Lands purchased for €500,000 in 2016 are put up for sale for €4.2 million in 2020 after planning obtained on behalf of sons of Councillor who discussed their rezoning
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Community Hospital Ireland could have been a viable answer to our hospital-capacity crisis
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Leo always delivers
WhatsApp correspondence shows Varadkar transferred confi dential IMO contract to rival medical organisation, a crime under the Offi cial Secrets Act and maybe under the Corruption Act, carrying a penalty of up to 10 years in jail and prohibition from offi ce
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Trustworthiness
Biden is unexciting and past his best but not mad. ‘Vote Joe’
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Margaret Urwin is known for her work with Justice for the Forgotten/the Pat Finucane Centre. Her published works include the pamphlet Counter-gangs (2012) which describes the activities of undercover British special force units in Ireland in the 1970s. In 2016 she published the highly- regarded ‘A State in Denial: British Collaboration with Loyalist Paramilitaries‘. She has now added ‘Fermanagh, From Plantation to Peace Process’ to this body of work. It delves back deeper into Irish history to help us understand the present. The book takes the reader on a compelling historical tour of Fermanagh. The early chapters deal with the Plantation and the Rebellion of 1641 and draw on depositions preserved by Trinity College, original material that brings the era vividly to life. The author then moves through the Cromwellian era and the Williamite wars. The penal laws, the famine, the Orange Order, Catholic emancipation, WW1 and the Easter Rising – and more – are all covered later. Focusing on the period from the 1920s onwards, Urwin examines what life was like in the new six-county state of Northern Ireland after partition – the systemic discrimination against Catholics in all areas of life; the role played by the Free State government; the fiasco of the Boundary Commission; the distrust of the Protestant community of their Catholic neighbours due to the IRA campaign of 1956-62; the more recent IRA campaign in the county which began after the introduction of internment in 1971. She reflects on the short-lived loyalist campaign in the county which ceased permanently in the mid-1970s, unlike in neighbouring counties, Tyrone and Armagh. Based on official declassified British and Irish Government documents, the role of the border during the conflict and Irish Government co-operation with its British counterparts are analysed while claims of ethnic cleansing and genocide are tested. The core of the book is the detailed analysis of all conflict-related deaths in the county which boosts the biographies contained in the seminal publication, Lost Lives. Case studies of particular killings are provided, e.g. Protestant civilians and alleged informers killed by the IRA; the Enniskillen bombing; the notorious ‘Pitchfork’ murders carried out by members of the British Army; the killing of IRA members by the SAS and loyalist killings of Catholic civilians. A consistent thread throughout the centuries is the enduring influence exerted by the Fermanagh aristocracy including the earls of Enniskillen, Erne and Belmore, and Baronets Archdale and Brookeborough. (The Brookeboroughs were later upgraded to Viscounts). An example of this influence occurred during the land war. This was a period of remarkable cohesion between Catholic and Protestant tenants, which gained a particular momentum in Fermanagh. (Urwin has drawn on local and national newspapers to bring this era to life). Throughout the period the aristocracy had met with limited success in their efforts to cause division but as Urwin demonstrates: In the autumn of 1882, Parnell disbanded the Land League and established in its place the Irish National League. The aims of the new organisation were more political than agrarian, the main objective being to assist the Home Rule movement. This decision sounded the death knell to Protestant and Catholic cohesion around the land issue. This at last provided the aristocracy with the opportunity they were hoping for and brought about an end to this sadly short-lived period of Catholic-Protestant cohesion The influence of the Fermanagh aristocracy was maintained up until the last century when one of their own, Sir Basil Brooke, served as prime minister of Northern Ireland 1943-63. Coming into more modern times, Urwin has conducted personal interviews with living witnesses. One of them was a participant during the IRA’s Border Campaign, Operation Harvest, 1956-62. He was involved in the best-known engagement of that conflict, the IRA raid on the RUC barracks at Brookeborough during which Seán South and Fergal O’Hanlon were killed. A fascinating fact which is brought to light in the book was the short-duration of the loyalist campaign in the county. Killings by loyalists ceased in 1975 and did not resume. This may possibly be attributed to the fact that Fermanagh is bordered on three sides by four counties of the Republic – Monaghan, Cavan, Leitrim and Donegal. Fermanagh loyalists may have felt more vulnerable to cross-border retaliation by IRA units than their neighbouring counties. Urwin has identified another interesting fact about Fermanagh namely that it is the only county in present-day Northern Ireland that has an Anglican, as opposed to a Presbyterian, majority. Another section of the book deals with the election of hunger striker Bobby Sands as MP for Fermanagh-South Tyrone in April 1981. Urwin has unearthed new material in Britain’s National Archives. During the election campaign British officials were deeply concerned that Sands might win or, at least, get a ‘respectable’ vote. The implication of such an outcome would suggest that the Provos were a democratic alternative to the SDLP. However, the consensus among them was that a win for Sands was highly unlikely. They reckoned that, at most, 15-20,000 nationalists would vote for him. They were proved wrong and Sands emerged victorious. The result had a polarising effect which aroused huge resentment in the Protestant community. They felt betrayed by their Catholic neighbours. The events touched upon in this review are merely illustrative of the scope and breadth of this fascinating book. It will undoubtedly be received well in the subject county but has much to commend it to a wider audience. Fermanagh, From Plantation to Peace Process is published by Eastwood Books, www.eastwoodbooks.com
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These four questions need now to be asked in the Dáil, as Leo Varadkar has not replied to Village‘s attempt to get answers. By Michael Smith. Since we live in a democracy lying to the Dáil is a resigning offence. Village has made the case that the Tánaiste Leo Varadkar has run to cover over his leak of the confidential IMO-negotiated contract to his mate. Meanwhile most though not all of the media have moved on to the next issue. Here are the questions I asked of the Tánaiste on Monday 16 November. I annotate them below: “Dear Tánaiste,Thank-you for the email I received on your behalf…on 13 November.It remains unclear which precisely of the alleged encounters referred to in https://villagemagazine.ie/at-least-10-times-not-2-or-3/ you have denied. Can you provide clarification?Are you still claiming that you were in Barcelona at a time that proves you could not have had any particular one of the ten alleged encounters with Dr Ó Tuathail; and if so can you please say when in 2019 you were in Barcelona?Can you please state whether Matt Barrett spoke to Dr Ó Tuathail on your behalf or otherwise, during the nine days you referred to in the Dáil, about the leak affair and/or its fallout; and whether during that period Mr Barrett spoke to Dr Ó Tuathail about the accuracy of the references to the encounters that were referred to in Village‘s statement, or about Dr Ó Tuathail denying them. Can you please say if you forwarded the brochure and any other correspondence you received by WhatsApp or otherwise from Dr Ó Tuathail promoting Community Hospital Ireland, as opposed to Community Health Ireland, on a private account, to an official government account. I would be grateful for a reply tomorrow 17 November to meet a deadline”. No reply was received. Here are explanations of the questions: 1) It remains unclear which precisely of the alleged encounters referred to in https://villagemagazine.ie/at-least-10-times-not-2-or-3/ you have denied. Can you provide clarification? [AS PART OF HIS EFFORT TO DENY LAWBREAKING THE TÁNAISTE CLAIMED THE PURPOSE OF LEAKING THE DOCUMENT COULD NOT HAVE BEEN TO ADVANCE THE INTERESTS OF HIS FRIEND MATT Ó TUATHAIL, PRESIDENT OF THE NAGP, AS HE WAS NOT A CLOSE FRIEND BUT SOMEONE HE WOULD MEET “TWO OR THREE TIMES A YEAR”. VARADKAR CONJURED AN IMAGE OF HIMSELF AS TAOISEACH SOWING HARMONY BETWEEN THE NAGP (AN ORGANISATION SOME OF WHOSE LEADERS MAY SHORTLY BE PROSECUTED FOR THEFT AND CORRUPTION) AND THE IMO. VILLAGE TORPEDOED THIS DEFENCE WITH EVIDENCED ALLEGATIONS OF TEN MEETINGS IN 2019. IT SAID THAT IT DID NOT NEED TO PROVE ALL OF THESE FOR IT TO BE EVIDENT THAT THE NUMBER OF MEETINGS WAS QUALITATIVELY DIFFERENT – OF A DIFFERENT ORDER – FROM TWO OR THREE, ESPECIALLY WHEN NO NORMAL PERSON RECORDS ANYTHING MORE THAN A FRACTION OF THEIR SOCIAL ENGAGEMENTS WITH A FRIEND, ON WHATSAPP! VARADKAR THEN SEEMS TO HAVE DISPROVED ONE MEETING, ON 30 JUNE 2019 – WHEN HE WAS IN BRUSSELS THE DAY AFTER HE, PASCHAL DONOHOE, SIMON HARRIS, KATE O’CONNELL TD AND OTHERS IN FINE GAEL HAD BEEN PHOTOGRAPHED MEETING Ó’TUATHAIL DURING 2019’S PRIDE FESTIVITIES. WE ATTACH A NEW PHOTO OF O’TUATHAIL WITH HARRIS AND O’CONNELL THAT DAY. CHAY BOWES RECEIVED TEXTS FROM Ó TUATHAIL SHOWING HE WAS UP VERY LATE [HE SAID HE FELT “FUCKED”] FOLLOWING PRIDE AND WAS EXPECTING TO MEET DONOHOE AND VARADKAR ON 30 JUNE. LIKE SOME MEETINGS PLANNED THE NIGHT BEFORE, IT CLEARLY DID NOT HAPPEN AS ENVISAGED. MEANWHILE CHAY BOWES HAS UNEARTHED ANOTHER ALLEGED MEETING BETWEEN Ó TUATHAIL AND VARADKAR (AND HARRIS) – IN THE ROYAL HOSPITAL KILMAINHAM, ON 17/18 AUGUST 2019]. 2) Are you still claiming that you were in Barcelona at a time that proves you could not have had any particular one of the ten alleged encounters with Dr Ó Tuathail; and if so can you please say when in 2019 you were in Barcelona? [IN HIS CRUCIAL RESPONSE TO THE MOTION OF CONFIDENCE IN HIM ON 10 NOVEMBER VARADKAR CLAIMED THAT MANY OF THE CLAIMS MADE ABOUT HIM “WERE TRUMPED UP OR MADE UP”. HE SAID VILLAGE’S ARTICLE “WAS JUST ONE EXAMPLE OF THIS.“IT ALLEGED TEN ENCOUNTERS, MANY OF WHICH SIMPLY DID NOT HAPPEN AND COULD NOT HAVE HAPPENED AS I WAS IN BRUSSELS ON TWO OCCASIONS, BARCELONA ON ONE, OUT OF DUBLIN ON ANOTHER, OR DEMONSTRABLY DOING GOVERNMENT BUSINESS”. THERE IS NO VERIFICATION HE WAS IN BARCELONA OR WITH WHOM HE WAS THERE, AND NO INDICATION BEING OUT OF DUBLIN OR ON GOVERNMENT BUSINESS PRECLUDED MEETING Ó TUATHAIL WHO HAS SAID HIS MEETINGS WERE TYPICALLY VERY INFORMAL. 3) Can you please state whether Matt Barrett spoke to Dr Ó Tuathail on your behalf or otherwise, during the nine days you referred to in the Dáil, about the leak affair and/or its fallout; and whether during that period Mr Barrett spoke to Dr Ó Tuathail about the accuracy of the references to the encounters that were referred to in Village‘s statement, or about Dr Ó Tuathail denying them. [VARADKAR POINTEDLY TOLD THE DÁIL DURING THE CONFIDENCE MOTION THAT HE HAD NOT SPOKEN TO DR Ó TUATHAIL IN NINE DAYS, AFTER HE UNDERSTANDABLY SPOKE TO HIM ON THREE OCCASIONS AFTER VILLAGE‘S STORY BROKE. THIS WOULD BE MEANINGLESS IF ANY ASSOCIATE HAD SPOKEN TO Ó TUATHAIL DURING THIS PERIOD. O’TUATHAIL IS A CLOSER FRIEND TO BARRETT THAN TO VARADKAR. SO SOME OF THE CLOSENESS OF VARADKAR’S FRIENDSHIP COMES VIA THEIR MUTUAL CONNECTION WITH BARRETT. THIS IS BECAUSE THE TWO WORKED TOGETHER IN ST VINCENT’S HOSPITAL AND WOULD GO FOR WEEKLY PINTS UNTIL THE PANDEMIC. IT IS ALSO THE CASE ACCORDING TO Ó TUATHAIL HIMSELF AND TO THE PROBING SUNDAY INDEPENDENT; AND INDEED IS SUGGESTED BY THE FACT THE ONLY PERSON MATT BARRETT FOLLOWED ON TWITTER WAS Ó TUATHAIL UNTIL VILLAGE’S STORY BROKE WHEN THE FOLLOW WAS TERMINATED – ONLY TO BE REINSTATED WHEN Ó TUATHAIL DISHONESTLY DISAVOWED HIS CORRESPONDENCE WITH BOWES TO CONFIRM VARADKAR’S STORY; AND THAT BARRETT ISSUED A CONTEMPORANEOUS STATEMENT TO CHIME WITH Ó TUATHAIL’S STORY]. 4) Can you please say if you forwarded the brochure and any other correspondence you received by WhatsApp or otherwise from Dr Ó Tuathail promoting Community Hospital Ireland, as opposed to Community Health Ireland, on a private account, to an official government account. [ON 5 NOVEMBER THE TÁNAISTE TOLD
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On Thursday Village‘s editor, Michael Smith, wrote to Leo Varadkar: “Dear Tánaiste, You referred in the Dáil on 10 November to the impossibility of yourhaving had ten encounters in 2019 with Dr Matt Ó Tuathail. You saidmany of the encounters referred to athttps://villagemagazine.ie/at-least-10-times-not-2-or-3/ wereimpossible. Can you please say how many, and which of them, youconsider you have now shown – as opposed to just stated withoutevidence – did not happen. Can you kindly please give informationthat shows you were in Barcelona at a time that proves you could nothave had any particular one of the ten alleged encounters with Dr ÓTuathail. You also pointedly told the Dáil you had not spoken to Dr Ó Tuathailin nine days, after you understandably spoke to him on three occasionsafter Village‘s story broke. Can you please state whether MattBarrett spoke to Dr Ó Tuathail on your behalf or otherwise about theleak affair and/or its fallout in that nine-day period. Can you please say if you ever discussed Community Hospital Irelandwith Dr Ó Tuathail. I would be grateful for a reply within 24 hours to meet a deadline. Kind regards,Michael Smith Editor, Village Magazine6 Ormond Quay Upper, Dublin 7, Ireland”. This evening (Friday) a spokesperson for the Tánaiste replied: “The Tánaiste answered questions on these matters in two sittings and over five hours of Dáil debate. In relation to Community Health Ireland, Dr. O’Toole sent a brochure to the Tánaiste in November 2018 for information and informed him that it was being piloted in co-operation with the HSE. The Tánaiste did not take any further action on the matter”.
