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    The Artful Dodger: O’Malley nit-picks with RTE over timing trivia while still ignoring all the important questions about the Arms Crisis.

    By Sean Brennan. I have just read the article in the Sunday Independent [20 June] concerning whether RTE contacted Des O’Malley first while the station was producing the GunPlot series. It is the second article which the Sunday Independent has produced about the issue. The earlier one – written by Des O’Malley – appeared on 13 June. The article in today’s Sunday Independent [20 June 2021] concerns RTE’s apology to O’Malley and his family over a statement it issued last week about who made the first move to establish contact. This is truly a case of a very minor issue being blown up out of all proportion. It hardly undermines the quality and brilliance of the GunPlot series. One thing is absolutely clear now: it is not correct to say – as Des O’Malley claimed on 13 June – that RTE “never attempted to contact” him. Even as he says himself, his son talked at length to the producers on his behalf. O’Malley seems upset that he was not approached before the GunPlot podcasts were broadcast. However, they were aired over nine weeks. Hence, there was plenty of time to make contact with O’Malley as they rolled out. Surely O’Malley does not think he can dictate when he should have been approached? Surely the producers should be able to dictate their own pace? I have spoken to David Burke, author of a recent book on the Arms Crisis. He featured heavily in episode 8 of the podcast series (about the two Arms Trials). He was not interviewed until after episode 6 had been broadcast. (Some quotes from him in the earlier podcasts were taken from a lengthy interview he gave for the TV version of GunPlot. The TV interview was recorded earlier in the year.) Overall, O’Malley’s complaints are bewildering. He has spent well over 40 years dodging questions about the Arms Crisis. So why does it matter how contact between him and RTE was established: he was never going to answer the hard questions which he has been ducking for decades. In December 1980 Vincent Browne, the editor of Magill magazine, raised a number of issues about the Arms Crisis which involved O’Malley. Browne wrote: “Magill attempted to have Mr. O’Malley explain his side of this story for the July [1980] issue but he declined to speak to us. The offer of space to state his case is still available.” O’Malley’s silence in the interim has been deafening. In his Sunday Independent article of 13 June, O’Malley gave the impression that he has always been open about his knowledge of the scandalous series of events that surround the Arms Crisis; moreover, that he was ever willing to share it if only asked. Further, that there was a malign conspiracy at RTE to censor him. Will he now agree to do a fullscale interview for an additional episode of the GunPlot podcast? Is he now finally prepared to answer any and all questions? Will he answer the questions Magill raised over 40 years ago? Will he now agree to do a fullscale interview for an additional episode of the GunPlot podcast? Is he now finally prepared to answer any and all questions? Will he answer the questions Magill raised over 40 years ago? Des O’Malley declined to be interviewed by RTE in 2021 on the grounds of ill health. (It has presumably passed because he is now capable of writing at length for the Sunday Independent.) Yet, while in good health, he spent decades avoiding the hard questions about the Arms Crisis. The process began in earnest in 1980 after Magill magazine described two meetings he had had: one with Charles Haughey and a second one, after it, with Peter Berry of the Department of Justice. They will be examined in detail later in this article. O’Malley has failed to answer questions raised by Vincent Browne in that edition for over 40 years. In the meantime, other questions have arisen for O’Malley to answer. None of them have been addressed by him. O’Malley failed to raise and answer the difficult Arms Crisis questions in 2001 during a four-part TV series broadcast on RTE which was dedicated to his life. He also had an opportunity to put what he knew about these events in his 2014 memoirs. Instead of a thorough analysis, his book was a huge disappointment to historians who attacked it for its lack of real content. Now, he is jumping on utter trivia about who rang whom first instead of answering the really important issues about this monumental scandal. Now, he is jumping on utter trivia about who rang who first instead of answering the really important issues about this monumental scandal. Village has published a number of articles concerning Des O’ Malley’s role in the events in 1970. These articles included a number of matters which Village believes have not been addressed and satisfactorily answered by O’Malley concerning his role and actions in 1970. See: Ducking all the hard questions. Des O’Malley has vilified an array of decent men and refuses to answer obvious questions about the Arms Crisis and the manner in which the Provisional IRA was let flourish while he was minister for justice. See also: The ‘Last Man Alive’ is still saying nothing. Des O’Malley’s silence about his role in the Arms Trials and Arms Crises of 1970 has become thunderous. And: Vilification Once More For the sake of clarity,  I will summarise some of the more important questions which Des O’Malley needs to answer, starting in the next section. Please also note that extracts from the December 1980 edition of Magill which addressed the O’Malley-Haughey and O’Malley-Berry meetings are reproduced at the end of this article. A letter by author Michael Heney to the Sunday Independent is also reproduced towards the end of this piece. Mr Heney was replying to O’Malley’s article of 13 June last. Army Directive dated 6 February 1970. This directive documented an order which was given by the Minister for Defence,

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    I reject your apology. I cannot forgive you

    By Christopher Stanley, Litigation Consultant, KRW LAW LLP, Belfast* [i] In the last six months victims of violent abuse in Ireland have been ‘granted’ apologies. First, the Irish Taoiseach apologized to the victims and survivors of the Mother and Baby Homes. Writing in The Independent on 14 January 2021 Emer O’Toole noted: “On Wednesday, the Irish Taoiseach issued an apology to survivors, saying, rightfully, that “the shame was not theirs; it was ours”. While this state apology is important, the Taoiseach’s speech historicises the lack of respect for the dignity and rights of survivors. This trend continues across Irish political discourse, where emphasis is on closing a dark chapter in Ireland’s history. But survivors of Mother and Baby Homes and Irish adopted people are still not being listened to. They are still being denied their rights.” Second, the British Prime Minister apologized to the relatives of the victims of the Ballymurphy Massacre 1971 in which British troops shot and killed 11 civilians. Writing in The Irish Times on 25 May 2021 Sarah Burns reported that the families of the victims described the apology as “feeble and insincere”. It is widely believed, at least by the media and victims, survivors and relatives, that these apologies were hollow, weasel words, granted too late, absent of understanding, integrity or meaning. Words mouthed by politicians to an empty audience, as a gesture of apparent humility, amounting to nothing save for a ritual of vacant contrition. In terms of the violent legacy of systemic institutional abuse in Ireland (South and North) and the violent legacy of the Conflict (North and South) the apology for historic actions and inactions, acts and omissions, collusion and complicity and impunity by the State, is part of the State-sponsored system/process of Truth and Reconciliation. A societal Truth and Reconciliation process is an aspect of ‘moving on’ from the scene of violent incursion and of suturing a social wound so that such violations and breaches (of the social contract, of human rights) cannot be repeated. We Promise. Trust Us – we apologized to you. Truth and Reconciliation: Soft (Transitional) Justice. If there is a right to truth it must be a right to know why. Why was my body broken? Why was my baby forcibly removed? Why was my mammy shot by a British soldier? Why was my husband executed by the British state? This is not a Soft Right but rather it is a Hard Truth for those responsible, for those being held. “But it did not happen on my watch” says the Politician, the Civil Servant, the Bishop, the General. Therefore, the words of apology fall upon deaf ears. I reject your apology. I cannot forgive you. Is this wrong? Does it make the victim lesser than the abuser? [ii] The Oxford Reference website entry for the word ressentiment is as follows: “A vengeful, petty-minded state of being that does not so much want what others have (although that is partly it) as want others to not have what they have. The term, which might be translated as ‘resentment’, though in most places it is generally left in the original French, is usually associated with German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche, who defined it as a slave morality. Nietzsche sees ressentiment as the core of Christian and Judaic thought and, consequently, the central facet of western thought more generally. In this context, ressentiment is more fully defined as the desire to live a pious existence and thereby position oneself to judge others, apportion blame, and determine responsibility.” (Ressentiment – Oxford Reference last accessed 11 June 2021) In psychological terms ressentiment is a profound sense of resentment, frustration, and hostility directed at that which one identifies as the cause of one’s frustration, generated by a sense of weakness/inferiority and feelings of jealousy/envy in the face of the ’cause’, that ultimately generates a rejecting/justifying ‘value system’ or morality that exists as a means of attacking or denying the perceived source of one’s own sense of inferiority. (Ressentiment last accessed 14 June 2021) Ressentiment is not resentment but rather a philosophical, ideological and psychological condition. It is the suffering of not understanding, the suffering of being located within a victim-hierarchy, and the suffering of not being able to forgive because of perceived self-weakness because I suffered. [iii] In the jurisprudence on the definition of torture (upon which there is an absolute prohibition) there is an important distinction between torture and inhuman and degrading treatment because of the stigma attached to torture. The victim of torture becomes stigmatized or scapegoated because they are the victim of torture. The victim of torture cannot escape the scar imposed upon them and the violence inscribed upon their flesh. [iv] Kafka describes the infliction of punishment as the crime is inscribed upon the flesh of the body of the condemned in his short story In The Penal Colony: “Yes, the Harrow,” said the Officer. “The name fits. The needles are arranged as in a harrow, and the whole thing is driven like a harrow, although it stays in one place and is, in principle, much more artistic. You will understand in a moment. The condemned is laid out here on the Bed. First, I will describe the apparatus and only then let the procedure go to work. That way you will be able to follow it better. Also, a sprocket in the Inscriber is excessively worn. It really squeaks. When it is in motion one can hardly make oneself understood. Unfortunately, replacement parts are difficult to come by in this place. So, here is the Bed, as I said. The whole thing is completely covered with a layer of cotton wool, the purpose of which you will find out in a moment. The condemned man is laid out on his stomach on the cotton wool—naked, of course. There are straps for the hands here, for the feet here, and for the throat here, to tie him in securely. At the head of the Bed here, where the man, as I have mentioned, first lies face down, is this small protruding lump of felt, which can

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    The Richard Kerr-Kincora case has become a transatlantic campaign for justice.

    By Dónal Lavery. I have been working on a book-in-progress about the issue of the Kincora Boys Home scandal involving undisclosed sexual abuse and exploitation. Part of that exploitation included victims being sent to live in the US at the behest of powerful abusers with salient influence. A Northern Protestant, Richard Kerr, was taken into the social services system at the age of 8 years old and shortly thereafter began to suffer mass sexual abuse in various state institutions while also being sent to hotels and other venues to be raped by prominent men. Amongst the paedophiles in the ring in which he became entangled was Lord James Molyneaux, Enoch Powell MP, Doctor Morris Fraser, Lord Mountbatten and the infamous lawyer to Donald Trump, Roy Cohn.  These were people with real sway and clout in society, here and abroad. They were protected by the state via the Intelligence Services and their exposure was legally barred on grounds of “national security” in various instances. Essentially, they were practically “untouchable”, and could literally get away with all sorts of serious crimes without bearing the consequences that would befall the average citizen.  Now that some are dead and others are withering away in the shadows, victims and survivors feel able to speak out. Scores of millions of Americans identify as Irish by extraction due to what the British did to our island – forcing many Catholics and Protestants to leave to make a life for themselves in the USA. When I get off the plane and meet people from various Irish American groups, they are always warm, interested and so accommodating. There is a deep and lasting affection in them for their indigenous European ancestors and homeland as it forms a core part of their identity as the “exiled children” of an ancient nation. Nobody can forget who they are and where they come from.  Having reflecting on that, I made a phone-call out of the blue to Father Sean McManus, the President of the Irish National Caucus, in Washington, to discuss the Richard Kerr case. He was already familiar with it from reports in Village magazine and listened very attentively. I provided him with more detail and various records and documents. Then, in true ecumenical manner, he pledged his fullest support for acquiring justice for Richard. This developed into regular communication with both Father Sean and Barbara Flaherty (the Vice President of the Irish National Caucus in Washington), both of whom have worked on many cases of human rights violations concerning the conflict in the North of Ireland. In fact, when no Unionist politician would come to his assistance, Father Sean and Barbara took up the case of Raymond McCord (a Belfast Protestant) and the collusion by the British state in his son’s tragic death. This included inviting McCord to the US and gaining him access to many seminal players in the greatest power-sphere known to man; raising vital awareness of the injustice he has suffered and putting pressure on the British government.  The problem of course is that justice is not a single destination but a process. It does not possess a straightforward path, and takes many twists or turns along the way. Successive British government inquiries and police investigations have failed to adequately probe the actions of personnel within MI5 who collaborated in this abomination at Kincora towards children. Minors were sacrificed on an “altar” of expediency over those “wolves” with disgusting ‘appetites’, enhancing the trauma further.  Successive British government inquiries and police investigations have failed to adequately probe the actions of personnel within MI5 who collaborated in this abomination at Kincora towards children. Minors were sacrificed on an “altar” of expediency over those “wolves” with disgusting ‘appetites’, enhancing the trauma further.  I hope that with the support of those with a direct link to Congress and human rights groups internationally, Richard will be able to bring world attention to one of the most horrendous crimes ever perpetrated against young boys. Undoubtedly, this campaign will come up against obstacles, whether it be the British Embassy, Intelligence Services or Unionist political intrigues.   While I am no fortune teller, one thing is for sure – the Richard Kerr case will not be going away. OTHER STORIES PUBLISHED BY VILLAGE See: Trump’s mentor: another sociopathic paedophile child-trafficker in the mix; from Roy Cohn to Epstein and Maxwell. See also: The Anglo-Irish Vice Ring. Chapters 1 – 3.

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    Come again

    THE STONE WAS MOVED AND DOMINIC CRAWLED OUT By Christopher Stanley So, we have this sort of completely insane situation in which part of the building was saying, ‘are we going to bomb Iraq?’, part of the building was arguing about whether or not we’re going to do quarantine or not do quarantine, the prime minister has his girlfriend going crackers about something completely trivial  [i] After his Passion in the Rose Garden, the Stone was Moved and Dominic crawled out into the spotlight. A hybrid Jesus Christ/Sméagol/Gollum/Deranged Technocrat. His clawed hand nailed to a whiteboard of messianic data.  His name derived from the sound of his disgusting gurgling, choking cough (Gollum not Dom).  It might not have been on third day but it was near to the ‘anniversary’ of his Passion in the Rose Garden of 10 Downing Street when he ‘gave’ an unprecedented Press Conference to explain his travails/travels to Barnard Castle.  This week he ‘gave’ an unprecedent evidence session to politicians in Westminster. A stone’s throw from the scene (mise en scène) that marked the start of his departure from a public life of private office/devotion.  Dear Village Reader you may recall I took advantage of Dominic’s Passion to write a short series of opinion pieces about Type-Cummings, Project-Cummings and how his personality and conviction were shaping the modern English way of politics, governance, service to state and management of society and economy.  I described how Type-Cummings and Project-Cummings were centralising power in the Cabinet Office and not Whitehall, by way of Executive Dominance (the stranglehold of Elective Dictatorship choking those wretched constitutional checks and balances) over the Legislature (Parliament) and the Judiciary in the absence of any form of accountability, above law-morals-aesthetics, wheezing anomie.  The Odyssean-education of the synthesisers whose contempt for the Overseers (politicians and judges) was completed by Cummings Ascension to dominance is a (deliberately) complex phenomenon obscured by its own use of techno-bureaucratic language of post-modern managerial Machiavellianism. My analysis of ‘phenomenon Cummings’ was offered to Readers of Village as a warning of how a radical new fashion in how to Project-manage a complex democracy in an undemocratic Soviet-style planning of a post-industrial/digital/viral/voodoo economy is emerging. [ii] After the Summer, The Fall. Cummings fell/pushed dramatically and Icarus like.  He retreated into his Platonic cave in North London to do what he does best: Plan.  [iii] And two days after the anniversary of his Passion in the Rose Garden (25 May 2020) the Stone of the Cave moved and Dominic rose before a House of Commons Select Committee (27 May 2021) and he spoke: for seven hours. In the Rose Garden he was late and characteristically dishevelled (another nod of contempt for Establishment norms). In the Select Committee Room assigned for his return, he was open-necked and on time.  This was a joint session of Parliament’s health and social care and the science and technology Select Committees. Dominic appeared in person; some of his inquisitors appeared virtually. Dominic produced his whiteboard.  [iv] Dear Village Reader please remember Dominic Cummings was employed by the Conservative Party as a SPAD – a Special Advisor. He was not a civil servant. Rather an uncivil savant. He is beyond Spin. Therefore, in his Select Committee performance he appeared with no fixed mandate as a politician or a civil servant would.  As with his Press Conference, so with his spotlight part in the arena of Political Theatre. The Studio Space in this theatre (the Palace of Westminster as the Palace of Varieties) took precedence over the Main Space where the other dramatic personae in this performance were ‘doing’ Prime Minister’s Questions (the regular week in, week out of political repertory).  [v] And the inquisitors allowed him to vent. This was so unlike the Select Committee I attended many years ago (2009) when Iris Robinson MP (remember her?) let loose at Dennis Bradley, the co-author of the Eames-Bradley Consultation on the Past, who was giving evidence. It was reminiscent of a recent Parish Council meeting in the North of England. What was Dominic here for? Revisionism, Confession, Retribution, Justification,  Revenge, katharsis for The Fall? Or to explain why 128,000 people in the UK died of Covid-19? And in the shadow-context of that figure to exert his moral authority where others appeared to have abandoned their moral compasses, if they ever possessed them? For a person skilled in trench-warfare (recall he delivered ‘us’ – and I include you Dear Village Reader – BREXIT) he was prepared and planned for his attack.  In the Bunker of 10 Downing Street, I suspect the tin-helmets were being issued and the counterattack being prepared (Operation Chaos and Lies), even as the Great Leader spoke at the Palace of Varieties, as his Princess Nut Nut flicked through the wallpaper catalogues of Barrow and Fall.  [vi] So, the headline or salient points, Dom’s take on the management of a C21 pandemic. Blessed hindsight! Good old Auntie! Dominic Cummings: Five claims fact-checked – BBC News and Dominic Cummings: The seven most explosive claims – BBC News (last accessed 30 May 2021) The British government ‘failed’: “Tens of thousands of people died, who didn’t need to die” sorry for ministers, officials and advisers “like me” for falling “disastrously short of the standards that the public has a right to expect”. “When the public needed us most the government failed”, apologising to “the families of those who died unnecessarily”.   The British Prime Minister was/is ‘not fit for office’: “The heart of the problem was, fundamentally, I regarded him as unfit for the job. And I was trying to create a structure around him to try and stop what I thought would have been bad decisions, and push things through against his wishes.” The British Health Secretary “should have been fired”:    “should have been fired for at least 15 to 20 things” and displayed “criminal, disgraceful behaviour” and “completely incapable of doing the job”.   First lockdown delay   “I bitterly regret that I didn’t hit the emergency panic button earlier than I did”.   Bombs, quarantine… and a dog called Dilyn   “So, we have this

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    The Mystery of the Missing Mountbatten Diaries

    By Andrew Lownie. In 2015 I started researching my biography ‘The Mountbattens: Their Lives and Loves’. Little did I know then that six years later it would have locked me into a marathon legal battle with the Government and Southampton University. My quest was to find out what had happened to the personal diaries  of the 1st Earl and Countess Mountbatten of Burma – Dickie and Edwina (who died in 1979 and 1960 respectively) – and the letters they wrote to each other. They had been extensively quoted in their official biographies by Philip Ziegler and Janet Morgan and published respectively in 1985 and 1991, but were nowhere to be found in the inventories of their papers at Southampton University. Dickie Mountbatten, an uncle of Prince Philip, had been Chief of Combined Operations and Supreme Allied Commander in South East Asia during the Second World War, and later Viceroy of India, First Sea Lord and Chief of the Defence Staff. But what interested me was his marriage. Both he and his wife were bisexual and had numerous affairs. His close relationships included the actress Shirley MacLaine; hers the conductor Sir Malcolm Sargent and India’s long-serving Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru. The relationship with Nehru had huge ramifications for the perception of the couple’s impartiality over Indian Independence. Some of the early diaries up to 1934 have been released and from them I could see Mountbatten was scrupulous in describing who he met and where he went. There have long been rumours of his involvement in the Kincora scandal and, as the diaries run up to his death, I was  interested to see when he had visited Belfast, when he was at Classiebawn alone except for staff, which house parties he had attended, how often he saw Peter Montgomery  etc. There have long been rumours of his involvement in the Kincora scandal and, as the diaries run up to his death, I was  interested to see when he had visited Belfast, when he was at Classiebawn alone except for staff, which house parties he had attended, how often he saw Peter Montgomery  etc. The Broadlands Trust, a Mountbatten family trust, had sold the couple’s papers to Southampton, along with collections relating to the family’s ancestors, in 2011 , for almost £4.5 million, to save them being sold privately at auction and the collection broken up. The papers were bought after a huge fund-raising campaign with public monies, including almost £2 million from the Heritage Lottery Fund as well as the ‘Acceptance in Lieu’ tax scheme, which stressed their historical importance and the importance of them being “freely available to all”. Southampton’s fundraising claimed “this to be the most important archive to emerge in the last 30 years, only the Churchill Papers could be seen as comparable in terms of a loss to the nation if these were not secured”. Imagine my surprise to be told by the archivists at the University they could not help me  on the diaries or letters and had no contact details for the Mountbatten family. I wrote to the present Countess Mountbatten and  to the trustees  of the Broadlands Trust. Silence. Eventually I was told that the diaries and letters had been closed in 2011 under a “Ministerial Direction”, under authority delegated by the Secretary of State for Culture, Media and Sport to the Museums, Libraries and Archives Council. I put in Freedom of Information (FOI) requests to the Cabinet Office, the University, the Heritage Lottery Fund, the Treasury, and the Department of Culture. No one seemed to know anything about such a Direction; even now, none of them has identified the name or status of the person who signed it. At the Cabinet Office’s suggestion, for swifter access, I also sought to focus on the diaries for one year – 1947. In June 2018, Southampton University disclosed that, shortly after its acquisition of the Mountbatten archive, a senior archivist had taken the initiative in procuring the Cabinet Office’s confirmation that the diaries and letters were “closed”. After my request, the archivist then approached the Cabinet Office with a view to its authorising his editing of the 1947 diaries for publication. 1947 was the year in which India and Pakistan gained their independence. Within weeks, the Cabinet Office held a series of meetings to facilitate the request. This is the very material that I have been struggling to access for years. From November 2018 I wrote several times to the then-Vice-Chancellor, Sir Christopher Snowden, the Chairman of the Council, Rear-Admiral Philip Greenish, and his deputy, Dame Judith Macgregor, a former High Commissioner to South Africa, about the University’s failure to comply either with FOI Act or with the ICO. No response. Eventually, after many letters, emails and calls, Sir Christopher replied, saying he was investigating and had asked for “a report be  made to me and that a response be provided to you as a matter of urgency”. Two and a half years later I have heard nothing further. Indeed responses from both the University and the Cabinet Office to requests for information have been evasive and cursory; they have repeatedly missed statutory, regulatory and self-imposed deadlines for responding, and ignored correspondence from me, my lawyers and the ICO – to the extent the ICO was forced to take the unusual step of issuing an Information Notice and then the unprecedented step of commencing High Court proceedings for contempt to compel the University to respond. This decision was significantly delayed because the University failed to respond to the ICO’s investigation for over a year. It only did so after the ICO was forced to take the contempt of court proceedings. The ICO branded the University’s delay as “completely unacceptable” and in court filings complained about its “persistent, wholesale and unexplained failure to comply with the information notice…In effect, the (University) continues to flout its statutory duty under the Freedom of Information Act 2000″. In December 2019 the ICO finally ordered the University to release all the

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