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    Enduring Irish sculpture

    By Kevin Kiely. Public sculpture in Ireland includes many monstrosities that are heavy and clumpy in their use of materials and ultimately non-artistic. The heavy-gang includes Edward Delaney, John Behan, Rowan Gillespie and Conor Fallon, but there are plenty of others. Delaney is egregious; his ‘Wolfe Tone’ and ‘Thomas Davis’ are part of street-lore. Tone begat ‘Tone-henge’ and Davis, with his attendant figures, is ‘the piddlers on the Green’. They are objects of public derision, and the critical establishment alone consistently pays them homage. Leading art critics Roisín Kennedy, Judith Hill and Peter Murray never question the numbing monolithic dullness. Murray has claimed that Tone and Davis “convey an earthy solidity, a connection with the earth, emphasised by their heavy legs”. Eamon Delaney in ‘Breaking the Mould’, a lengthy paean to his father Edward Delaney, not surprisingly supports Murray who eulogises his Davis as representing “a farmer in from the fields: a man off the bog and on to a pedestal”. The Davis statue does not reflect this, nor does it invoke the Davis of history. Eamon Delaney lauds his father’s ‘Davis’ as superior to works by John Henry Foley: “there is none of the shrill theatre of Grattan, or the arrogant certainty of Burke”. This bludgeoning is untenable. Foley may be eighteenth-century but his O’Connell, Grattan, Burke and Goldsmith retain a transcendent beauty, elegance, and imaginative artistry in execution, expression and realism. Tone and Davis are excessively bulky and heavy. Delaney quotes Aidan Dunne who finds Tone and Davis “frayed by mortality and uncertainty”. But imprecision is Dunne’s actual medium: artspeak. The problem is that in-depth criticism of sculpture is nowhere found. The Irish Arts Review and the Irish Times are not really in the business of criticism. Circa, and magazines like it, feature art and artists, exalted and carefully ‘criticised’ using quotations from international art critics. Circa’s presumption to interrogate is spurious. When  (recently) the magazine asked the question: “What is the role and value of art criticism at present?”, it passed responsibility, by replying with a question: ‘What art?’ Meanwhile, the RHA and commissioned artists link arms, laughing all the way to the pork barrel in this porcine climate of plastic criticism. You will not find any adverse critiques of John Behan’s ‘Famine Ship’ that faces Croagh Patrick where the heavy ghost-figures shrouding the three heavy masts are what can only be honestly described as gate-like. ‘The Flight of the Earls’ (Rathmullan, County. Donegal) with its three Irish chieftains on a gangplank of bronze, waving ‘goodbye’ is not evocative in any way of this major historical event. Behan fails the Famine as subject matter, and fails ‘The Flight of the Earls’. He simply does not find any artistic pitch that could be said to be sublime, haunting, or even satisfying. ‘The Flight of the Earls’ was funded by A.J. O’Reilly and in general funding is plentiful, boosted by the OPW and its capital fund. In 2012 this amounted to €352 million. The OPW has a design and project management service for public-sector building, heritage and art projects. Arts Council payments to sculpture in 2010 amounted to €410,000. County councils play their part in commissioning public works. The Per Cent for Art Scheme, since 1997, “approves the inclusion in budgets for all publicly funded capital construction projects up to 1% as funding for an art project”. The maximum for projects over €12 million is an art budget of €64,000. Public sculpture is generally administered by time-servers without a critical faculty, people like the selection panels, the RHA, and the artists who have lent their names to the pervasive lugubriousness. Alex Pentek’s ‘Rabbit’ on the Ashbourne Road (in Meath) cost €64,000 and has no distinguishing features whatsoever. In essence it is a giant rusty rabbit that any sheet-metal worker or gate-maker could have designed far more subtly and much more cheaply. Pentek is responsible too for ‘Hedgehog’ costing €113,000 along the Gorey Bypass. ‘Rabbit’ and ‘Hedgehog’ are vaguely figurative though their artistic merit is better described as figmentary. The eight-metre-long, four-and-a-half-metre-tall hedgehog is also funded by Per Cent for Art. Pentek’s ‘Violin’ on the N5 by-pass around Longford evokes a minimum of imagination to make it a whole. ‘Perpetual Motion’ by Rachael Joynt and Remco de Fouw is a familiar giant ball with road markings outside Naas. The obvious visual statement may be fun, but is innocuous. It is meant to be art. ‘Dancing at the Crossroads’ on the Carrickmacross Bypass by David Annand is grotesque. “Inspired” by the words “cavorting on mile-high stilts” from a poem by Patrick Kavanagh, it depicts three ‘green’ life-size adults crudely attached to tilted stilts. Debased. Figurative iconic sculpture is problematical as exemplified by ‘Joe Dolan’ by Carol Payne. The thickness and density of the statue with an outstretched arm makes Dolan a lumpish Irish tenor not the show-band star of Mullingar. Rory Gallagher in Ballyshannon and Phil Lynnot in Dublin are better iconic renderings. Rory is in a Chuck Berry hunched pose with guitar. Lynnot’s bronzed chic-look with guitar is a stylised effort. Joyce’s bust in the Green and full-length treatment on Talbot Street by Marjorie Fitzgibbon are both clumsy, heavy and dull – little wonder Dubliners call the latter ‘the prick with the stick’. It cannot compare to the Swiss Joyce in Fluntern Cemetery by Milton Hebald, imaginatively provocative with the cane, book and cigarette midst the cemetery that now holds him. ‘Brendan Behan’ on the Royal Canal by John Coll fails in realist resemblance. The ‘narrative’ of ‘Behan’ looking at a sculpted blackbird perched on the bronze bench is sentimental. The reference to “The Auld Triangle” from ‘The Quare Fellow’ is awkward, using four triangles welded to the bench. Coll’s ‘Patrick Kavanagh’ is equally ludicrous. The fact that the hands and shoes approximate lifesize dimensions is no claim to artistry. Coll disastrously follows Fitzgibbon’s style which is far better done by her in now peripatetic ‘Molly Malone’ ‘the tart with the cart’. The gurrier versions expose the triteness, even

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    Ireland raw, happy and dysfunctional.

    By Shirley Clerkin. While viewing the images in The Photo Album of Ireland exhibition, currently showing in the Gallery of Photography in Dublin’s Temple Bar, it occurred to me that we know exactly who we are. We just do not always want to admit it, or show it. Photos can make judgements just like words; on a baby: “She’s a wee dote”, or on a good-looking girl: “You would stand to look at her” or on one with confidence “She thinks a lot of herself, that one”. God forbid the family tree would be let down with a “Would you look at the state of her ” or even worse: “It was far from that she was reared”. I am one of those women that was doted on in my chubby, baby years, all softness and pallor. It was okay to be outrageously babyish, as I was in fact a baby. I was an awkward teenager, less doted upon, spotty and pasty (and oft reminded of this). But God, I tried to rise above it all, based on a piece of information I gleaned from a documentary on the human brain which said that humans only used 10% of their grey and white matter. I determined to use more of mine to make up the gap. As a result of my diligence I was fifteen when I found myself on a boat to Station island, Lough Derg, County Donegal to work on St Patrick’s Purgatory. The boatman, Michael, was a hardy, fair (he insisted strawberry blond) fella, with ruddy cheeks and strong arms to match his accent so naturally I bit his head off, as I was a bit above my station with nerves. It was a good come down, working on the island. The nun in charge immediately put me on the back foot and pulled the rug from under my carefully tended confidence, by insisting that I was days late for my duty.  Thankfully though, not a bare one, as staff could wear shoes, unlike the pilgrims. Then she befuddled me with tales of how she had lost six pounds since arriving on the island a week or so previously. I was well put out, and thought I better hold tightly onto my few bob in case someone nicked it. It took me a right while to realise that she was talking about her weight, and subconsciously I suppose, she wanted me to commiserate with her or more likely congratulate her on her figure. You might have stood to look at her. Only she was a nun. Then of course, I made the mistake of climbing down off my salt pillar and striking up a friendship with the boatman, who was only a lad himself. I was found fraternising with the pilgrims one day when some of them were looking for directions. Next thing, I was moved from my post in the Priests and Staff kitchen, to the laundry. Pulling yards of sopping wet sheets from industrial washing machines was not easier than cutting cabbage and carrots by hand for coleslaw. But I had further to fall yet. My career prospects on the island were cut short with a “You know what you’ve done” accusation by the chief-nun. I never found out what I did; but at the time I thought it might have involved the disappearing ice-cream (but that wasn’t me). Only in later years, while in fact talking to a Magnum Photographer about the island one night at the Prix Pictet photographic exhibition in Dublin, did he hit upon a reason for my expulsion. It wasn’t what I had done at all, he said, provocatively. They all wanted to sleep with you. You were stirring up suppressed feelings in others. They needed someone to blame. On reflection, I think he was on to something. As a permanent reminder of those short but luminous few weeks, my likeness was taken and is in the 1988 book ‘On Lough Derg’ by photographer Liam Blake and Deirdre Purcell.  Grinning together with my friend Bernie, I am standing there holding a copy of ‘To Light a Penny Candle’ by Maeve Binchy. If you saw that picture, you would not know the story, but you would glimpse us, two young girls in baggy t-shirts, and see something that the photographer wanted to say. We pestered Blake to take our photo, which he did very grudgingly. Only afterwards probably did he notice my reading material and then he saw that it would made the cut. Unlike Blake’s photo of us on the island, most of the photos in The Photo Album of Ireland exhibition are taken by family members for private use, and have come from biscuit tins or carefully sheathed leather-bound albums. They are frozen memories: moments, often so carefully choreographed to give the best impression that it is what they don’t show, that sometimes makes the viewer wonder. The project team invited people to share their family photographs, to look at the social history of Ireland from the viewpoint of family. Sontag in her 1977 book ‘On Photography’ wrote, “Through photographs, each family constructs a portrait-chronicle of itself – a portable kit of images that bears witness to its connectedness”. My father took part in the project, and shared old black-and-white images of our extended family and some of his extensive slide collection, covering happy and sad times from the 1970s on the border. A 1940 image of my thoroughly modern grandmother pictured in trousers with a bicycle, blown up to almost full-size on one gallery wall shrank time for me, although she died in 1976. Written on the back of the tiny original she had written “What will J.J. [my grandfather] think of this?”. The invention of cheap cameras like the Box Brownie made photography a democratic medium. A documented, chronicled life became possible for many, un-reliant on expensive portraiture and family archives. Photographs of the Irish, whether here or abroad, new or old, allow us as individuals

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    Satire: Denis shares some hard-earned business wisdom

    Denis O’Brien Dear Dermot, INM gobshites. Badly run with  no internet strategy. My mini-Afghanistan, basically. Bloody Sir Anthony blew up the group. Everyone loves him, bloody poetry-reading patrician. Daddy always  told him “it’s easy to win but it’s hard to lose”. Triumph and disaster, that sort of thing. But check-mate to Denis O’Brien, as Business Plus put it. Get used to it, has-bean. So all in all I thought you went off the rails saying he was a role model. Actually, in fairness, you said he was a “role model for myself” (myself, a good word for underscoring the size of an ego) so we knew that you weren’t exactly putting yourself down. And when you said he was “one of the outstanding businessmen of several generations”, I think everyone knew the space you were creating. You and I, sir. Number One in Ireland and – whatever you are (869, Forbes, I seem to recall!). “Mr Denis O’Brien – Apology”. It even smelled good. Though not sure there wasn’t something  funny going on. Not a newspaper man so can’t be sure but seemed they could have been apologising for the correction, not the bloody mistake. Group  editor, Stephen Rae, no better man, stopped the print presses after he was tipped off by a senior journalist that that woman had written that in practice I control the newspaper. I mean what would she, merely the editor of the flagship title, know about that anyway. Campbell Spray did what he was told, one in the centre of the beady eye for Anne Harris. The Phoenix claimed she’d agreed severance terms and would leave, after a one-year truce with myself, in October but yar wan was unfortunately right: “the whole story is a lie”. Still the whole thing reflects so well on me. Honour and Nous. In April last year INM got our banks to write off €138m of an overall debt of €422m, in exchange for a small shareholding. Huzzah. Dermot and Desmond, d’Artagnan and Aramis. Grizzly bears of commerce. They can add that to my €230m acquisition of the Siteserv Group where IBRC, now in liquidation, wrote off €110m of the €150m it was owed and my move on the Topaz Group earlier this year which involved the same fellas writing off slightly more than half of the €304m they were owed. My purchase of three major Irish businesses over the past two years involved total bank write-offs of more than €300m: €300m, Dr Desmond. Congrats btw on the D Econ and good to see the Nordies remembered Drico the same day. Yours is from Queen’s, mine from UCD. Mere baubles but handy for defusing that middle-of-the-night sense of well tribunalisation. Sometimes you make me swoon. Our people need us and you just can’t stop the  wisdom of the ages flowing from great businessmen: “Life is not about the things that you leave. Life is about the experience that you leave and the example that you set. Money is replaceable, honour is not”, you said at Queen’s. Fair play. But like  the pro you are you made it clear you haven’t gone all SIPTU.  As to austerity I can only agree with your key insight that “the Government has done a great job and I wouldn’t dare to advise them”. Noted what you said about beany’s philanthropy. As I always say if you don’t do something decent in  a country where you make a substantial profit you’re a gobshite. Clinton. Never forget mother Protestant do-gooder. Frontline Defenders. FAI. Green Jersey. My people. 910k annually. Not too much mind you. Digicel subscribers in Haiti, the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere, pay $120 for our service. Out of an average per capita income of $800. Not a bloody ATM. Hard edge. Green Jersey. Digicel having barney with  internet telephony companies, like Viber  and some regulators, in the Carribean. Trying to get fees out of them for providing voice call services using our data network and had to block some of them when they didn’t play ball. Gobshites. And flogged 17 percent of Digicel’s Burmese business to the gobdaws who won the mobile licence there. Shoulda done what we did in Ireland, of course. Talking of defunct billionaires and philanthropy, planning to give Bernard McNamara, just emerging from bankruptcy in the UK, the contract for the construction of  that new office block on the southeast corner of St Stephen’s Green, the site of the former Canada House. Think of the loyalty I’ll get from the old fox. New tactic, bag the old geysers when they’re down and suck them in: doing it for Cowen; did it for Seanie Fitz, and now Bernard. Loyalty. It’s the  only thing. Green Jersey. Busy. Recruitment firm China HR, owned by me and Leslie (he got a quarter), has announced a €30m investment programme. We’re the largest Irish-owned employer in China with 2,600 staff in 26 cities across China. Former head of asset management at the National Asset Management Agency, John Mulcahy – whom I know from Mount Juliet, has just begun advising me on the overseas property empire. Most of my stuff is in Portugal and the Caribbean. Revenue Commissioners have failed to stop my appeal of their finding that a tax return 14 years ago was insufficient due to the  bit relating to my exchange of shares in Esat Telecom being completed in a negligent manner. I can now proceed with a case arguing the Circuit Court should fully hear my appeal. High Court, ring of steel of course. Got my hands on the company that publishes ‘Buy and Sell’, Buzreel, after a bids process conducted through the Supreme Court. And dumped €4.7m worth of Aer Lingus shares. No idea what O’Leary doing there: Tony Ryan always preferred Denis. But enough of me. Congrats in order for snaffling another million shares in Mountain Province Diamonds (MPD), boosting your stake up to an impressive 22.3 per cent – for about €3.5m. MPD owns almost half of the world’s

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    Stasis in the Southern heat

      Ken Phelan On a typically fine July afternoon in California, three buses pull into the small, parched border town of Murrieta, but don’t outstay their welcome. Awaiting their arrival is a group of protesters, ventilating placards and pent-up vitriol in the heat. “USA, USA”, they chant,  “Go back home!”. Inside the buses, approximately 140 undocumented migrants – all women and children from Central America fleeing abject poverty and violence – have submitted their fates at the border patrol station in Murrieta. But it won’t be so easy: they are turned around to be driven to processing centres at least 80 miles away in San Diego and El Centro. An influx of illegal immigrants crossing the border from Texas into the US has led to widespread hysteria amongst protesters in border towns. One republican, Phil Gingrey, in a letter to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, expressed his own concern at imminent danger by writing: “Reports of illegal immigrants carrying deadly diseases such as swine flu, dengue fever, Ebola virus and tuberculosis are particularly concerning. I have serious concerns that the diseases carried by these children may begin to spread too rapidly to control”. In July, the Obama administration warned lawmakers that US border-control agencies would run out of resources and that migrant children would run out of beds if Congress did not approve $3.7bn in funds. More than 57,000 children have arrived at the southern US border since last October, trafficked into Texas from Honduras, El Salvador and Guatemala – that’s double the number from the same period a year earlier. Of the funds, as yet to be approved, some $1.8bn will be spent on providing care for unaccompanied children while they await detention. $116m of the $1.53bn allocated to the Department of Homeland Security will go towards paying the cost of transporting unaccompanied children back to their original countries, and a further $300m will be spent in Central America supporting border control. As Obama’s plans continue to hinge on a decision from Congress, some Republicans have stated that the funds should be drawn from existing foreign-aid programs that assist the immigrants’ home countries. Republicans blame Obama for previous legislation he enacted to defer deportation of some immigrants who had entered the US illegally as children, claiming this has sent the wrong message. On the other hand Obama is also running into trouble with some in his own party for his attempts to circumvent or reverse legislation brought into law in 2008 by George W  Bush; the ‘William Wilberforce Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act’  guarantees extra legal protection to Central American  immigrants. Reversing it would allow, for example, such immigrants to be returned to their countries in as little as a week. The American Civil Liberties Union has filed a class action lawsuit against the Obama administration’s attempt to reverse the 2008 anti-trafficking act, claiming that the government is violating the fifth amendment due process clause, as well as the Immigration and Nationality Act’s requirement of a “full and fair hearing”. According to US Department of Justice figures, 44% of migrants appeared in court in 2012 without legal representation; few are entitled to court-appointed attorneys and most rely on pro bono lawyers or non-profit groups. However, with over 375,000 outstanding immigration cases currently waiting to be heard by just 243 specialist judges across the US, Obama is keen to be seen to be taking action, even if he was elected on an  Immigration liberalisation platform. The influx of migrants through Texas has less to do with just economics or simple opportunism than with myriad socio-economic problems throughout Central America. Honduras has the world’s highest murder rate, while both El Salvador and Guatemala are riven with both extreme poverty and crime. Central America itself functions as a stop-off point for drug smuggling between South America and the US – yielding a long history of gang violence. The problem has intensified in recent years due to turf wars fought by Mexican cartels. For many in Central America, who have witnessed friends, family or neighbours being killed on the streets, the perilous trip to the Mexican border is worth risking. Republicans castigate Obama for his inaction, while most Democrats oppose any change to the 2008 anti-trafficking act. The President attracted further criticism when he failed to visit the border on a recent visit to Texas. He has criticised Congress for its inaction and pointed out how a bill, passed by the senate last year, but rejected by the House, would have added an extra 20,000 border patrol agents. The solution seems to comprise four elements: a pathway to citizenship for undocumented immigrants, an easier legal immigration system, better enforcement and more border security. But as usual in the US, stasis is the fruit of partisanship as a visceral xenophobia substitutes for ideology or clarity of purpose. •

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    Isis crisis

    Frank Armstrong Iraq came shuddering back into the news this summer after the spectacular conquest by ISIS (The Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, now preferring the term ‘The Islamic State’) of Mosul, the country’s second city. This was closely followed by the fall of Tikrit, Saddam Hussein’s birthplace, and threats to a petrified Baghdad itself. As Village went to press it was being reported that 500 of the majority ethnic Kurds had been slaughtered in Sinjar with some buried alive and 300 women kidnapped as slaves. The region is bracing itself for further US and possibly British intervention in defence of displaced and murdered minorities, including many stranded on the slopes of Mount Sinjar. The scale of the carnage is untold. The New Yorker quotes an Iraqi named Karim: “In one day, they killed more than two thousand Yazidi in Sinjar, and the whole world says, ‘Save Gaza, save Gaza’. ISIS has laid claim to global leadership of the Muslim ‘Umma’, declaring its elusive leader Abu Bakr Al-Baghdadi the new caliph, a position relinquished by the Ottoman Emperor in 1924. The organisation also sought to repudiate the nefarious 1916 Sykes-Picot Treaty, long viewed by Arabs as the first, among many, betrayals by Western powers of the region’s right to self-determination. Sykes-Picot was a secret Anglo-French agreement signed during World War I which agreed to the dismemberment of the former Ottoman Empire and its apportionment between the British and French at the expense of their erstwhile Arab allies. The violent contagion of Syria’s internal conflict spread beyond its borders, reviving Iraq’s seemingly immutable sectarian division between Sunni and Shi’a. But simplistic Western analysis of these conflicts often serves to reinforce destructive sectarian identities. In Iraq as elsewhere, identity is plastic. 75% of Iraq’s population of over 31 million is Arabic-speaking with Kurds constituting the bulk of the other ethno-linguistic groups including, for example, 650,000 Yazidis. Muslim Arab Iraqis may in different circumstances define their identity as Arab in common with other Arab people. They could also assert an Islamic identity but this is complicated by the division between the Shi’a majority and Sunni minority. They could also claim to be simply Iraqi in common with those living within the borders of Iraq. To complicate matters further many Iraqis actually identify most clearly with their tribe. The artificiality of Iraq’s borders has made the task of maintaining the integrity of the Iraqi state a bloody business. ISIS seems to be skilfully forging an Arab-Islamic identity more focused than Al-Qaeda’s global pretensions. But ISIS is unlikely to advance much further in Iraq due to the presence in that country of a substantial Shi’a majority. In terms of the Sunni-Shi’i divide a survey of Iraqi history reveals shifting allegiances. The foremost historian of early twentieth century Iraq, Hanna Batatu records how “under the Ottomans Iraq consisted to no little extent of distinct, self-absorbed, feebly interconnected societies”. This social stratification was given legal recognition by the Millet system of communal representation, though unlike Jews and Christians the Shi’a, who were considered heretical Muslims, were not accorded this privilege, and were forced to operate under Sunni sharia law. Nonetheless, firm social boundaries divided the Sunni and Shi’a communities: “Socially they seldom mixed, and as a rule did not intermarry. In mixed cities they lived in separate quarters and led their own separate lives”. After the First World War, the British became rulers of the new state of Iraq whose borders were an artificial construct born of imperialist designs on the country’s oil reserves, and cloaked by a League of Nations Mandate. The first colonial administrators regarded the Sunni as a more rational branch of Islam and a Sunni King, Faysal, was installed as king after independence was finally granted in 1932. According to the historian David Pool it was believed that “the result of Shi’a involvement in political office could only be theocratic, fanatical, xenophobic rule”. The British thus carried over Ottoman social stratifications into the post-colonial era by keeping the Shi’a at a remove from the resources of an increasingly oil-rich state. As a result, despite amounting to 55 percent of the population, during the monarchy the Shi’a filled a mere 22 percent of government posts, while only four of 23 of Iraq’s prime ministers were Shi’a. Moreover, invisible obstacles were mounted to exclude Shi’a from membership of the Military Academy making it impossible for them to become officers. But despite the persistence of Sunni dominance Iraqi society was moving away from the legacy of empire and colonialism: by the 1940s Sunnis were giving their daughters in marriage to Shi‘a “when only a few decades before the impediment to such intermarriage seemed insurmountable”. In a bloody 1958 coup King Faisal II, along with other members of family, was executed. The resolution of Iraq’s internal contradictions seemed to express itself in the half-Arab-Sunni, half-Kurdish Shi‘i parentage of General Qasim, prime minister of Iraq from 1958-1963. This period, however, represented a false dawn as the genuine and widespread hopes for a radical break with the past and for the creation of a more open society that were awakened by the events of 1958 were gradually disappointed in the following decade. During the monarchy and beyond, many Shi’a had identified with the pan-Arab cause. Arab Nationalist parties contained Shi’a. So did the Ba‘th Party, which as late as 1963 had a majority of Shi’a in its top command and probably among its active membership. However, the prevalence of Shi’a membership of the Communist Party was taken by many Sunni propagandists as evidence of their opposition to the pan-Arab cause. The popularity of Marxism was connected to the decline in religious participation in the 1950s among the Shi’a. This decline can be discerned in both the ‘popular’ and the ‘juristic’ forms of the religion; with the decreased fervour of the ritual Muharram observances, and a drop in the numbers of religious scholars. Under Qasim there was evidence that the state was taking a ‘secularising’ path: family law

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    Arts Council still relegates participation to consumption

      By Niall Crowley. Sheila Pratschke, chairperson of the Arts Council, has boldly declared that the Arts Council needs “to conceive of our activities in a different way. We can’t keep shrinking to fit the budget. We have to be more imaginative and proactive”. This ambition is now being tested as the Arts Council publishes the report of a steering group established to review its work as a first step in developing a strategic plan. The central proposal is that the Arts Council should  reposition itself as “the development agency for the arts focussed on the public good”. While the report suggests this is a “transformation”, it cannot really be seen as much more than a shift in emphasis from its previous branding as ‘The Arts Council Funding the Arts’. There is some focus on what a development agency would do – profile the needs of arts areas within its mandate, identify priority areas for strategic action and influence the environment for the arts. There is little focus on what this developmental role might seek to achieve. The Arts Council would become an informed lobbyist for the needs of the arts with its current funding role expanded to embrace policy and research activities. This might well be proactive but it is less than imaginative. The review emphasises a focus on the “public” and the “public good”. However, it fails to acknowledge the different publics that exist – other than ‘young people’ and ‘children’. Deploying the artless and depressing, if telltale, jargon of the administrator the proposals suggest placing “the public at the centre of the new Arts Council mission statement” but fail to develop any analysis of the implications of the inequalities and divisions in our society for the role of the Arts Council. The report acknowledges “large sections of the population, chiefly defined by socio-economic circumstances, but critically related to educational attainment, do not engage in the arts”. However, it makes no proposals on how to respond to this inequality other than for the Arts Council to “identify children and young people as a primary strategic priority” so as to “broaden the socio-economic profile of those engaging with the arts”. One challenging finding in the review is that “there seems little emphasis on engagement and participation as a fundamental and valued aspect of the arts in Irish society”. This apparent call to recognise the creativity of people, as opposed to relegating people to consumers of the professional arts, holds promise. However, it is not addressed in the proposals and is undermined by an elitism that  limits it to the “amateur arts”. The review offers little to those currently outside the Council’s concern with the professional arts. It suggests that the Arts Council articulate how such areas of activity might be “valued and supported (if not always financially)” because of their critical role in public engagement” and as “pathways to the professional domain”. So: a pat on the head for endeavour and no understanding of the social gains from enfranchising people’s creativity. One promising finding of the review suggests the need for dialogue between the “Arts Council, the arts sector, partners and stakeholders and a range of other individuals and organisations with an allegiance to the public good and to the development of creative communities and a culture of innovation in which the arts are seen to have a unique and important role”. A bit of imagination and pro-activity could make this focus on building creative communities more central to the role suggested for the Arts Council, but it remains for the moment undeveloped. The UN’s International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights establishes the right to “take part in cultural life”. New Irish legislation requires public bodies  to set out in their strategic plans an assessment of the human rights and equality issues relevant to their functions and purpose and the policies and actions in place or proposed to address these issues. The Arts Council is bound by this and obliged to see its “public” in terms of diversity and inequality. It is required to make provision for this diverse and divided public not just as consumers of arts and culture but also as creators of arts and culture to give real meaning to the term “take part” in cultural life. The review does not offer a promising starting point for this challenge. •

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    Getting married in China

      Garreth Byrne Confucius (d. 479 BC) was an ethical teacher who laid down guiding principles for intending mandarin rulers in a feudal society. He stressed the importance of observing traditional rites to elicit harmonious responses from the Will of Heaven. A central part of his teaching was the duties of husbands towards wives and the correct responsibilities of wives towards their husbands, and the practice of filial piety. He never intended to found a religion and did not speculate about the nature of deities or the origins of the universe. Notwithstanding his attachment to the landowning, urban business and courtly ruling classes Confucius’s teachings have influenced the attitudes of all classes, including the landless peasantry, over the centuries. Confucianism as a body of philosophy is studied by scholars today, but is not officially taught to the masses. Communities have made up for themselves packages of beliefs blending elements of Buddhism, Taoism and animism with ethical pointers derived from Confucius. Sun Yat-sen became modern China’s first President briefly after the revolution of 1911 overthrew the Qing Dynasty. He and his western-educated Christian wife Soong Chingling abolished the feudalist practice of female foot binding and encouraged educational and health services for girls and women. After the communist victory in the civil war against Jiang Kai-shek’s Guomingtang in 1949, the communist government in 1950 moved to give “socialist protection and dignity” to married women. Mao Tse Tung’s Marriage Law blended socialist gender equality ideas with puritan Confucian ethical traditions. In 1950, the Chinese communist government enacted China’s first marriage law. It banned arranged marriages, concubine relationships and child betrothal. It allowed divorce but only after “mediation and counselling” had failed. The 1950s saw a surge of politically driven divorces as many Chinese women opted out of arranged marriages. In 1980 the Marriage Law superseded it, allowing divorce if one party was found guilty of extramarital affairs, domestic violence, or addiction to drugs or gambling. It also accepted “complete alienation of mutual affection” as grounds for divorce and allowed one party to ask get it, even if the other party opposed. A husband may not apply for divorce when his wife is pregnant or within one year after giving birth to a child or within six months after abortion. This restriction does not apply where the wife applies for the divorce. For many years, couples needed written permission from employers or neighborhood committees to end marriage. Many unhappy couples stayed together just to maintain privacy and standing. In 2003, however, a revised marriage law simplified procedures, enabling couples to get their divorce certificates more discreetly. In 2011, the ‘Third Interpretation of Several Issues concerning The Marriage Law’ was promulgated, addressing the question of property rights after divorce. One section caused anxiety, especially among married women. If a wife and her parents purchase a lot of furniture and fittings for the marital home these revert to the wife after divorce, but the home remains the property of the divorced husband. If parents buy a dwelling for a young man before he marries, and this is common among the urban middle classes, an intending wife’s name cannot be ‘inserted’ into the purchase or lease documents without the  likelihood of formidable objections from in-laws. The Marriage Law is intended to strengthen “the socialist marriage system”, maintain family harmony and promote social unity. Gratifyingly it is based on “freedom, monogamy and equality between man and woman. The lawful rights and interests of women, children and old people shall be protected. Birth control shall be practised”. Either party may become a member of the family of the other, if this is agreed. So a foreigner marrying a Chinese person may as a bonus get an extended family, with rights and duties. Marriage arranged by any third party, mercenary marriage (including via trafficking) and any interference in the freedom of marriage are prohibited. Familial violence and maltreatment or desertion of any family member are prohibited. Spouses shall be truthful to and respect each other. Family members shall respect the old, take good care of the underaged, and help each other so as to maintain an equal, harmonious and cultured matrimonial and familial relationship. The Confucian tradition and the Marriage Law insist that familial peace is the important foundation of social stability. It thus encourages love and mutual help, cultured matrimony and diligence and thrift in running the household, between family members. The wife has equal rights and obligations in every field, such as political, economic, cultural, social and familial relations. In the event of divorce, both husband and wife must agree upon the disposal of the jointly owned property; if they fail to reach agreement, the People’s Court shall decide the disposal thereof, following the principle of favouring the children and the wife. This has no equivalent in Western societies Although the socialist system offers women equality with men, due to ancient Chinese customs many people still treat women as inferior. Marriage Law offers special protections to the rights and interests of women. The Marriage Law stipulates that parents shall be obliged to raise and educate their children. The relationship between parents and children does not end when parents divorce. Both a Chinese father and a foreign mother shall, after divorce, have the right and the obligation to raise their children. Desertion is prohibited – of spouse, children or even of elderly relatives in need. Protection of old people is an important family obligation and it is a Chinese ‘traditional virtue’ in conformity with the teachings of Confucius. Filial piety is found in most world cultures and is the Fourth Commandment for Christians, for example. Marriage Law, and the Confucian traditions, declare that children shall look after their ageing parents. If a grown child fails in this matter, the dependent and infirm parents may seek a maintenance order in the courts. Foreigner spouses may find themselves surprised by this socio-legal obligation. Birth control is one of the major principles of the Marriage Law in China. It was included

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