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    Alternatives – economic, social and environmental (Village Magazine, May)

    The Egalitarian Niall Crowley, equality consultant and former CEO of the Equality Authority, commissioned some alternative voices economically, socially and environmentally We are constantly told there are no alternatives. The markets allow for no flexibility, they say. The Troika demand this, they tell us. Closing down the debate inspires a hopelessness and yet it suits the dominant and doomed economic project to get us back to where we were and to protect those interests that, supposedly, retain the capacity to get us there. It stifles public debate and locks all commentators into ways of thinking that narrow the range of solutions being considered. We need alternatives now more than ever before if we are to imagine a different and better future. The current situation in Ireland “requires a refounding of the the institutions and culture of the Irish State, and a new development project for the country”, according to Kirby and Murphy in their book ‘Towards a Second Republic’ (Pluto Ireland, 2011). They bemoan the constraints to our social imagination. They quote Colin Hay writing about the situation in Britain: “that new economic paradigms are difficult to summon up, especially when you need them most”. Those who are working on alternatives – alternative policies, strategies and even models for society and the economy  do not get the public space they need.   The Economist Sinéad Pentony, Head of Policy with TASC, writes that tax determines society Taxes provide the revenue that we need to educate our children, care for those who are ill, keep our communities safe and support those who are out of work or in retirement.  Ireland is an advanced economy, with western European standards of social and economic development.  If we wish to maintain and enhance these standards, our levels of taxation will also need to be comparable to those of our most advanced European neighbours. In 2009, Ireland’s overall tax-to-GDP ratio was the third lowest in the European Union at 28 per cent, and the second lowest in the Eurozone.  This is compared to an EU average of 38 per cent.  The difference between Ireland and our European neighbours is primarily attributable to Ireland’s relatively low level of (employer and employee) social-security contributions, more commonly known as PRSI, and the relatively low levels of local-government taxation. The tax base was eroded over the last two decades by a policy of cutting taxes when they should have been increased, and through the proliferation of tax breaks that undermined the tax base and fuelled the property boom.   We need a lot of painful adjustments to make up for the mistakes of the past.  TASC has been making the case for rebuilding the tax system in a way that creates the conditions for greater equality and sustainable and job-rich growth. Government income and Government expenditure are out of line. The Government, in its first budget, has maintained the budgetary parameters set by the previous administration, prioritising spending cuts over tax increases.  TASC has proposed a different package of measures to reduce the deficit by focusing on revenue-raising measures that will minimise the impact on employment, economic growth and low-income groups. Taxation measures that promote equality and sustainable growth must target high-income groups, property assets, unproductive activity and passive income (e.g. rent), as well as protecting the environment.   For example, this would mean that the Universal Social Charge is levied on all income from inheritances, gifts and capital gains in the same way that it is currently levied on labour income.  The thresholds determining liability to Capital Gains and Acquisitions taxes would be reduced.  While the last Budget made some progress in this regard, it did not go far enough. Tax reliefs are generally regressive since they disproportionately benefit higher earners and property-owners.  The curtailment of pension-tax reliefs and reliefs relating to rental income would increase the tax take while minimising the impact on low-income families.  The domicile levy has failed to ensure that wealthy Irish people who are non-resident for tax purposes pay their fair share.  There is clearly a need for a radical rethink of how these wealthy elites should be taxed.  Other countries have successfully taxed their wealthy citizens through taxation based on citizenship or taxation of global assets.  The question is: do we have the political will to put in place equitable taxation measures for our wealthy citizens? Ireland has very low levels of local taxation compared to other European countries.  TASC supports equality-proofed residential-property tax and water charges, as these measures represent an opportunity to sustainably fund reformed local services that are more accountable and responsive to local needs. Unfortunately, the flat-rate household charge is highly regressive because people on lower incomes pay proportionately far more of their income than those on higher incomes. While there is a lack of clarity regarding how water charges will be implemented, the indications are that they will not be taking household size or circumstances into consideration, so registerig a disproportionate impact on low-income households and larger families. Ireland also has very low levels of social-security contributions.  We should be planning for gradual increases in employer and employee PRSI, combined with general taxation, to provide free-universal healthcare and earnings-related pensions. Minimising the impact of tax increases on low-income groups not only promotes equality and allows people to live in dignity, it also protects spending in the economy, which is crucial for economic recovery.   TASC’s taxation proposals outline in a credible way a realistic set of measures to move us away from an under-resourced, unsustainable and unfair tax system and towards a modern progressive European tax system. The Sociologist Mary Murphy, lecturer in Irish Politics and Society in NUI Maynooth and one of the organisers of Claiming our Future, writes that without a struggle of ideas there can be no political struggle. In ‘Shock Doctrine’ Naomi Klein chillingly describes the Right as always ready, waiting for moments of crisis, to move in and apply its prescriptive ideas.  While the Left also expects opportunity in crisis, progressives have been found

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    Cox’s conflicts

    Pádraig Ó Ríordáin, a partner with Arthur Cox solicitors, is recent governments’ go-to lawyer for finance and now aviation. After a seven-month search by Fine Gael’s scrupulous Minister for Transport, Leo Varadkar, the appointment, over the becalmed Christmas period, of high-flyer Pádraig Ó Ríordáin to the role of chairman of the Dublin Airport Authority (DAA) generated some turbulence.

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    Denis O’Brien replies to Village article

    Denis O’Brien sent the following letter to the Village editor in response to an article published in the November 2011 issue of the magazine. The letter is published without comment and will also be reproduced in our January 2012 edition.

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    Village editor on Irish Times’ misreporting of SIPO’s Cllr Oisin Quinn ethics case

    Interesting to see how the Irish Times, the newspaper of record, handles challenging and sensitive stories concerning the political establishment – when you know what the real story is. Here’s an article from a December edition: Councillor’s property stake and vote to be investigated MARY MINIHAN, writing in the Irish Times THE STANDARDS in Public Office Commission is to investigate alleged contraventions of the ethical framework for the local government service by Labour Dublin city councillor Oisín Quinn. The complaint against Mr Quinn relates to his participation in votes on the draft Dublin City Council’s development plan while he had an interest in a property in the city. The property, which Mr Quinn has declared in his annual declaration of interests, is 84-93 Lower Mount Street, the majority of which is occupied by the Revenue Commissioners. Mr Quinn continues to have a one-sixth interest in the property. A public sitting of the commission will be held next Monday to investigate the complaint submitted by Michael Smith, editor of Village magazine and formerly of An Taisce, and Independent councillor Cieran Perry. They wrote to the commission on November 23rd, 2010. According to the commission, the investigation will take place under the Ethics in Public Office Acts 1995 and 2001 (the Ethics Acts) and part 15 of the Local Government Act 2001. Mr Quinn said the same complaint had previously been made to the council’s ethics registrar and had been rejected. “I believe I behaved with exemplary care and transparency,” Mr Quinn, a nephew of Minister for Education Ruairí Quinn, said. “I believe I followed not just the letter but also the spirit of the ethical framework. I took advice by asking the city manager, senior city planners and the city law agent for their view and, importantly, I followed their advice and did it transparently by putting it on the record at the start of the meeting.” The complaint from Mr Smith and Mr Perry states Mr Quinn had an interest in the “substantial and valuable” property and acknowledges that he has disclosed this to the council in writing as required. The complainants argue that Mr Quinn should have refrained from voting on matters relating to the development plan. They argue that he breached the ethics provisions of the Local Government Act 2001 and the associated code of conduct for councillors on a number of grounds, one of which was “through his speaking persuasively to, and voting for, other resolutions in . . . July 2010 which would have allowed increases in heights across the inner city including for his own property on Lower Mount Street”. The complaint continues: “His disclosure before the 2010 meeting was not accompanied by his leaving the chamber and refraining from voting.” The council’s ethics registrar previously told Mr Smith and Mr Perry: “I am satisfied that there has been no breach of the ethics framework contained in the Local Government Act 2001 and the code of conduct for councillors.” Here are the problems, as I see it: 1) Mary Minihan uses comments from only one side of the story. I would have been unwilling to give her a quote, as there is a quasi-judicial hearing imminent and it is unedifying, and inappropriate and unfair (at least while Oisín Quinn remained silent) for us as complainants to comment. I wonder what guidelines the Irish Times has on this. 2) The article not only uses comments from only one side, it is also one-sided in outlining the respective cases. It is unbalanced and it makes multiple mistakes all of which, not uncoincidentally, are to our detriment, not Cllr Quinn’s. For example: A) Balance a) the article tendentiously quotes six of Oisín Quinn’s arguments and only three of ours, one of which is essentially a repeat though an inaccurate one and b) it suggestively finishes up with a quote from an apparently independent source supporting the first (key?) argument Oisín Quinn makes in the article. B) Inaccuracies in reporting central details of our case a) Mary Minihan does not state our best case, part of which is that Cllr Quinn improperly proposed changes in height in ‘Dublin 2 minus the Georgian area’ – a far smaller area than the ‘inner city’ and therefore far more blatantly to his financial advancement and b) she comprehensively mis-states our case – we did not argue that he ‘should not have voted on matters relating to the development plan’ merely on height standards that affected his property (I’m going to ask the Irish Times to correct this – we’ll see how I get on [see below]); C) Inaccuracies in reporting central thrust of our case Mary Minihan entirely fails to understand our case which is that if you make a declaration you (obviously!) withdraw: there are no brownie points under ethics legislation for declaring a relevant interest and then voting – it’s quite simple; D) Apparent unawareness of current status of complaint Finally, she emphasises not just once but twice the hasty, and obviously not independent, view of the ‘ethics registrar’ who works as a senior official in the local authority whose officials had advised Oisín Quinn to make a declaration and then stay to vote. She never mentions that SIPO, which looked at the ethics registrar’s opinion, considered our complaint for over a year, delegated an inspector to follow up the complaint and then took an official decision to pursue it. Cieran Perry and I will probably take no further role in this case. The essential case we made will now be presented on behalf of SIPO by its senior counsel, not by us. This matter is more relevant than the matter she mentions twice, regarding the current status of our complaint. You’d think from her article that our case could be borderline frivolous or vexatious. In short, Mary Minihan quotes comments from Cllr Quinn but not from us, quotes twice as many arguments for his case as for ours, does not state our best case, mis-states the rest of

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