76ī˜˜June 2015
INTERNATIONAL UN
N
EGOTIATIONS on the UN Sustain-
able Development Goals (SDGs)
may still be ongoing, but the
debate is shifting to questions of imple-
mentation. A strange logic is evident. A
highly technocratic market-driven
model of delivery is envisaged rather
than any focus on embedding these
goals in national political life. There
appears to be little appetite to commit
the substantial new public resources,
estimated at over $ī˜Ÿ.ī˜™tn, required to
meet the goals.
The SDGs are to be universal to all
countries. They cover a vast range of
areas. Previously, there were eight Mil-
lennium Development Goals, focused on
priority basic development areas. There
are now seventeen SDGs, addressing the
full range of economic, social and envi-
ronmental objectives which constitute
the daily public life of a modern nation.
It is all about choices, contradictions
and possible pathways when it comes to
implementing the SDGs. Issues which
are priorities for one nation, are not so
vital for another. Decisions around what
gets prioritised in any one country have
to be embedded in the political choices
of that nation if they are to be legitimate
and meaningful. The SDGs must be
democratically accountable if they are
to be achieved.
Preparations for this new SDG era is,
however, giving rise to a new breed of
ā€˜contract readyā€™ international NGOs,
focused almost entirely on delivery of
services connected to one or more of the
SDGs. This new breed, such as the Adam
Smith International, are winning con-
tracts from local NGOs. Donors are
favouring large-scale consortia with a
private-sector ethos. In the case of the
UK Department for International Devel-
opment this is accompanied by a
ā€˜payment by resultsā€™ approach. Multi-
national NGO conglomerates are
driving out smaller independent organi-
sations as a result.
In the absence of any signiļ¬cant com-
mitment from governments to address
fundamental inequalities in the global
economy, SDG delivery will mainly
come down to new global initiatives by
partnerships involving major private-
sector entities like Unilever and Coca
cola. Last year, Unilever signed a multi-
million dollar partnership with
Solidaridad, aimed at improving liveli-
hoods through their supply chain.
Engaging in such partnerships is set to
become the new norm.
On the surface, such a shift seems
logical. NGOs and corporations
join forces to achieve common
goals, or in business speak to
ā€˜create shared valueā€™. This
ensures economies of scale,
greater integration, and faster
speed of response. Multina-
tionals can readily achieve
ā€˜market penetration at the
bottom of the pyramidā€™.
However, this shift will
have serious repercussions
for local civil society
organisations across the
world and their capacity
to engage in social
action and seek
accountability. It will
have serious repercus-
sions for the global
justice organisations
that still support
them. Funding for
thousands of local
NGOs, particularly
community-based
organisations, that are
unable to meet the audit
and reporting standards
of the ā€˜contract readyā€™
NGO, is under threat.
This goes to the
heart of the concept of
human development.
It reļ¬‚ects a fracture
between approaches to
development that
have co-existed for
decades. On the one
hand, there are those who see the busi-
ness of development as needs-based,
involving direct provision of essential
services and, essentially, stepping in
where government canā€™t or wonā€™t pro-
vide. Speed and scale are oļ¬€ the essence.
On the other hand, there are those who
see development as about human rights
involving action to enable and empower
communities to hold duty bearers to
account. Local knowledge, community
participation, and political accountabil-
ity are central.
The SDGs are broad enough to
embrace both approaches, but
the needs-based, service-provi-
sion model backed by private
ļ¬nance now has the upper hand.
The drive towards contract-
based SDG provision could lock
in an approach to development
co-operation that is heavily
skewed towards this service-
provision model. The big
question then is what happens
to the local NGOs that focus on
democratic governance, par-
ticipation, empowerment and
human rights?
Civil society organisations
across the world are already
under pressure in retaining
their democratic freedoms
to engage in social action
and participatory
accountability. Finding
funding for such work is
increasingly challenging.
In countries like Kenya,
Ethiopia and Zimbabwe
there is an insidious secu-
rity discourse emerging
about international NGOs
being agents of foreign
interference. These coun-
tries are already using
legal, policy, and ļ¬nancial
means to obstruct the
work of vocal local
NGOs. They would hap-
pily take the help of SDG
contract-ready partner-
ships that absolve them
of their responsibilities
and make no noise, in preference to the
involvement of organisations that sup-
port a vibrant and challenging civil
society. How INGOs position themselves
in regard to these issues over the
coming months is critical. ā€¢
Two ways to implement Sustainable Development Goals: Government-replacement and
Community-building. By Lorna Gold
UN is not Coca-Cola
A new breed
of ā€˜contract
readyā€™
international
NGOs, focus
on delivery
of services
rather than
encouraging
activism
ā€œ
Lorna Gold is Head of
Policy and Advocacy
with TrĆ³caire
UN is different