
Zhdun, and to ask why him in par ticular would be akin to raking
over the hermeneutical minutiae of Ronald McDonald before
buying a Big Mac; you can if you wish but it really isn’t
necessary.
And if that was the full extent of the zhdunian repertoire then
no doubt he would fail to be a figure worthy of enquiry. How-
ever, the alien has a darker side and will reward those who wish
to peel back the layers and look inside, redolent of the mysteri-
ous allure of an r-rated matryoshka.
The meme spills over from the kitsch fairground of the selfie
to the unseemly twilight of the Russian political game, where
the real and unreal meet in the performance of power, even spin-
ning back asymptotically to the Soviet memoriam, the past life of the
Russian Federation and a metaphysical space open to boundless inter-
pretation. Here we find Zhdun recast as implacable judge passing down
sentence to Alexey Navalniy, the totemic leader of the non-systemic oppo-
sition, or as one of the court officers looking on with dispassionate
disinterest, now lithe and angular.
Alternatively, we see the alien wrapped in a Soviet-red headscarf
warning computer users of the dangers of idle chatter or barging into the
particularly esteemed company of Roosevelt, Churchill and Stalin one
evening in Yalta. In his political garb Zhdun sits in the Ukrainian parlia-
ment with a smattering of deputies waiting for the country’s business to
take centre stage, or is pictured in Saint Petersburg looking on at the
seemingly never-to-be-completed building of a football stadium; he even
sympathises with Vladimir Putin as he is kept momentarily waiting by
Recep Erdogan at a meeting in Turkey, “Well, waiting for the next
election?”.
From play to politics the central feature remains the same, the experi-
ence of waiting, whether for the impossible fulfilment of teenage fantasy
or re-modulated as the ceaseless, never-ending revolving door of Kafka,
where participant is stripped of agency and doomed to walk the wheels
of a big machine. Zhdun may play the role of system representative,
meting down justice and edict from the impasse of a celestial bureau-
cracy, the alien’s amorphous features akin to the f aceless void, unfeeling,
uncaring, as Crowley’s ‘dweller in the abyss’, Choronzon, standing between
the world of man and self-realisation.
Conversely, Zhdun may be cast as citizen, his vague visage signifying
the everyman, the unknown soldier, condemned to an anonymity he is
powerless to affect as he looks in at the party he will not be invited to,
in some sort of absurd political aquarium where the exhibits make the
rules.
‘It is Zhdun’s very malleability, his amorphousness, that lends itself to
such re-interpretation. The alien’s features impute a passiveness, a pas-
sivity, an inability to act or move or speak or resist; symbolically, he has
no mouth, and therefore, in effect, he cannot speak or be spoken to, he
has no legs, he cannot move or be moved. All we have is a large ill-defined
circle with two large eyes watching on unblinkingly, while the two arms,
pathetic and disproportionate, straddle the stomach with a resigned
acceptance. This may inculcate the futility of resisting that which is irre-
sistible, or indicate the limbo experienced by the human animal as it floats
about, trapped in the interstices, when in thrall to large dehumanising
institutions.
It is this sense of waiting, this feeling of being impossibly silenced yet
inescapably implicated, as the patient anaesthetised yet horribly awake,
that strikes a chord with the Russian cyber generation. This affinity may
be couched in a mocking absurdist humour or charged with a genuine
subversive will.
Navalniy's campaign against Dmitry Medvedev
This internet generation and its offshoots have been called the post-
Bolotnaya youth of Russia, after the square where protests broke out in
Moscow in 2012 following Putin’s inauguration. It has been said that
Zhdun stands for this segment of Russian society;
highly aware yet wholly marginalised, plugged-in
yet seemingly powerless.
This burgeoning civil society emerged from the ranks of the youthful,
urban internet-users of Yekaterinburg, Vladivostok and Moscow, who
sought not revolution but a reformation of state institutions and appara-
tuses, an end to corruption and something more representative for their
democracy to represent. Those that would seek change have been increas
-
ingly pushed to the side and silenced; by the 2014 interdiction on the
freedom of assembly, by media collusion, foreign agent laws and a gen-
eral circumscription of civil society.
Although, as seen in May this year in protests across Russia, again fol-
lowing the inauguration, the space for genuine action and protest still
remains for those willing to step forward, take the risk and cleave open
the necessary cavity. It seems that there has never been a machinery built
large enough that the right group, at the right time, cannot manage it.
It should also be said that these Zhduns, these indefatigable lookers-
on, many of whom are wholly disenchanted with the never-ending Putin
story may also use their impressive critical faculties for observing the
moving world elsewhere. Nowhere is this truer than in Ukraine, where we
have two crises inextricably intertwined, the Ukrainian and the Ukraine.
The former crisis attesting to the internal inconsistencies and disharmony
that plague the country, the latter the power games taking place bet ween
an expansive US using twenty-first century universalist language to
achieve nineteenth-century imperialist aims, a naïve and mind-bogglingly
inept EU and a largely reactionar y Russia drawing a line in the sand across
a country that is equal parts brother and equal parts self, all for the soul
of Ukraine.
These post-Bolotnaya Zhdun youths may seek to extricate themselves
and Russia from a thinly-veiled authoritarianism, but that does not mean
they will so willingly give up their Russian pride and run into the arms of
a West that forever says one thing and does another, raising hypocrisy to
the status of exalted fetish, and forever refusing to see things from Rus-
sia’s point of view.
The alien’s folds unfurl to reveal not only the vagaries of trifling love
and the joyous meaninglessness of memolog y but also the deeper malaise
of a generation not being heard. They watch on with an almost self-debas-
ing voyeurism as power inexorably perpetuates itself, and perhaps Zhdun
stands not only for the dull enervation of a real and imagined incapacity,
but also for a people who would ask questions, who do want answers,
who do want change.
But what is it that they want, what is it that they
are waiting for?
It is not too hard to imagine what twenty-something, urban, plugged-in,
socially-aware Russian internet users want when they look out at the world
through the prism of their computer. More than likely, much like the rest
of us, it begins with those little things that have the largest proportions
– free and unfettered access to information, unrestricted internet, the right
to mess around on social media, exchange ideas, discuss bits and pieces
and engage in the time-honoured art of bullshitting. At a higher level, an
July-August 2018
Wait for me
Zhdun is cute, his large imploring eyes bespeak the
adoring child, or the doting pet, or the large neotenous
features so seemingly de rigueur with Japanese women.
If one is to mine the inexhaustible ground of the
Russian online world one will find our cuddly meme
endlessly mired in romantic entanglement or selfie
liaison, with captions such as “wait for me”, “I’ll wait
for you”, “please, don’t make me wait”, “you’re the one
I’m waiting for”.
Not being able to answer back he may make the
ultimate companion, the lifemate-in-waiting, saecula
saeculorum. Any snap can be given a warm dollop of
frivolity with the inclusion of the cuddly and dazzlingly
passive Zhdun, and to ask why him in particular would
be akin to raking over the hermeneutical minutiae of
Ronald McDonald before buying a Big Mac; you can if
you wish but it really isn’t necessary.
Waitforme