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    A whistle-blower’s tale (June 2011)

    The Irish Red Cross fired me for detailing its delinquencies. By Noel Wardick In July 2005 I came home after seven months in Darfur and seven years working in Africa. I accepted a job with the Irish Red Cross (IRC) as Head of its International Department, based in Dublin. Perhaps I should have listened to a colleague of mine who informed me it was considered a dysfunctional organisation and had a high staff turnover. I was, however, glad to be home and the Red Cross was a global organisation with an impeccable reputation. After my first month it was clear that the IRC had problems. Within weeks I had reservations about the capacity of the Finance Department. More worryingly I was very uncomfortable with certain procurement practices which were largely out of the hands of senior management and instead under the control of certain board members. I expressed concern. I was advised “this is the way business is done here” and not to challenge the two or three individuals who dominated the board. In June 2007 the Secretary General (SG) left in acrimonious circumstances. She had been pushing for reform, a dangerous pursuit in IRC. By 2009 there were problems with a huge financial deficit, staff redundancies, staff morale, failures to rotate board members and delays in distributing funds raised for that year’s domestic flooding. Throughout the period 2005-2010 I challenged the prevailing culture at the Society. I sought reform, accountability, transparency and openness. Where I could implement it, on the international side, I did. Where I couldn’t, at the level of the board, I documented my concerns to the organisation’s hierarchy. I was forever being told “Noel, you are a marked man”. The discovery of an undeclared bank account in mid-2008 in Tipperary under the name of the IRC, which had had €162,000 lying in it for over three years, caused consternation and panic. The money was supposed to be for victims of the 2004 Asian tsunami but money was not forwarded to IRC head office as per IRC financial procedures. The Vice Chairman of the IRC was a signatory on the account. He denied any wrongdoing. At least one call for his resignation was made. Questions were asked in the Dáil, particularly by Labour’s Brian O’Shea and towards the end of 2009 many of these matters were covered in Village Magazine, which named names and outlined details of the undeclared bank account for the first time; and in some, though not many other organs. With one or two notable exceptions, the establishment media seemed uninterested that a pillar of the charitable sector was in fact seriously delinquent. Another SG resigned suddenly and unexpectedly in November 2009 and a discomfited David Andrews, Chairman for 10 years, resigned on the same day. Chaos and turmoil followed. Eventually an investigation, highly compromised as it was internal, took place in late 2010 following intense media and political pressure. Serious errors, breaches of policy and mistakes were identified. Blame was apportioned to no-one. The signatories on the account were not sanctioned or reprimanded. The Vice Chairman was re-appointed to the IRC board for the 21st year in a row on May 28th 2011. This despite the IRC’s public position that it intended reforming its governance. By 2010 every attempt was being made to silence dissent and protect long established power bases. I began writing an anonymous blog outlining the IRC’s problems. Attempts were made to inform IRC members about the blog and to encourage them to take action. Shutting the blog down became an obsession for the IRC hierarchy. This culminated in the extraordinary decision in mid 2010 to take legal action against Google HQ in California demanding they reveal the identity of the blog author. Google refused. IRC incurred huge legal costs in the failed legal action. In August 2010 I publicly revealed for the first time, on RTE’s Prime Time, that I was the blog author. I had, just days before, told the IRC. In November 2010 I was fired “for gross misconduct”. I have taken an Unfair Dismissals action against the IRC. The backlog of cases means it will be many months yet before the case is heard. In the meantime I remain unemployed. The complete absence in Ireland of whistle-blowing protection for employees who in good faith report abuses means the weapon of fear can and is used to great effect in ensuring those who witness wrongdoing remain silent. Those responsible for the financial irregularities and the breaches of good corporate governance at the IRC remain in positions of authority and seniority. The government knows this and still it unquestioningly gives €1 million of tax payers’ money to the IRC every year. One government-appointed member of the IRC Central Council summed it up “Until those responsible for the Tipperary tsunami bank account scandal are removed and until those board members with excessive service step down the future of the IRC remains seriously jeopardised”.

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    Ireland’s unquestioning artists bolster the economic and political élite (June 2011)

    By Niall Crowley Theatre and the arts have choices to make in a time of crises. While they have been effective in organising for survival and the National Campaign for the Arts has been certainly impressive, the messages from the campaign raise disturbing questions as to the choices being made by theatre and the arts. The campaign sets out a belief in the value of the arts and in a society that values creativity, imagination and expression. It points to the role of the arts in enriching our lives. It also, however, emphasises the value of the arts to economic growth, tourism and the smart economy and the contribution of the arts to enhancing our image and reputation abroad. These messages are tailored to a purpose: theatre and the arts have chosen to be at the service of the economic and political élite. They have taken on to create the conditions for this élite to sustain profit taking in a time of crises by contributing to economic development and by creating favourable market conditions. There is no focus on theatre and the arts enabling people to question their current situation and how it is being managed by this political and economic élite. The campaign notes how the new Government needs our help to implement its Programme for Government and to deliver “the society we all want”. It highlights that an investment in the arts is an investment in Ireland and in the closer realisation of “the society we all want”. Any such consensus about society seems unrealistic in a context of the deep inequalities that persist in our society. The suggestion of such a consensus is unhelpful where alternatives being put forward are smothered with the mantra that we have no choice. The role of theatre and the arts in enabling people and communities to imagine different futures to the divided, unsustainable and unequal future offered by the political and economic élite is being denied. The ‘Imagine Ireland’ initiative launched earlier this year in the USA reflects similar choices. Mary Hanafin, then Minister for Tourism, Culture and Sports, highlighted that arts and culture are vital to Ireland’s recovery and to the relationship between Ireland and the USA. Gabriel Byrne noted that there was nothing new in this idea of imagining Ireland. He highlighted the work of W.B. Yeats in founding the Abbey Theatre with the aim of re-imagining Ireland for the 20th Century. He did not contrast the impressive ambition of Yeats with the tawdry ambition of ‘Imagine Ireland’ in imagining Ireland for tourists and investors from the USA. Theatre and the arts are there to rebuild our image and reputation abroad. They are to boost economic growth and enable economic recovery. ‘Imagine Ireland’ grew from discussions at the 2009 Global Irish Economic Forum. Business and cultural leaders were brought together to discuss ways to escape our parlous economic situation. Arts and culture were diminished by participants as a vital door opener abroad for Irish business. Ireland’s unquestioning artists bolster the economic and political élite When theatre and the arts choose to speak beyond the confines of their own sector it would appear that the interlocutor of choice is the business sector. Figures from theatre and the arts are largely invisible when it comes to collaboration with any other parts of civil society. Where they have participated, it has been largely confined to individuals fronting high-profile and well-resourced initiatives that pose little threat to the dominant status quo. This is an engagement more akin to patronage than to the collaboration that is required. Theatre and the arts have yet to reach out in any meaningful way to other parts of civil society seeking social and political change. As a result their capacity to arouse outrage at our current situation has not been deployed to any significant extent. The potential of theatre and the arts to challenge the ideological forces that sustain a response to crises that merely deepens inequality has yet to be realised. Their contribution to imagining a different and better society is still awaited.

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    Villager (June 2011)

    Canapés and gobbleydegook for pampered ex-pats The Government is to host a second global Irish economic forum at Dublin Castle in October, Tánaiste Eamon Gilmore has said. “The forum will provide an opportunity for the Government to meet directly with many of the most influential members of our diaspora and discuss our priorities for economic renewal, job creation and the restoration of Ireland’s reputation abroad,” he told the Dáil. More than the previous forum in 2009 held at Farmleigh, he said, “will be less on what we should be doing and more about action”. The first forum remember was billed as an “Irish Davos” think-in of our business élite and cost €300,000. David McWilliams promised five business plans out of the beano; and Dermot Desmond outlined a brilliant and original plan for a university of the arts. Eighteen months on, Where is the brilliant and original plan for a  government-backed “recovery” bond that would be marketed to the 60-70 million Irish diaspora? Or for the  “super”-website, “selling the country and linking with, say, the top 1,000 Irish movers and shakers abroad”? Or the plan for nationalising Eircom advanced by Denis O’Brien (may the Gods bless him and make fecund his tribe)? According to Gilmore, Farmleigh “led to the implementation of a series of significant initiatives across a range of areas, including business network development, innovation, tourism, the promotion of Irish culture and diaspora engagement”. “Diaspora-engagement”, Eamon? Ubiquitous waving Villager doesn’t like queens. They expect to be called Your Majesty, to be fawned over and not to be elected. In the particular case of Her whom we still anomalously know as “the” queen she notably never says or does anything progressive either. Still she did a good job here and seemed to enjoy her outing, at least more than such chores as royal weddings and variety performances, if the unusually radiant smile was any indicator. The folk in the Village office couldn’t look out of the window for a week without yer wan’s white glove oscillating up at them. She leaves a strange legacy of luminescent yellow spanner outlines over every drain and man-hole-cover in Dublin city centre. 21st-Century Security. Where are you, youth? Internet activists Art Uncut say they will be holding up a large, illuminated “Bono Pay Up” sign during the band’s set at Glastonbury and will also float an oversized bundle of fake cash across the crowd; from an Irish Tricolour on one side to a Dutch flag on the other – all, of course rehearsing the self-righteous but capitalistic band’s controversial 2006 decision to move part of their business to the Netherlands to lessen their tax burden following the Government’s decision to put a cap on the amount of tax-free earnings available to artists here. Very solicitous of them but why do the British do youthful political activism so much better than here. The last stunt in – politically-disploded – Ireland came courtesy of … Mick Wallace! Denis, Gavin, Brian and Dermot; and Michael Denis O’Brien, Independent News and Media’s largest shareholder, said Gavin O’Reilly and Brian Hillery (soon to be INM ex-chairman as well as ex-chairman of Unicredit in Ireland and general all-purpose FF ex-Senator) were “delusional in their total denial of the extremely chronic financial situation” at the group. Denis O’Brien, remember, is the non-delusional paragon who said, “I never made any payment to Michael Lowry”. Interesting to see his arriviste Esat mucker Dermot Desmond, now the proud owner of 2% of INM, backing him up here. Desmond made over €120 million out of Esat , benefiting from whatever largesse Lowry cast Esat’s way as a result of the goodies paid to him by O’Brien – allegedly. Chief Justice John Murray is retiring as Chief Justice. Apart from a limited number of jurisprudential gems he is most notable for being from Limerick, serving as president of the Union of Students in Ireland in 1966/7, marrying former Supreme Court judge Brian Walsh’s daughter Gabrielle, being twice Attorney General under Charlie Haughey and working as a Judge in the European Court of Justice. Funny with all that he never really caught on as a force for anything much. Anyway the push is on to succeed him. Fine Gael lost out on the Attorney Generalship, with Frank Callanan in particular, historian of Parnell, scourge of Bertie and a staunch Endaite the most disappointed. The Labour/Fine Gael dynamic will determine the next Chief Justiceship which is said to be a call between Susan Denham, elegant and progressive daughter of former Irish Times editor, Douglas – with Labour leanings; Niall Fennelly, ex-Clongownian former European Court of Justice Advocate General – with Fine Gael leanings. Two Fine Gael-leaning High Court judges are also in the mix: Frank Clarke of the High Court, one of the sharpest judges on the bench and Mary Finlay Geoghegan who began her career as a solicitor. Adrian Hardiman, the photographic-memoried Jeremy Clarkson of the bench brings PDish views that are too strong for the squeamish and the soft-minded and has little chance. John Rogers, who served as Attorney General under Dick Spring and engineered the recent ascent of the formidable Máire R Whelan to the attorney generalship in teeth of derision from Michael McDowell and his mouthpiece, Sam Smyth, is a possible last-ditch parachuter in (now the endless hearing at An Bord Pleanála over the Slane Bypass to which he is passionately opposed, has come to an end). Deputy Chief Justice While he’s at the bar, Villager salutes Declan Costello, another one-time Attorney General who died at the beginning of June. He was a disciple of Thomistic philosopher, Maritain. As a politician he was progressive architect of Fine Gael’s influential Just Society document. Later as a High Court Judge he was too inclined to believe that the State represented that Just Society and should not be judicially reprimanded. This led to some hard decisions like his – overturned – 1992 judgment in the X case injuncting the 14-year old rape-victim from leaving the country for an abortion

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    Government popularity will survive until budget when populist Sinn Féin will surge (June 2011)

    By John Gormley It has been a good few weeks for the new government. The visits of the Queen and Barack Obama exceeded all expectations and that air of excitement and optimism still lingers. Even the charges of plagiarism against Enda Kenny could not dampen the euphoria. The new government has managed to convey a feeling of renewal and revitalisation. Their spin-machine is well oiled and operating at maximum efficiency. So much so that many believe the state visits were entirely the initiative of the new government. When you get credit for things you’re not fully responsible for you know you’re on a roll. If an opinion poll was held now – and there must be one due – both Fine Gael and Labour would be the beneficiaries of the feel-good factor. Fianna Fáil, on the other hand, may not have yet reached rock bottom and the dreaded decline could continue for a time. This won’t worry Micheál Martin unduly. He is a skilled and experienced operator who knows only too well that the government honeymoon will continue until the budget. Thereafter, it’s reality time for Fine Gael and Labour and the electorate who placed so much hope in this new administration. They did so on the basis that the incoming government would give the people a better and fairer deal, that they would stimulate employment, that they would burn or at least scorch or singe the bondholders. It is not about to happen. Sure, eventually we will get a lower interest rate but in the context of ten billion a year repayments it won’t make a huge difference. And no amount of spin can hide the fact that growth rates are flat-lining and that the government’s deflationary measures serve only to exacerbate the problem. Éamon Gilmore’s “Frankfurt’s way or Labour’s way” has proven to be not just a diplomatic faux pas but also a major hostage to fortune. Despite this, the government spin machine has ensured that all ministers stick to the script. You’ll notice a number of lines being repeated. The first of these is that this is a ‘national government’. It is not. Fine Gael and Labour rejected the concept of national government whilst in opposition, knowing full well the prize of government would fall into their laps if they could force an election. Both parties now have an overwhelming – and perhaps unwieldy – majority. They are faced with a shrunken , diverse, even disparate opposition, which they can dismiss as inconsequential if they succeed in branding themselves as a national government.  The second line trotted out by government ministers and spokespersons is that two-thirds of the adjustment has already been made. True, perhaps. But it wasn’t this government that made that adjustment, a fact that won’t be lost on Micheál Martin as he looks ruefully at his depleted and demoralised ranks. Nor will it be lost on government backbenchers. And here’s one from the blindingly obvious department: taking money out of people’s pockets makes you unpopular. This will concentrate the minds of those backbenchers who got the second party seat in a constituency and those backbenchers who did not get ministerial preferment. There are quite a few who see themselves in that latter category. The third line of spin – and this is the mainstay of government communication – is that fourteen years of Fianna Fáil mismanagement have brought us to this sorry pass, necessitating further austerity measures. It is the line that works best because it has a strong foundation of truth. Nonetheless, as the new Icelandic government knows, it is not a line you can hide behind forever. Come the budget there will be no more benefit of the doubt. The cosy fireside chats, which pass for radio interviews, will be replaced by more rigorous interrogation. And, yes, the poll ratings of this new government will inevitably disimprove. And who will benefit? The answer is clear – Sinn Féin. They have a crop of new articulate deputies who will target Labour ruthlessly. Like Labour, they are extremely pragmatic and will pursue a strictly populist line that could yield significant electoral success in the coming years. Can the Labour party withstand that sort of sustained pressure on their left flank? Probably yes, but it won’t be easy. Already, there are indications of some unease on the Labour bankbenches relating to the Richard Bruton proposals for Sunday payments to low-paid workers. Likewise, there were some on the Fine Gael backbenches who were less than happy with the taxes on pensions. Most significantly, the unequivocal statement by Enda Kenny rejecting any sort of debt restructuring was in direct contradiction of an earlier statement by Pat Rabbitte. Perhaps all of this is simply the creative tension of coalition government, but one thing is certain: the budget will change the dynamic of this government and soundbites and spin doctors will be unable to disguise that.

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    Chance for truth about Omagh (Archive, June 2011)

    Belfast High Court says security forces may have had foreknowledge of the Omagh bombing. By Anton McCabe In February 2011, Omagh bomb victim, Laurence Rush, won an important legal victory in February, which attracted little notice. The North’s High Court allowed Rush to proceed with legal action against the North’s Chief Constable and Secretary of State. He is claiming their neglect of duty allowed the 1998 bombing to happen, and that they subsequently failed properly to investigate. Rush’s wife, Libby, was one of the 29 people killed. Last year the High Court struck Rush’s case out, ruling it had little chance of success. The headline on the Belfast Telegraph report “Blame RIRA for your wife’s death” was typical of coverage. All reports quoted the end of the judgment: “Those who committed the civil wrong against Mr Rush, as a result of which he tragically lost his wife, were the members of the Real IRA who organised and carried out the Omagh bombing”. Mr Justice Gillen, in the Belfast High Court, has now upheld Rush’s appeal. In his ruling, he wrote: “I have come to the conclusion that it is neither plain nor obvious that the cause of action in this matter has no chance of success. In short I do not consider that on the pleadings the case made by the plaintiff (Rush) is unarguable”. Regarding evidence produced by Rush’s legal team suggesting the security forces had foreknowledge of the bombing, he wrote: “I have concluded there may well be substance in this argument”. Some relatives of victims are calling for a public inquiry. However, after the Bloody Sunday Inquiry, British Prime Minister David Cameron told Parliament: “let me reassure the House that there will be no more open-ended and costly inquiries into the past”. Thus, the hearing of Rush’s case is the only chance for the circumstances of Omagh to be examined in public. Rush has always said that he sees the Real IRA as primarily responsible. In his Statement of Claim, he says: “The bomb which killed Elizabeth Imelda Rush was planted by the so-called Real IRA, a criminal terrorist conspiracy and a proscribed organisation.” However, he claims the state failed to properly investigate. Rush is being represented by British human rights barrister Michael Mansfield, instructed by solicitor Des Doherty. At the inquest into the Omagh deaths, their questioning established there were only four police in duty in Omagh at the time of the bombing on 15 August 1998. They also established that ten were being sent to Kilkeel to police a contentious parade. This police unit normally patrolled the Omagh area in civilian-type cars. Rush is also relying on information that emerged subsequently. A long-term security force agent, Peter Keeley (who uses the name Kevin Fulton), has produced evidence that he informed a police handler the Real IRA was preparing a bomb for an attack somewhere in the North on the weekend of Omagh. These allegations led the Police Ombudsman to begin an inquiry. Her inquiry raised serious doubts about the effectiveness of the police investigation; among other matters. She established that police had received a call on 4 August 1998 warning of an attack in Omagh on 15 August, the date of the bomb, but this information was withheld from investigating officers. The Panorama programme on BBC1 later established that the UK’s electronic intelligence agency GCHQ was monitoring mobile phone communications between the bombers; but did not pass the information on to investigating police. Rush’s legal action is separate from the Omagh Victims’ Legal Action, which two years ago obtained a judgment for £1.6million against four men associated with the Real IRA. Rush was originally a part of this, but withdrew. He was the most outspoken of a several relatives, Protestant and Catholic, unhappy with the Action’s strategy. In her book Aftermath: The Omagh Bombing and the Families Pursuit of Justice’, conservative writer and academic Ruth Dudley Edwards has claimed to have been one of the main strategists behind this action. She wrote of some relatives: “There were bereaved and injured and suffering republicans whose instinct would always be to blame the police for failing to prevent a tragedy rather than terrorists who made it happen”. Rush believed there was no point in taking legal action against individuals with no resources. He was unhappy with the decision to employ London lawyers H20 as legal representatives. There have been subsequent complaints about the fees charged by H20. Rush further felt there was an agenda of pinning all the blame on the Real IRA, and presenting the security forces as without fault: “The RUC were still the heroes”. In her book, Dudley Edwards admits she did not wish to query the role of the security forces. In December 2001, the Police Ombudsman produced her report. Dudley Edwards writes:  “In London, lawyers and supporters alike were fearful that the fundraising effort would be damaged as the focus moved from the bombers on to the police, and Henry (Robinson) and I were sent to Omagh to talk to Michael (Gallagher – chair of the only victims’ group) about steadying the ship. … Henry and I sent messages to (RUC Chief Constable Sir Ronnie) Flanagan urging that he reassure the families urgently, but he was pre-empted by (Police Ombudsman) Mrs O’Loan, who spent four hours in Omagh presenting her report to victims immediately before making it public”. Dudley Edwards’ book does not give any of the details of the findings of the Ombudsman’s report. However, she devotes two pages to rebuttals by police and their supporters. Rush was further concerned at the involvement of former security force agent Sean O’Callaghan in the Action. O’Callaghan was in charge of its media side. Rush said O’Callaghan was presented as “someone with an understanding of Irish terrorism”. Rush subsequently established that O’Callaghan had two convictions for murders committed in the 1970s; and claimed to have murdered a low-level informer within the IRA in 1985 while he (O’Callaghan) was a high-level informant. O’Callaghan told

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    Abolish the €100m State funding for private schools. By Mark Lonergan (current edn, Village)

    Jerusalem in South County Dublin “the’best’ schools in the country are off limits to the children of  immigrants, members of the Travelling community or those with special needs” By Mark Lonergan The growing fiscal crisis demands cuts in State expenditure. One cut would actually enhance the common good. What better place to start than the present state subvention for private schools? The economic meltdown will  devastate average household budgets but leave intact the unassailable bastions that are our nation’s elite private schools which, according to figures released recently, still  managed to enrol over 26,000 pupils this year despite charging fees in the region of €6,000 a year for day students and up to €20,000 for boarders. These schools share certain characteristics that make them anathema to those who believe that equality ought to be the foundation of our education system. The  admissions policies of these schools are blatantly discriminatory as they give preference to the children of former students, siblings of current students, attendees of their fee-paying junior schools and relatives of their teaching staff. Even more intimidating for those outside the existing educational elite is the fact that many of these schools insist on interviewing both the applicant child and their parents as part of their admissions process. The result of all of this is that some of the’best’ schools in the country are off limits to the children of  immigrants, members of the Travelling community or those with special needs who would benefit most from having access to them and leads to a total lack of any meaningful diversity in the student body. Our private schools are facilitating educational Apardheid. In a democracy many would say that parents have every right to send their children to a far-from-free school. Harder to understand is the lavish State largesse that these fee-paying schools continue to receive – over €100 million a year, the bulk of which goes toward teachers’ salaries. The most up-to-date Department of Education figures show the 51 fee-paying schools received this support for teacher salaries in 2008/09 with an additional €2.1 million for capital or building works in 17 fee-paying schools last year. For example, St Andrew’s in Booterstown, Dublin  received over €5 million in State supports, including over €4.5 million for teacher salaries and €460,000 for building works; Blackrock College  received over €4.2 million from the State for teacher salaries and an additional €114,000 for building works. In an age when parents feel obliged to collect  vouchers for essential educational  equipment for schools, it is impossible to understand why the ordinary decent taxpayer should be forced to watch taxes being used to fund schools that have a deliberate policy of discriminating against their own offspring. Private schools  may spend excess funds on floodlights for the hockey pitches while poorer schools are  denied special-needs funding or conduct classes from damp prefabs. With teacher salaries paid by the State, many fee-paying schools enjoy much better facilities than their counterparts in the free second-level sector. Language Labs are the norm in South County Dublin, whereas the State school in North Tipperary has to make do with an antiquated tape recorder. Furthermore, the private secondary school model is predominantly a Dublin phenomenon: 37 of the fee-paying schools are in Dublin with  over 70% in its South County. Why is taxpayer’s money being diverted to the richest area of Ireland? At a very minimum fee-paying schools should be forced to choose between adopting an open and transparent admissions process or face the removal of all State funding. These schools will survive as they have access to money from both donations and fees – and from both alumni and parents. Sean Dunne famously gifted €1m to Clongowes Wood for an all- weather Rugby pitch. It is hard not to conclude that the decision of the rainbow coalition to abolish third level fees in 1996 represented a lazy apology for a decision. A quick jaunt around any Dublin university would have shown the main beneficiaries of free fees are not children from the poorest families but middle-class families who, relieved of the future burden of third-level fees, responded to  this windfall by reallocating their resources towards their kids’ secondary education.  And that this led to an unprecedented demand for fee-paying secondary schools with the consequence that some excellent State schools, such as Greendale in North Dublin, found they could not fill places and were forced to close. Having enjoyed such benefits at second-level it is hardly surprising that the majority of the alumni of these feeder schools motor on to third level.  They usually fill nine of the top 10 places in the broadsheet staple lists of feeder schools to   leading universities. In the face of such base unfairness surely  fiscal Armaggedon  compels an end to State subsidies for  private schools and the diversion of the €100 million savings to schools that are simply more deserving? Perhaps the reason this is never discussed is that our political and media masters have vested interests in upholding this scandalously counter-egalitarian educational tradition.

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    Ireland’s rural pub trade is collapsing (March ’11 edn)

    By Éibhir Mulqueen The village of Annascaul on the road to Dingle in Co Kerry is notable for two distinctive pubs: one, The South Pole Inn, was owned by the famous Antarctic explorer Tom Crean; the other, Dan Foley’s, was run by a retired magician. The pub’s garish pink, blue and red façade is famous for its picture of a gas cylinder and the words “it’s an illusion”, painted on as a magician’s hologram, was a staple of the Real Ireland Design postcard series. Both venues have entertained locals and visitors over the years. But the famous epigram now hints at a deeper, more profound meaning: Foley’s has been on the books of a Tralee auctioneers for the past four years, its colours are fading and the “Guinness is good for you” enamel sign is rusting. You can still purchase the original postcard on eBay but the more recent pictures available online of a slowly decaying premises with a ‘for sale’ sign now reflect a more up-to-date real Ireland. Closure has been the fate of 1,300 pubs throughout Ireland over the past five years or at the rate of nearly one per day, as the Vintners Federation of Ireland (VFI), representing 4,500 rural publicans, points out, while the return of mass emigration in rural areas means the outlook is bleak. In the past three years alone, Co Cork has lost 90 pubs, double the number of the counties with the next greatest losses, Kerry and Galway, which each lost 46. Mayo, Limerick, Donegal and Clare have also have seen high closure numbers. In contrast, Meath and Kildare have increased their pub numbers, if only by a small number as they benefit from the numbers living on the commuter belt. Along with local shops and post offices – around 600 sub post offices have closed in the past ten years – pubs have been an essential part of village life, a meeting point for friends and a place that have delighted foreign tourists, where they felt less of a walking commodity and more of a visitor having a genuine experience. Eileen Percival, a native of Annascaul who returned from England twelve years ago to lease the South Pole, tells a familiar tale of struggle, changed drinking habits and people less willing to pay for meals. She was employing seven staff up to three years ago during the summer. “Any staff that go I am not replacing them. I am just doing it myself because I cannot afford to. Times are really tough.” The effect is not just on the hundreds of family-run businesses that kept small numbers employed over generations. Apart from reducing Ireland’s appeal to visitors, pub closures amount to a loss of a social forum, most keenly felt by single, elderly men. President McAleese has highlighted how rural isolation is now a major social problem for older men in particular. “Yeats once said that this ‘is no country for old men’. I want to be sure he was wrong”, she said at a forum on the issue four years ago while pointing out that older men are now the second most at risk suicide group after young males. In some areas this has been reversed. South Kerry coroner Terence Casey pointed out recently that in his region most suicides since 2005 were among older age groups. “We have had a lot of discussions about this at our regional meetings. What has been identified is a male group typically aged between 50 and 80,” says Ted Tierney, deputy chief executive of Mental Health Ireland. “The disappearance of the rural pub and the drink driving laws is impacting on them. “With the closure of these pubs, their only social outlet in some cases is gone.” His organisation promotes a befriending project but he also underlines the need for a rural transport scheme to run between 9pm and midnight. “If you could walk to your pub and that closes, the next one could be four or six miles away,” he says. Meanwhile, the GAA Social Initiative began as a result of the President’s talk and is a reach-out project aiming to have every GAA club participating in social activities, often in a local pub if there is no clubhouse. Seán Kilbride, project manager for the initiative, has 90 clubs involved so far and hopes to have 150 by the year’s end that involve elderly men and, ultimately, all sections of the community in GAA social activities. “We do not want to be too formulaic. We would be a reminder to clubs that this should be a natural part of their philosophy”, he says. The VFI has campaigned for dedicated smoking rooms, reduced bureaucracy and lower rates to help pub owners, while pointing out that drinking at home often creates more problems than drinking in a pub. It wants a ban on supermarkets selling below-cost alcohol, an issue also taken up by grocery group RGDATA which refers to Tesco “selling beer cheaper than water”. The pub is as much an institution in Britain and there the trend is similar. One in ten pubs has closed in the past six years and closures are still running at 39 a week, according to the British Beer & Pub Association, which is also calling for government policies to support a sector promoting community life. Elsewhere too there are similar developments due to crackdowns on drink driving and teen drinking as well as smoking bans. In France food rather than alcohol has traditionally been at the centre of French community life and there family-run restaurants and bistros, along with café and bars have fallen by the wayside, as smokers are nudged outside and the ‘le fast food’ culture takes hold. In 1960 there were 200,000 cafés but that number was down to 38,600 by 2009, according to the National Federation of Cafes, Brasseries and Discotheques. Common factors in all countries are changing habits, urbanisation, the selling power of corporations and strictly-enforced drinking laws which have turned

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