusively inquisito-
rial system would be a disaster as our history of witless public
Inquiries show. English inquiries are typically shorter in time than
ours and actually get to the truth in the face of the non-disclosures
and deceptions of the state.
Inquisitorial and adversarial systems are not of course the only
systems of justice. The author also instances historic and contempo-
rar y practices of other systems such as the payment of blood money
or in medieval times the wergild involving paying the victim off.
The mysterious author sides ulti-
mately with the right to trial by
jury. Despite its deficiencies, he
argues, at the ver y least the jur y is
an independent non-state actor,
recalibrating the process in favour
of fairness. Ultimately the evidence
can be tested by independent bar-
risters unleashing the forensic
voodoo arts of cross examination
and the alchemy that is advocacy
and, in particular, a closing speech.
He is unduly critical of the dis-
trict judges I have seen and appeared before in England many of
whom are very conscientious and certainly much better, in my view,
than most sectors of the Irish judiciary where summary justice is
increasingly evident at the higher levels and our political appoint-
ments structure has not led to the elevation of highly qualified and
independent judges.
He closes the book warnings of the incoming juggernaut of US liti-
gation practices, increasingly evident in Ireland, of a total disconnect
between the greedy pursuit of self interest and justice. Among
lawyers.
It is jaw dropping but an Irish book would be much more depress-
ing. At least here in the UK the state, the police force, the justice
department, and usually the lawyers are not intentionally crimi-
nal. Outcomes are not predetermined.
The rule of law, fair procedures and the presumption of inno-
cence in a system creaking at the edges are still in evidence
whereas in Ireland it has simply broken down, already.
Ireland awaits its own Secret Barrister.
And a proper system of criminal justice for those with the least
in this unforgiving society.
David Langwallner is an Irish barrister, founder of Ireland’s Inno-
cence project, who now practises from Great James St chambers
in London.
We are moving from
a criminal justice
system to a criminal
system which risks
presumptions of guilt

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