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    Prince Andrew has no need to sweat after publication of the Janner paedophile report.

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      By Joseph de Burca. Prince Andrew is hardly in a sweat after the publication of the report on Lord Greville Janner by the Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse (IICSA). Janner was a paedophile who abused boys and girls. IICSA has confirmed what has been known for decades, namely that witness statements taken by the British police went missing instead of being sent to the Director of Public Prosecutions. Aside from confirming known facts, the report has added little to our knowledge of VIP sex abuse. Interested readers are invited to look at Village’s free online book which addresses VIP child sex abuse. It starts here: The Anglo-Irish Vice Ring. Chapters 1 – 3. Janner was one of a special group of VIP paedophiles which was protected by Whitehall’s darkest forces including MI5.  Other beneficiaries included Margaret Thatcher’s private Secretary Sir Peter Morrison MP, Sir Cyril Smith MP and Sir Peter Hayman, the Deputy Chief of MI6. Significantly, during its investigation into Janner, IICSA received the evidence of a former ‘rent boy’ from Belfast called Alan Kerr. Kerr’s life story was published by Village over two parts in 2018. (This was before he engaged with IICSA.) As a child, Kerr was let down badly by the NI welfare system and became an underage prostitute. He ended up in London where he still lives. By the age of 18, Kerr had fallen into Janner’s clutches.  Janner once brought him to a performance of ‘The Prince and the Pauper’ where the pair met Prince Andrew. Prior to the event, Kerr was vetted by Scotland Yard/ MI5. The reason for the vetting was because Kerr was being put on the Royal’s guest list. The reason for the vetting was because Kerr was being put on the Royal’s guest list. The security officials approved his attendance. This happened despite the fact Kerr had convictions for sex related offences and was the brother of Richard Kerr, the boy who had blown the whistle on the Kincora Boys’ Home scandal in Belfast a few years earlier. MI5 was deeply involved in the Kincora scandal. Whatever about Kincora, Janner knew that Alan Kerr was a male prostitute who was known to the police. In other words, Janner was prepared to let Scotland Yard and MI5 know that he wanted to bring a practicing rent boy to the event. Clearly, Janner knew he had nothing to hide  from MI5. During the performance, Janner let Kerr and Prince Andrew talk to each other without interruption. The pair were seated directly behind Prince Andrew during the performance. Why did Prince Andrew seat Janner directly behind him? Prince Andrew is currently facing a civil legal action brought by Virginia Roberts (Giufree). She accuses him of having raped her. She was procured for the Royal by Jeffrey Epstein and Ghislaine Maxwell. It is beginning to look increasingly like Lord Janner was acting in a similar capacity for the Prince. Why did Janner think the Royal might be interested in meeting  and talking to a teenage rent boy? While the Prince was friendly and told Alan Kerr that he would be visiting Belfast later that year, he never made any arrangement to meet him again. Did MI5 warn the Royal subsequently that Alan Kerr was the younger brother of the boy who had blown the whistle on the Kincora scandal a few years earlier? None of this – nor anything remotely connected to it – is  addressed by the IICSA report. It is doubtful that the IICSA sought or was given MI5’s file on Alan Kerr or Prince Andrew. Alan Kerr is not named in the IICSA  Report. IICSA failed to investigate child sex abuse perpetrated by VIPs such as Enoch Powell MP, Jim Molyneaux MP and Knox Cunningham (all of whom were members of the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring) despite the fact IICSA was set up to probe sex abuse by VIPs. There is nothing in the IICSA report on Janner which even hints that it sought Prince Andrew’s guest list for the performance of ‘The Prince and the Pauper’ which Kerr attended as one of the listed guests. There is nothing in the IICSA report on Janner which even hints that it sought Prince Andrew’s guest list for the performance of ‘The Prince and the Pauper’ which Kerr attended as one of the listed guests Prince Andrew was not asked to provide evidence by the IICSA. Prince Andrew was not asked to provide evidence by the IICSA. Fr. Dougal McGuire would probably have done a better job at finding the truth about VIP abuse than the IICSA. Last week the Metropolitan police confirmed that it will not be investigating Prince Andrew for the abuse of Virginia Roberts. The sad and depressing reality is that MI5 has monitored the sexual excesses of members of the Royal Family, politicians and other persons of influence for decades. Lord Mountbatten was another member of the Royal Family who abused children, including boys from Kincora. Kincora was run by both MI5 and MI6. The boys Mountbatten abused were driven to him at his holiday castle in the Republic of Ireland by Joseph Mains, an MI5/6 agent who worked as the ‘warden’ at the home. MI6 has admitted a connection to the Kincora scandal. During the Hart Inquiry, MI6 revealed that its former Chief, Sir Maurice Oldfield, had a ‘relationship’ with Mains. Hart included this admission in his 2017 HIA report. The British media has ignored this fact. Put simply, MI5 and MI6 are untouchable as they are the repositories of a mountain of vile ‘compromat’ about British and Northern Irish VIPs. A glimpse of the power they exert was exposed by former British PM David Cameron. He told the family of Patrick Finucane, the solicitor who was murdered by MI5 agents in the UDA in 1989, that he could not order an inquiry into the assassination because people around him in Whitehall would not let it happen. Meanwhile, the British government continues to deny access

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    The boot is on the other foot. Former British 'PSYOPS' officer Colin Wallace sues the MoD. His case demonstrates that lying to Parliament did not start with Boris Johnson.

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      By Joseph de Burca.     Introduction to Village’s online pamphlet on the Colin Wallace Affair. The Tory Government of Boris Johnson is routinely accused of deceiving the House of Commons. Many British commentators behave as if this is a new low in their democratic history.  Yet, there is nothing unusual about the situation. The UK’s Parliament has been misled by ministers at the behest of Britain’s intelligence services, especially MI5 for decades. MI5 is attached to the Home Office and is responsible for internal security. The deception of Parliament has been nowhere more evident than in the case of Colin Wallace, the man who tried to expose the notorious Kincora Boys’ Home child sex abuse scandal.  Village readers will be familiar with the case of Wallace. In the 1970s he worked at the British Army HQNI at Thiepval Barracks, Lisburn. He had a public job but also a clandestine one. On the surface, he performed public relations duties for the army. Towards this end, he briefed journalists about an array of routine military activities. His ‘open’ superior was Peter Broderick, a very senior official of the Ministry of Defence (MoD). Broderick served as the head of the Army Press Desk. Secretly, Wallace was also reporting to Col Maurice Tugwell and later Col Geoffrey Hutton who were in charge of the Information Policy Unit (IPU) which conducted psychological operations known as ‘PsyOps’.  Hutton took over from Col Tugwell in March 1973 and was in post for two years.  He was in charge when Wallace left NI in February 1975. Wallace has just issued proceedings in the High Court in Belfast with the intention of prising out further documents which are in the possession of the British government which will confirm his PsyOps role in detail.  In 1974-75 Ian Cameron of MI5 plotted against Wallace who wanted to expose the Kincora Boys’ Home scandal and was refusing to engage in smear campaigns directed against British politicians. During the course of his work, Wallace was ordered to leak certain documents to the journalist Robert Fisk. He was then disciplined for what he had done. At his disciplinary hearing, MI5 and others conspired to deceive the tribunal hearing his case. They alleged that he had only one role – his ordinary PR duties – and therefore should not have leaked anything sensitive to Fisk. Secretly, Cameron contacted the chair of the tribunal and told him that Wallace was in the UVF. Wallace, of course, had nothing to do with the UVF. Wallace lost his job. Worse still, in the 1980s he was framed for manslaughter on the basis of fabricated evidence by a corrupt Home Office pathologist who lied to the Court. The conviction was later overturned but not before Wallace spent six years in prison. The MoD has alleged that all of the files belonging to the IPU were destroyed in 1980.  The Ministry has admitted that those responsible for the destruction of the files have never been interviewed. It is highly unlikely that the documents were actually destroyed. In the main, this article – which is intended as an online version of the old fashioned pamphlet –  has been drawn together from reports which have already appeared in Village. This account has been prepared in response to the launch of Wallace’s legal action in Belfast. The materials included in the ‘pamphlet’ merely represent a portion of the evidence which shows that Wallace has been telling the truth for decades and the MoD, NIO, Home Office, Conservative Party and Whitehall have been lying. Readers should also watch the documentary ‘The Man Who Knew Too Much’ which is available on Youtube. More information about Colin Wallace can be found at:  https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Colin_Wallace WALLACE AND THE PERILOUS  PANTIES Wearing his IPU hat, Wallace and the members of his team were responsible for waging psychological warfare against Loyalist and Republican paramilitaries.  It is important to bear in mind that psychological warfare is not solely about spreading false information, it is about the use of intelligence and factual information in such a way as to influence the behaviour of others.  For example, one of Colin Wallace’s more amusing and notable successes was to deter female members and collaborators of the IRA from transporting explosives for the organisation. Wallace put a story into circulation that the static from the typical female pair of nylon knickers generated sufficient  electricity to explode the bomb materials being carried. As a result, there was a great reluctance to transport explosives. There was a scientific basis at the root of the story, as can be seen from a document entitled: ‘Ammunition and Explosives Safety Standards’. At pages 85-99 it stated: Explosives. The explosives or explosive mixtures that are sensitive to static discharge (electro-static sensitivity of 0.1 joule or less) when exposed are generally primer, initiator, detonator, igniter, tracer, incendiary, and pyrotechnic mixtures. In reality, the chances of explosions being caused by static electricity were very small. Similarly, the PsyOps unit pointed out that the use of nitro benzene in home-made explosives was potentially carcinogenic.  This claim is supported by the United States Environmental Protection Agency who considered nitro benzene a likely human carcinogen. See “Nitrobenzene CASRN 98-95-3 – IRIS – US EPA, ORD”.  An excellent account of Wallace’s exploitation of fears about devil worship stories can be watched on the Man Who Knew Too Much documentary. THE INFORMATION RESEARCH DEPARTMENT (IRD) The Army’s IPU was not the only organisation engaged in PsyOps. The notorious Information Research Department (IRD) was too. The IRD was part of the Foreign Office and worked closely with the British Secret Service, MI6, which is also attached to the Foreign Office. The IRD operated from a building in London called Riverbank House. The IRD was a Cold War Intelligence organisation designed to counter Soviet expansion globally. Inevitably, its staff became involved in the propaganda war in Ireland. The department’s representative in NI was Hugh Mooney, a graduate from Trinity College with Irish roots who had once worked for The Irish

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    The British ‘Traitor King’ who contemplated settling in Ireland.

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      By David Burke. Andrew Lownie will be known to many Village readers for the depth of his research into the life of Lord Louis Mountbatten and his wife, especially the former’s abuse of boys in the Republic of Ireland. During his research into Mountbatten, Lownie tried, and failed, to gain access to Garda logs showing who had visited Mountbatten at Classiebawn Castle in Sligo.  Lownie had more success earlier this year when he forced the British government to disclose some of Mountbatten’s diaries. The documents had been purchased by the British government and given to Southampton University but at some stage Whitehall had intervened to keep them under wraps. NO TRIAL FOR TREACHERY. In his captivating new book, Traitor King: The Scandalous Exile of the Duke and Duchess of Windsor, Lownie shreds the reputation of the Duke of Windsor, the former Edward VIII, who abdicated in 1936 so he could marry Wallis Simpson. The author confirms and elaborates on long-held suspicions that the Duke played fast and loose with the Nazi regime both before and during the Second World War. Lownie’s book describes grounds upon which the Duke could have been put on trial for treachery, so much so that the Nazis had come to view him as a potential puppet monarch, a British version of France’s Marshal Pétain. Lownie highlights a telegram sent on 15 August 1940 from Portugal while the Duke was on his way to the Bahamas. In it the Duke asked his Portuguese host, a Nazi sympathiser, to send “a communication” as soon as his action was required. The conclusion Lownie draws is that he was complicit in a plot to instal him as a puppet ruler in Britain after a negotiated peace with Hitler. Yet, somehow, the Duke never had to face the music. Churchill was one of a number of influential figures who prevented the post-war publication of captured German documents which detailed the Duke’s Nazi intrigues. Others were not so lucky. William Joyce, better known as Lord Haw Haw, sided with the Nazis in a very public way during the Second World War by becoming the voice of Nazi propaganda radio broadcasts to England. Despite the fact Joyce hailed from Galway, he was hauled back to England and executed for treason. John Amery was also executed. His father Leo was a Tory MP and minister. His brother Julian would marry the daughter of Prime Minister Harold Macmillan and go on to hold a number of government ministerial positions. None of these connections were sufficient to save the life of John Amery. THE MI5 TRAITOR WITH LINKS TO IRELAND WHO KNEW ABOUT THE DUKE’S TREACHERY. The Duke’s treachery had ramifications for Ireland. After the war ended, an MI5 officer called Anthony Blunt was sent to Germany to retrieve some of the embarrassing correspondence that had passed between the Duke and the Nazis. Blunt remained in MI5 while also serving as the Keeper of the King’s Pictures at Buckingham Palace. When it belatedly emerged that he had been working for the Russians while in MI5, his knowledge about the Nazi correspondence played a part in saving him from prosecution. By then he was the Keeper of the Queen’s pictures, a job he was able to retain notwithstanding his treachery. As part of a secret immunity deal he struck in 1964 with the Government, Blunt was granted an amnesty for all the crimes he had committed. These included the abuse of children ensnared by the Anglo-Irish vice ring of which the Duke’s relative Mountbatten was a leading member. Had Blunt been prosecuted, it is conceivable that his role in the abuse of children in Ireland might have emerged much earlier and the activities of the vice ring shut down. Part of the passage in Lownie’s book relating to Blunt’s mission to Germany reads as follows: In 1979, Blunt was publicly revealed to have been a Russian spy since the 1930s, though he had privately confessed to the intelligence services in 1964. The MI5 officer Peter Wright, who interrogated him, was informed by the Queen’s private secretary, Sir Michael Adeane, that Blunt had undertaken an “assignment … on behalf of the Palace – a visit to Germany”. Wright was told not to “pursue the matter…Strictly speaking it is not relevant to considerations of national security”, It looks like the trip [by Blunt] to Kronberg [in Germany] was a cover for a fishing expedition, which suggests that there was something else the Royal Family was worried about. “George VI had every reason to believe that the Hesse archives might contain a “Windsor file”, because Prince Philip of Hesse had been an intermediary, via the Duke of Kent, between Hitler and the Duke of Windsor”, claimed Prince Wolfgang of Hesse to the Sunday Times. It was a belief supported by the wartime intelligence officer Hugh Trevor-Roper, later Regius Professor of Modern History at Oxford University. It is confirmed by Andrew Sinclair, who spent eighteen months researching a biography of Vicky, The Other Victoria, who wrote that Blunt had retrieved “the Duke of Windsor’s correspondence with his German princely cousins, some of whom held high office in the Nazi party”. John Loftus, a lawyer with the US Justice Department, interviewed two former US military intelligence officers .. attached to General Patton’s forces, who confirmed that they had seen references to communications between the Duke of Windsor and Hitler. The documents had been found in a “villa that was owned by a close relative of the Duke which was occupied as an American officer’s club.” There can be little doubt that Blunt provided a report about – if not copies of – the Royal correspondence to Moscow. Ironically, Vladimir Putin and his circle would have ready access to them whereas British politicians would be turned away from Buckingham Palace if they made inquiries about the fate of the originals. A HOME IN IRELAND. There is an intriguing Irish angle to the book. After the war the Duke and Duchess

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    James Molyneaux was linked to Kincora child rapist in British PSYOPS document.

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    By Joseph de Burca. 1. A faction within the British Army tries to expose a child abuse network. During the summer of 1973 Captain Colin Wallace, a PSYOPS [psychological operations] officer with the British Army, tried to expose the existence of a child abuse network in Northern Ireland. He had the support of a string of honourable colleagues in the British Army who were serving in NI to achieve this aim including General Peter Leng. Wallace duly briefed a number of journalists about a man called William McGrath, an Orangeman, close ally of Ian Paisley since the 1950s, terrorist and child rapist. McGrath ran a paramilitary group called TARA. He once told one of his victims, James Miller, that he liked having sex with boys aged 10 or younger. James Molyneaux MP, who led the dominant Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), between 1979 and 1995, was a friend of William McGrath. Molyneaux was also sexually interested in young men. He was well known not only to McGrath but to other members of Tara. When one young member left the organisation, Molyneaux made inquiries to find out why he had departed from it. James Molyneaux MP, who led the dominant Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), between 1979 and 1995, was a friend of William McGrath. Molyneaux was also sexually interested in young men. He was well known not only to McGrath but to other members of Tara. When one young member left the organisation, Molyneaux made inquiries to find out why he had departed from it. In 1973 Wallace was instructed ‘to brief the press unattributably about McGrath’s sexual preferences, his use of blackmail to force young people into homosexual practices, and the fact that he “runs a home for children on the Upper Newtownards Road [i.e. Kincora Boys’ Home].”  Wallace was given a briefing paper to assist in the PSYOP against McGrath. Molyneaux is named in it as an associate of McGrath. Wallace was given a briefing paper to assist in the PSYOP against McGrath. Molyneaux is named in it as an associate of McGrath. Wallace has explained that by 1973: “The PSYOPS unit had acquired a significant amount of additional information about TARA”. They were “aware that a number of prominent Tara members were closely linked with the Rev Ian Paisley”. These included James Heyburn, Secretary of Paisley’s church;  Hubert Nesbitt, who provided the land on which Paisley’s church was built;  and David Brown, Deputy Editor of ‘Paisley’s Protestant Telegraph.  “We also had information alleging that serving members of the RUC not only attended TARA meetings, but also were involved in the running of the organisation.  There were indications that McGrath was obtaining Intelligence information from the RUC on Republicans and there were even claims that RUC stations in East Belfast had supplied Tara with firearms which had been surrendered to the police by members of the public.  I do not know how reliable the latter information was, but it was sufficient to make the Army very wary of the RUC when dealing with TARA-related information”. 2. The 1973 TARA press briefing designed to expose McGrath and destroy TARA. The 1973 document was prepared by the British Army to neutralise the threat posed by TARA and expose McGrath’s distasteful exploitation of children. One of those involved in the PSYOP was Hugh Mooney, a Trinity College Dublin graduate and ex-Irish Times sub-editor, who worked for the Information Research Department (IRD), the UK’s black propaganda department which was based at Riverbank House in London. Hugh Mooney’s handwriting appears on the 1973 document which was shown to journalists by Wallace . According to Hugh Mooney, the document was written by Mike Cunningham. It was furnished to Wallace at the British Army’s HQ at Lisburn. At this time Wallace and the British Army were not aware that MI5 and MI6 were running a vile blackmail operation involving the rape of children at Kincora. This would generate a lot of trouble for Wallace later on when Ian Cameron of MI5 would derail his career. Cameron did this because Wallace was persisting in his attempts to end the child rape at Kincora. Mooney left HQ NI at the end of 1973, so the Tara document must have been created before then. 3. James Molyneaux was named in the 1973 press briefing about McGrath and TARA. James Molyneaux was named in the final paragraph of the 1973 TARA document as one of a number of “people associated with McGRATH” who were “aware of his activities”. 4. Peter Broderick of the MoD tells the truth about the British Army’s knowledge that abuse was taking place at Kincora. He supports Colin Wallace after the latter’s dismissal and is pushed out of his job by the MoD. MI5 and the Northern Ireland Office (NIO) intervened to protect McGrath because he was working for them. McGrath and others were working for MI5 and or MI6. Their task was to supply boys to politicians and Loyalist terrorists so they could be blackmailed by MI5. Not everyone working in intelligence in NI swam in the same river of filth as MI5 and the NIO. Peter Broderick, who was Wallace’s boss at British Army HQ NI in 1973 and 1974, was one such person. It was he who instructed Wallace to disclose the information in the 1973 Tara Press Briefing (’73 TPB) to journalists. Moreover, years later he had the integrity to state on public record that he had initialled the document. He made this admission to two journalists, Paul Foot of The Daily Mirror and Private Eye, and Barry Penrose of The Sunday Times. Not everyone working in intelligence in NI swam in the same river of filth as MI5 and the NIO. Wallace retained a copy of ‘73 TPB. It described how the ‘OC’ or Officer-in-Command of Tara was ‘William MCGRATH. He is a known homosexual who has conned many people into membership [of Tara] by threatening them with revealing homosexual activities which he himself initiated. He is a prominent figure in Unionist Party politics and in the

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    JAMES MOLYNEAUX AND THE  KINCORA  SCANDAL

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      UPDATE: Sir Jeffrey Donaldson is the new leader of the DUP. One of his mentors was James Molyneaux MP. Donaldson succeeded him as MP for Lagan Valley after Molyneaux retired in 1997. On 19 December 2019 Village exposed Molyneaux’s involvement with the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring. On his website Donaldson has stated that: “My involvement with the Ulster Unionist Party grew as I worked alongside two of the greatest names in Unionism in the 20th century. Between 1982 and 1984 [Enoch Powell and James Molyneaux]. .. In 1985 I was elected aged 22 to the Northern Ireland Assembly, with the distinction of being the youngest person to win a seat at Stormont with the majority of some 15,000 votes. Throughout this period I also served as the Personal Assistant to the then leader of the UUP, the Rt. Honourable James Molyneux MP. In 1988 I was elected Honorary Secretary of the Ulster Unionist Council and in 2000 I was elected Vice President of the Council. My responsibilities included overseeing the UUP Bureau in Washington DC. A regular visitor to the United States, I often accompanying leaders James Molyneaux and his successor David Trimble on delegations that included several meetings with former President Clinton and Vice President Al Gore and subsequently with President Bush.” The December 2019 profile of Molyneaux commences here:  James Molyneaux MP was one of the most significant figures in Unionist politics during the Troubles. He was first elected as a Westminster MP in 1970 for the then dominant Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) and served as its leader 1979-1995. He was also an Orangeman and a member of the Monday Club, a right-wing pressure group which was associated with the Tory Party. According to Robin Bryans, the well-informed Kincora Boy’s Home whistle-blower, Molyneaux was part of the paedophile gang which preyed on vulnerable boys in care in Northern Ireland. MI5 did not hand over its files on Molyneaux to the Hart Inquiry which reported in 2017. Equally disappointing is the fact that the Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse (IICSA) in London is not looking for MI5’s files on Molyneaux. It has shown no interest in him nor in other MPs and VIPs who abused boys as part of an Anglo-Irish Vice Ring. Richard Kerr, a resident at Kincora, was trafficked from Belfast to London in the 1970s aged 16 to be abused by an MP who was a friend of Molyneaux.  1.  ‘KINCORA AND PORTORA BOYS’ SCHOOLS WERE USED AS HOMOSEXUAL BROTHELS BY MANY PROMINENT FIGURES, INCLUDING LORD MOUNTBATTEN [AND] JAMES MOLYNEAUX.’ Robin Bryans tried to expose Molyneaux’s links to Kincora while he was still Leader of the UUP but without success. Bryans, however, did manage to expose Sir Anthony Blunt, the Surveyor of the Queen’s Pictures, who had been a KGB mole while he served inside MI5. Byrans knew Blunt well from his frequent visits to Ulster where Blunt seized opportunities to abuse underage boys. Bryans tried to expose Molyneaux in a letter he wrote on 3 November, 1989, which also made reference to Blunt’s treachery. This was six years before Molyneaux would step down as Leader of the UUP. The relevant extract reads as follows: “Although Margaret Thatcher showed loyalty to those who had eased her path, by fair means or foul, to office, her forthrightness and inexperience enraged many. While (Sir Anthony) Blunt had a cosy relationship with the security services (based on his knowledge of incriminating political and sexual leanings among the Royal family), Thatcher showed herself to be unsympathetic to this delicate quid pro quo. She unbalanced the status quo by admitting that Blunt had been a Soviet agent [in the House of Commons in 1979]. This betrayal (as Blunt saw it) risked letting all sorts of other skeletons out of the cupboard. Not the least of these was the long-standing arrangement whereby Kincora and Portora Boys’ Schools were used as homosexual brothels by many prominent figures, including Lord Mountbatten, James Molyneaux, Leslie Mackie and Blunt’s coterie of highly placed friends. Blunt, however, kept his mouth shut, and Thatcher learned her lesson well. The establishment knows best”. 2. MOLYNEAUX’S MENTOR WAS SIR KNOX CUNNINGHAM WHO DESCRIBED HIM A ‘PRETTY LITTLE THING’ Molyneaux was the political protégé of the child rapist, Sir Knox Cunningham QC, MP. Cunningham was a senior Unionist MP at Westminster who rose to become Prime Minister Harold MacMillan’s Parliamentary Private Secretary, 1959-63, and as such was present at the deliberations of Macmillan’s cabinet. Macmillan recalled Cunningham fondly in his memoirs and awarded him a baronetcy in his resignation honours. Molyneaux acted as Cunningham’s election agent and succeeded to his seat in 1970 when the older man retired. According to Robin Bryans, Cunningham once described the young Molyneux as ‘a pretty little thing’. Cunningham was also a senior member of the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring of which the infamous Kincora Boys’ Home was a part. Richard Kerr, a former resident at Kincora has revealed that Cunningham was an abuser of Kincora boys. A memorandum prepared by Colin Wallace a PSYOPS officer at British Army HQ Lisburn in the 1970s stated that Cunningham was ‘closely associated’ with William McGrath, the brutal child rapist and Housefather at Kincora and was ‘aware of his activities’. Cunningham became involved in the World Alliance of Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA) in 1947 and became Chairman of its National Council two years later, something which put him in charge of the YMCA in Ireland, Wales and England. Cunningham took boys from Kincora to the YMCA in England. His Wikipedia entry suggests that he became involved with the YMCA because of his “religious faith” but it is more likely he wanted to gain access to young men. Much of his interaction with the YMCA boys involved the sport of boxing. According to Bryans, he took Kincora boys to the YMCA in England. According to Bryans, Cunningham ‘always liked to appear as the great Queen’s Counsel who knew more than anybody about everybody, especially those in my books

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    The Richard Kerr-Kincora case has become a transatlantic campaign for justice.

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    By Dónal Lavery. I have been working on a book-in-progress about the issue of the Kincora Boys Home scandal involving undisclosed sexual abuse and exploitation. Part of that exploitation included victims being sent to live in the US at the behest of powerful abusers with salient influence. A Northern Protestant, Richard Kerr, was taken into the social services system at the age of 8 years old and shortly thereafter began to suffer mass sexual abuse in various state institutions while also being sent to hotels and other venues to be raped by prominent men. Amongst the paedophiles in the ring in which he became entangled was Lord James Molyneaux, Enoch Powell MP, Doctor Morris Fraser, Lord Mountbatten and the infamous lawyer to Donald Trump, Roy Cohn.  These were people with real sway and clout in society, here and abroad. They were protected by the state via the Intelligence Services and their exposure was legally barred on grounds of “national security” in various instances. Essentially, they were practically “untouchable”, and could literally get away with all sorts of serious crimes without bearing the consequences that would befall the average citizen.  Now that some are dead and others are withering away in the shadows, victims and survivors feel able to speak out. Scores of millions of Americans identify as Irish by extraction due to what the British did to our island – forcing many Catholics and Protestants to leave to make a life for themselves in the USA. When I get off the plane and meet people from various Irish American groups, they are always warm, interested and so accommodating. There is a deep and lasting affection in them for their indigenous European ancestors and homeland as it forms a core part of their identity as the “exiled children” of an ancient nation. Nobody can forget who they are and where they come from.  Having reflecting on that, I made a phone-call out of the blue to Father Sean McManus, the President of the Irish National Caucus, in Washington, to discuss the Richard Kerr case. He was already familiar with it from reports in Village magazine and listened very attentively. I provided him with more detail and various records and documents. Then, in true ecumenical manner, he pledged his fullest support for acquiring justice for Richard. This developed into regular communication with both Father Sean and Barbara Flaherty (the Vice President of the Irish National Caucus in Washington), both of whom have worked on many cases of human rights violations concerning the conflict in the North of Ireland. In fact, when no Unionist politician would come to his assistance, Father Sean and Barbara took up the case of Raymond McCord (a Belfast Protestant) and the collusion by the British state in his son’s tragic death. This included inviting McCord to the US and gaining him access to many seminal players in the greatest power-sphere known to man; raising vital awareness of the injustice he has suffered and putting pressure on the British government.  The problem of course is that justice is not a single destination but a process. It does not possess a straightforward path, and takes many twists or turns along the way. Successive British government inquiries and police investigations have failed to adequately probe the actions of personnel within MI5 who collaborated in this abomination at Kincora towards children. Minors were sacrificed on an “altar” of expediency over those “wolves” with disgusting ‘appetites’, enhancing the trauma further.  Successive British government inquiries and police investigations have failed to adequately probe the actions of personnel within MI5 who collaborated in this abomination at Kincora towards children. Minors were sacrificed on an “altar” of expediency over those “wolves” with disgusting ‘appetites’, enhancing the trauma further.  I hope that with the support of those with a direct link to Congress and human rights groups internationally, Richard will be able to bring world attention to one of the most horrendous crimes ever perpetrated against young boys. Undoubtedly, this campaign will come up against obstacles, whether it be the British Embassy, Intelligence Services or Unionist political intrigues.   While I am no fortune teller, one thing is for sure – the Richard Kerr case will not be going away. OTHER STORIES PUBLISHED BY VILLAGE See: Trump’s mentor: another sociopathic paedophile child-trafficker in the mix; from Roy Cohn to Epstein and Maxwell. See also: The Anglo-Irish Vice Ring. Chapters 1 – 3.

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    The Mystery of the Missing Mountbatten Diaries

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    By Andrew Lownie. In 2015 I started researching my biography ‘The Mountbattens: Their Lives and Loves’. Little did I know then that six years later it would have locked me into a marathon legal battle with the Government and Southampton University. My quest was to find out what had happened to the personal diaries  of the 1st Earl and Countess Mountbatten of Burma – Dickie and Edwina (who died in 1979 and 1960 respectively) – and the letters they wrote to each other. They had been extensively quoted in their official biographies by Philip Ziegler and Janet Morgan and published respectively in 1985 and 1991, but were nowhere to be found in the inventories of their papers at Southampton University. Dickie Mountbatten, an uncle of Prince Philip, had been Chief of Combined Operations and Supreme Allied Commander in South East Asia during the Second World War, and later Viceroy of India, First Sea Lord and Chief of the Defence Staff. But what interested me was his marriage. Both he and his wife were bisexual and had numerous affairs. His close relationships included the actress Shirley MacLaine; hers the conductor Sir Malcolm Sargent and India’s long-serving Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru. The relationship with Nehru had huge ramifications for the perception of the couple’s impartiality over Indian Independence. Some of the early diaries up to 1934 have been released and from them I could see Mountbatten was scrupulous in describing who he met and where he went. There have long been rumours of his involvement in the Kincora scandal and, as the diaries run up to his death, I was  interested to see when he had visited Belfast, when he was at Classiebawn alone except for staff, which house parties he had attended, how often he saw Peter Montgomery  etc. There have long been rumours of his involvement in the Kincora scandal and, as the diaries run up to his death, I was  interested to see when he had visited Belfast, when he was at Classiebawn alone except for staff, which house parties he had attended, how often he saw Peter Montgomery  etc. The Broadlands Trust, a Mountbatten family trust, had sold the couple’s papers to Southampton, along with collections relating to the family’s ancestors, in 2011 , for almost £4.5 million, to save them being sold privately at auction and the collection broken up. The papers were bought after a huge fund-raising campaign with public monies, including almost £2 million from the Heritage Lottery Fund as well as the ‘Acceptance in Lieu’ tax scheme, which stressed their historical importance and the importance of them being “freely available to all”. Southampton’s fundraising claimed “this to be the most important archive to emerge in the last 30 years, only the Churchill Papers could be seen as comparable in terms of a loss to the nation if these were not secured”. Imagine my surprise to be told by the archivists at the University they could not help me  on the diaries or letters and had no contact details for the Mountbatten family. I wrote to the present Countess Mountbatten and  to the trustees  of the Broadlands Trust. Silence. Eventually I was told that the diaries and letters had been closed in 2011 under a “Ministerial Direction”, under authority delegated by the Secretary of State for Culture, Media and Sport to the Museums, Libraries and Archives Council. I put in Freedom of Information (FOI) requests to the Cabinet Office, the University, the Heritage Lottery Fund, the Treasury, and the Department of Culture. No one seemed to know anything about such a Direction; even now, none of them has identified the name or status of the person who signed it. At the Cabinet Office’s suggestion, for swifter access, I also sought to focus on the diaries for one year – 1947. In June 2018, Southampton University disclosed that, shortly after its acquisition of the Mountbatten archive, a senior archivist had taken the initiative in procuring the Cabinet Office’s confirmation that the diaries and letters were “closed”. After my request, the archivist then approached the Cabinet Office with a view to its authorising his editing of the 1947 diaries for publication. 1947 was the year in which India and Pakistan gained their independence. Within weeks, the Cabinet Office held a series of meetings to facilitate the request. This is the very material that I have been struggling to access for years. From November 2018 I wrote several times to the then-Vice-Chancellor, Sir Christopher Snowden, the Chairman of the Council, Rear-Admiral Philip Greenish, and his deputy, Dame Judith Macgregor, a former High Commissioner to South Africa, about the University’s failure to comply either with FOI Act or with the ICO. No response. Eventually, after many letters, emails and calls, Sir Christopher replied, saying he was investigating and had asked for “a report be  made to me and that a response be provided to you as a matter of urgency”. Two and a half years later I have heard nothing further. Indeed responses from both the University and the Cabinet Office to requests for information have been evasive and cursory; they have repeatedly missed statutory, regulatory and self-imposed deadlines for responding, and ignored correspondence from me, my lawyers and the ICO – to the extent the ICO was forced to take the unusual step of issuing an Information Notice and then the unprecedented step of commencing High Court proceedings for contempt to compel the University to respond. This decision was significantly delayed because the University failed to respond to the ICO’s investigation for over a year. It only did so after the ICO was forced to take the contempt of court proceedings. The ICO branded the University’s delay as “completely unacceptable” and in court filings complained about its “persistent, wholesale and unexplained failure to comply with the information notice…In effect, the (University) continues to flout its statutory duty under the Freedom of Information Act 2000″. In December 2019 the ICO finally ordered the University to release all the

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