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Less would be more for Coolmore

by Village 8 October, 2024

Acquisitive billionaire John Magnier is determined to demolish attractive historic farm buildings — for no reason. By Dean Buckley. Some 70 people gathered outside Parkville farm on the edge of Clonmel last Thursday to protest against what one sign described as a “billionaire land grab” by horseracing magnate John Magnier. Magnier bought the 64-acre farm at auction earlier this year for €2.425m, or almost €38,000 per acre. Now a subsidiary of Magnier’s Coolmore operation called Melclon Unlimited has applied for planning permission to demolish derelict farm buildings that have been reclaimed by nature and to return the land to pasture, citing health and safety concerns. The protest was called by Hedgerows Ireland, a national campaign group founded in Tipperary to oppose the removal of historic hedgerows, which are important to maintaining biodiversity, as many plant and animal species call them home. Dr Alan Moore, Secretary of Hedgerows Ireland and Donal Ryan, President of the Clonmel Historical and Archeological Society, recently sent an open letter, opposing the plans and asking Magnier to “retain the vernacular farm building complex, walled garden and field boundaries at Parkville”. They also said an application was made to Tipperary County Council in April this year to have the buildings listed as protected structures. Planning documents submitted by agents of Melclon indicate roofs have collapsed in two of the three buildings, and describe “an extensive void dug under the floor of the dwelling, undermining the floor”. The demonstration attracted a broad range of support, including from local farmers, several environmental and historical groups, and members of the Tipp Greens and Workers and Unemployed Action (WUA), a left-wing party based in Clonmel. Many attendees were friends of John Hurley, whose family farmed Parkville for almost fifty years before the sale. Before the protest, the gates of Parkville were adorned with signs placed by Coolmore, explaining their decision and displaying both aerial and internal photographs of the farm buildings and their overgrown courtyard. The pictures amused some of the arriving protesters, who felt they captured the beauty of what Coolmore seeks to destroy. Addressing the assembled crowd, Moore said they were gathered in opposition to three things: the removal of hedgerows and ditches, the demolition of the farm buildings and the consolidation of Irish farmland into the hands of a small number of wealthy owners like Magnier. He said Coolmore has a well-known policy of destroying hedgerows to join land holdings for their tillage operation, citing the removal of hedgerows in Ballyhennebry, Loughcapple, Clonacody and Marlfield, among others. “As far as we’re concerned — and all other experts in the area agree — this is bad farming. It pays no attention to what we know about climate change, particularly flooding, the biodiversity crisis we’re all in and all the other value that hedgerows bring” . His sentiments were echoed by Myriam Madigan, Green Party general election candidate in Tipperary Southl, who told Village the countryside is being systematically destroyed by the removal of hedgerows. “These woodlands are priceless for birdlife, and don’t forget, 63% of our birds are on either the orange or red list. This is outrageous. We can’t afford to lose this precious, priceless gem and become a boring, barren prairie”. Coolmore have previously said they plant at least twice as much new hedgerow each year as they destroy, but Hedgerows Ireland reject this. In another open letter released by the group, and signed by local residents, they said: “Apart from providing a home to wildlife (95% of our biodiversity is in hedges and ditches) they also store massive amounts of carbon, they prevent flooding and provide shelter, shade and beauty to the landscape. We simply cannot afford to lose any more, and replanting new hedges somewhere else is not the answer as a new hedge will take 50 years to match the Parkville hedges which have a rich variety of plant species and are over 200 years old”. Hurley thanked the protesters for their support and spoke about some of the historic features he fears will be lost, including a seventeenth-century blast furnace previously identified as a lime kiln. If true, it would be one of only a handful of such furnaces documented in Ireland. Coolmore has a well-known policy of destroying hedgerows to join land holdings for their tillage operation, citing the removal of hedgerows in Ballyhennebry, Loughcapple, Clonacody and Marlfield, among others. He said he felt sorry for Magnier, echoing remarks made to the Irish Independent earlier this year. “He’s a billionaire with thousands upon thousands of acres, when at the end of the day, six by three will do every single one of us. And we can’t take it with us. I’ve no bother with him buying the land, but why do you have to destroy every bit of it?”. While most of the protesters wanted to preserve the buildings in their overgrown state, Mark Hampshire, a friend of Hurley’s who works in architectural restoration, expressed hope the site would be taken into public ownership by the Office of Public Works and the farmyard restored. He compared Parkville to the estates at Annes Grove Gardens and Doneraile House in Co. Cork, as well as Emo Court in Co. Laois, where the OPW maintains historic buildings for public use. “Coolmore only want it as a field. We can’t replace that…They want to take something away that’s 300 years old. It’s definitely backwards we’re going”. Daniel Long, a dairy farmer and journalist, spoke to the overriding concern of all attendees: the ability of Coolmore and other wealthy buyers to purchase land at prices far beyond the reach of ordinary farmers. He described it as not just an Irish problem, but a European problem, with institutional investors outbidding both active farmers looking to expand their operations and new farmers seeking to enter the field. Long has proposed the establishment of a land observatory which would initially gather information on land ownership in order to provide open-source data for community groups, farmers and policy makers. He

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Heir Apparent’s Big Day Out

by Village 4 October, 2024

Conor Lenihan interviewed Minister for Finance, Jack Chambers on the eve of his first budget Jack Chambers assails Sinn Féin policies that would turn Irish economic success “to dust” and says Trump policies are a “present risk” to Irish growth; Conor Lenihan sees Chambers as heir apparent to Micheál Martin and says few in Fianna Fáil would consider opposing Martin if he runs for the Presidency next year. In his office on Merrion Street, Chambers told Village Magazine that Irish economic success would “turn to dust” should Sinn Féin be allowed into government. Describing Sinn Féin’s alternative budget as “reckless and dangerous”, Chambers said their policies would seriously risk and jeopardise the country’s progress. “We are in line to receive around €30bn in corporation tax this year – much of which is from multinationals operating here. Sinn Fein’s proposals would not only discourage any from setting up here but would drive the existing companies away”, he said. Chambers was surprisingly trenchant: “Worst of all, Sinn Féin have said they would raid the Future Ireland Fund which will be essential in providing for current and future generations”. His comments will be read as his first shots in the election campaign with a general election now expected by political pundits for 15 November. Both Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael are expected to target Sinn Féin which they perceive to be weak on a number of fronts. “Worst of all, Sinn Féin have said they would raid the Future Ireland Fund which will be essential in providing for current and future generations”.His comments will be read as his first shots in the election campaign with a general election now expected by political pundits for 15 November. The new Finance Minister professed admiration for some of the new initiatives on clean energy being carried out by the Starmer Labour government in the UK. Chambers acknowledges that Ireland must now pay attention to the risks we face due to the retreat from globalisation from which Ireland greatly benefited.: “The country must be prepared for potential disruptions to global trade, especially with key trading partners like the US and China. Managing these risks will require a careful balancing of domestic and international interests”. Not mincing his words, Chambers cites a Donald Trump presidency as one of the key risks we face: “It certainly presents risk and possibilities of disruption, as it did on his previous term, but some of the risk didn’t necessarily crystallise. However, some of the Trump policies in lots of areas are a present risk”. He intends to use the €8.3 billion available to him on budget day to promote growth: “Our primary focus is on providing tax relief to workers, promoting enterprise, addressing the housing crisis and securing long-term sustainability through strategic investments”. “”. Chambers has insisted that the tax package in his budget will be targeted at lower and middle income earners. He admits that the average worker on approximately €50,000 still carries a “significant tax burden”. “Beyond tax relief, a core aspect of our economic policy is fostering enterprise and innovation. These are the driving forces behind the future productivity and competitiveness of the Irish economy”. In Fianna Fáil circles his meteoric arrival in Finance and his appointment by Micheál Martin as Deputy Leader of Fianna Fail makes him the heir apparent to Martin if the latter moves on following the General Election. With Michael McGrath gone to Brussels it is hard to detect any serious opposition to him becoming leader. Of course Darragh O’Brien, Jim O’Callaghan and more recently Norma Foley have also got their supporters. Chambers, not unlike other colleagues, will not be drawn on what the future for his party will be beyond the leadership of Micheál Martin. There has of course been intense recent speculation that Martin may be a candidate in the Presidential election which will happen towards the end of next year when Michael D Higgins stands down. Few would presume to oppose Martin should he decide to run for the party. Fine Gael under Simon Harris are enjoying a huge opinion poll boost to their support. It remains to be seen if this will be sustained. Clearly Fianna Fáil are hoping that a strong budget performance from Jack Chambers will even out the extraordinary surge in support that Simon Harris has brought about. A distinct feature of the recent European and local elections was the strong rate of transfer between Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael candidates when one or the other dropped out. This is clearly giving hope to Martin and Fianna Fáil that the General election will not fare out to be bad for them. Jack Chambers (33) has been Minister for Finance since June 2024 when he was also appointed deputy leader of Fianna Fáil. He previously served as a Minister of State attending cabinet from July 2020 to June 2024, and as Government Chief Whip from July 2020 to December 2022. He has been the Dublin West constituency since the 2016 general election. He was educated at Belvedere College; Trinity College where he studied Law and Political Science; and the College of Surgeons where he completed a medical degree. He is the youngest Minister for Finance since Michael Collins and a likely successor to the leadership of Fianna Fáil. In the first part of the interview, former Fianna Fáil Innovation Minister and journalist, Conor Lenihan, discussed the budget and the Sate’s finances. In a second part, to appear in Village magazine later this week, Michael Smith talked to him about his political outlook. He gave Village over an hour of his time the week before the budget, remaining characteristically upbeat, solid and sober throughout the interview. Here’s the interview, lightly edited for length: Economic Statement on Tax, Expenditure, and Growth Since I became Minister in June, I’ve been working on the Summer Economic Statement and latterly Budget 2025. The Statement outlines a comprehensive plan to use €8.3 billion in tax and expenditure measures for sustainable economic growth. Our primary focus is on providing tax relief to workers, promoting

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Over 100 shared rooms listed for rent as overcrowding remains widespread issue

by Village 24 June, 2024

Renters across the country continue to be compelled to share bedrooms with strangers despite calls from housing organisations to introduce legislation that prevents the “warehousing” of tenants. By Conor O’Carroll New analysis by Village Magazine of rental listings has found the practice of multiplying the number of occupants in a room remains widespread, forcing many to share rooms with strangers. Over 100 ads for shared rooms were found across property website Daft.ie and Facebook, including several rooms with two bunk beds crammed together. Prices for these shared rooms range from €350 a month up to almost €900 in some cases. One ad features a property in Galway with four rooms filled with multiple beds. For between €600 and €660 a month, it is available five days a week, with the property also listed on Airbnb. Another property listed for €500 a month in Ballyfermot, Dublin, features a cramped room with two bunk beds and little personal space, while another double bunk-bed room in East Wall for €580 a month is accompanied by the following description: “If you don’t mind sharing a large bunk bedded room with 3 men then this will suit very well” [sic]. Some of the ads were also written in Spanish or Portuguese, specifically targeting international students. A report from the Irish Council for International Students published late last year found that “almost a third of students studying in higher education share a room with at least one other person”. A report from the Irish Council for International Students published late last year found that “almost a third of students studying in higher education share a room with at least one other person”. H, a 22-year-old student at NUIG who wished to remain anonymous, was one of those left with no choice but to share a room. He told Village the search for suitable accommodation was an arduous process, made more difficult when with the number of scams he encountered. H admitted that he came close to following through with one scam, to the point of sending a copy of his passport before realising all was not right and backing out before he lost any money. This experience led to H becoming demotivated with the process. He would spend days going through rental listings and dialling numbers looking to find accommodation only to not find anything. And having arrived in Ireland from Dubai without accommodation, he was desperate for anything. A €720 per month shared room in Knocknacarra, Galway, quickly became his only option. With roughly one metre of personal space for belongings, H was shocked, calling the standard of accommodation for students “a joke”. Before coming to Ireland, he said he was aware of the housing crisis, but believed it was concentrated in Dublin and wasn’t as bad in Galway. He had initially steered clear of NUIG’s student accommodation options, saying they were charging extortionate amounts for what he described as “like a jail cell”. However, “that became reasonable when you couldn’t find anything else”, H said. Two of H’s housemates were even forced to share a double bed, such was the desperation for accommodation. And with 17 other tenants in the house, the shared kitchen quickly became practically unusable. H said that the cramped conditions in the property meant that there was a high turnover of tenants with many people finding it impossible to cook meals and find space for their personal belongings. The conditions were made worse by the fact that for the price he paid for the shared room, H said he could get a studio one-bed apartment back in Dubai. Even with a roof over his head, H told Village that finding other accommodation was not straightforward, particularly with many landlords demanding references. “Being realistic here”, H said, “you come into this country and you can’t really give references for your first rental”. After a few months of trying H eventually found a room to himself in a converted attic, joking that he now has “at least eight metres of personal space”. The current rules on overcrowding are to be found in the 1966 Housing Act, stating that a house may be considered overcrowded a) if two people of the opposite sex aged 10-years or older and not living together as a couple sleep in the same room or b) are such that the free air space in any room used as a sleeping apartment, for any person is less than four hundred cubic feet. Local authorities are responsible for enforcing the legislation and it grants them the power to serve a notice to desist from overcrowding, which if not complied with can result in a fine of €100. However, this law has previously been criticised as “outdated” and “cumbersome” by local authorities, with the need for far stronger penalties. Over 40,000 inspections of private rental dwellings took place in 2022, according to last year’s Local Authority Performance Indicator Report, up from just over 17,500 inspections in 2021. Over 91% of dwellings inspected were found to not be in compliance with minimum standard regulations, though it is unclear how many of these related to overcrowding. The vast majority of inspections took place in Dublin and Cork, with the respective councils making up over half of the total inspections. Galway City Council, where H’s accommodation was situated, conducted the least number of inspections of any local authority with just 133. Responding to the findings, Labour Party leader Ivana Bacik told Village “the fact that so many people are forced to consider sharing a room with a stranger shows just how few homes are available to rent or indeed to buy”, providing “yet more evidence of the Government’s utter failure to deliver on homes for people”. Following an investigation by RTÉ into cases of serious overcrowding in 2020, the government promised to introduce legislation granting further powers to local authorities to inspect suspected cases, with Minister for Housing Darragh O’Brien acknowledging that “the provisions of the [1966] Act are dated”. However, the Residential

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Department of Taoiseach repeatedly fails to prove criminality of pitching of tents on Canal

by Village 21 May, 2024

As government again removes asylum-seekers and their tents, the notion of ‘a criminal offence in principle’ remains unknown to law and the Canal Act expressly disapplies itself to persons using canal property for less than a week in one place. By Michael Smith. Ten days ago, on 11 May, I asked the Department of the Taoiseach to explain the legality of its removal of tents on the canal. I suggested its statement (about previous similar removals) that it was a criminal offence “in principle” to pitch a tent on public or private land was misleading as the specific Canals Act expressly disapplies itself to “persons using canal property for a period of not more than one week at the same place”. It is an established legal principle that a specific law or byelaw prevails over a more general law or byelaw. It is also the case that trespass is not in principle a criminal offence. As government again removes asylum-seekers and their tents, the notion of ‘a criminal offence in principle’ remains unknown to law and the Canal Act expressly disapplies itself to persons using canal property for less than a week in one place. The Government Press Office reply, issued fully ten days later, is disingenuous and waffly. This is reprehensible in the case of some of the most vulnerable people in the country. My question to the Department of the Taoiseach I note your statement by way of Q and A yesterday https://www.gov.ie/en/press-release/b147d-questions-and-answers-on-mount-street/#:~:text=However%2C%20it%20is%20a%20criminal,refusal%20to%20remove%20the%20tent.: ‘Can International Protection Applicants be prosecuted if they did not take up the offer of IPAS accommodation in Crooksling or Citywest? No. However, it is a criminal offence, in principle, for a person to pitch a tent on public land, or on private land without consent. Depending on the circumstances, for example, the person may be moved on, requested to remove their tent or the tent may be seized if there is a refusal to remove the tent. Each case would be considered on their own set of facts on the question of a prosecution’. In fact the following section of bye-laws under the Canals Act is relevant and it expressly, in Section (3), the only section dealing with persons — like the asylum-seekers — “using canal property for a period of not more than one week at the same place” exempts pitching of a tent for less than a week https://www.irishstatutebook.ie/eli/1988/si/247/made/en/print#article30: ’30. (1) No person shall place or use any structure, tent, caravan or vehicle as a dwelling on canal property, except with the written permission of the Commissioners. (2) Any such structure, tent, caravan or vehicle placed or used on canal property in contravention of this Bye-law may be removed and stored by, or on the authority of, the Commissioners. (3) This Bye-law shall not apply to persons using canal property for a period of not more than one week at the same place’. In view of the apparent illegality, described above, of the removal of vulnerable people and the tents in which they have been compelled to seek refuge along the Grand Canal, can your office please state precisely what Act or Bye-law justified the actions affecting asylum-seekers perpetrated by government agencies on 9 May described in the following article https://www.irishtimes.com/crime-law/2024/05/09/asylum-seekers-warned-by-government-of-possible-prosecutions-for-failure-to-move/ and mandated by a government information leaflet?”. The Government Press Office reply, issued fully ten days later, is disingenuous and waffly. This is reprehensible in the case of some of the most vulnerable people in the country. The government’s reply The Government is working intensively to source additional accommodation, with the focus currently on sourcing State land where tented accommodation can be provided, or vacant State-owned buildings. That work is ongoing within departments and agencies. Once viable sites are identified they will be operationalised as soon as possible. There remains a serious concern for the health and safety of people staying in tents by the canal, and about the impact of the lack of sanitation facilities. Whilst temporary barriers have been erected as a mitigation measure, access to the towpath and footpath adjacent to the canal is unimpeded. It is a criminal offence, in principle, for a person to pitch a tent on public land, or on private land without consent under the Roads Act 1993 and the Criminal Justice (Public Order) Act 1994, taking into account the specific set of facts and circumstances that may be engaged. All departments and agencies will continue to work in the best interests of all concerned. It is a criminal offence, in principle, for a person to pitch a tent on public land, or on private land without consent under the Roads Act 1993 and the Criminal Justice (Public Order) Act 1994, taking into account the specific set of facts and circumstances that may be engaged.

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Department finally reveals extent of Immigrant Investor scam.

by Village 26 April, 2024

Although the Department of Enterprise originally did not disclose the number, it has now revealed that all 18 of the 18 applications reviewed in the audit of the Immigrant Investment Programme were found to be deficient. By J Vivian Cooke. Further details have emerged about the Department of Justice’s 2019 internal audit of the Immigrant Investment Programme, (IIP), the contents of which were first revealed in Village Magazine’s February/March issue. Even in the redacted form, the previously unpublished document outlined the serious defects in the operation of the programme. In the judgement of the auditors, the IIP’S ‘Overall Risk Rating’ was “Medium/High Risk” which indicated that, among other things, the governance of the scheme, its compliance and monitoring checks and the unit’s management controls were inadequate to ensure the effective operation of the scheme. FILLING IN THE BLANKS However, the specific results of the audit methodology which were withheld by the Department have now been released. Shockingly, although the Department originally did not disclose that number, it has now revealed that all 18 of the 18 applications reviewed in the audit were found to be deficient in some respect. Furthermore, 11 of the 18 files failed to establish that THE funds to be invested were legitimate. Similarly, 12 of those cases did not contain sufficient evidence of background checks performed on the individuals. Almost two thirds of the files sampled by the audit were shown to be seriously delinquent in as much as they did not comply with the most basic qualifying requirements of the programme. Original redacted version of the 2019 audit report obtained by Village in February 2024. Although closed to new applicants in February 2023 because the department was overwhelmed by the deluge of application from China, pressure from international oversight bodies such as the OECD, Financial Action Task Force and the EU had been mounting for years. These bodies found schemes such as the IIP were open to abuse leading to high risks of money laundering and tax evasion. One EU report found of the residency by investment programmes examined “Cyprus presents the highest risk, followed by Ireland, and Malta” of abuse. The report also noted: “In Ireland, a previous CBI – [Citizenship By Investment] – programme attracted wide criticism and was halted in the 1990s, including on the grounds of inadequate checks on the applicants. Criteria for the granting of Irish nationality by investment were not always met by the applicants, fuelling allegations of corruption and favouritism by the government”. So much for Ireland’s dismal track record with such wheezes. More concerning is the fact that the outstanding applications will be assessed by the IIP Unit of the Immigration Delivery Service using processes and systems that have been consistently and repeatedly found to be utterly deﬁcient. As established by Village Magazine in February, key requirements that were the basis of the criticism of both reports remain unimplemented to this day. The Evaluation Committee responsible for assessing investment proposals was operating without Terms of Reference – the IIP Unit has still not adopted them. In the absence of Terms of Reference, the functions of the Evaluation Committee cannot be extended to include oversight of the scheme – a key recommendation to improve delivery. The programme continues to operate without having a Risk Management Framework document, the adoption of which was identiﬁed as an essential element to the proper conduct of the scheme. Monitoring and following up of both applicants and their investments continues to be unsatisfactory, as it has always been for the duration of the scheme. The Department makes it clear that the extent of its responsibility is purely to screen applicants and approve proposed investments insofar as they comply with the scheme’s requirements. After approval, the only monitoring that the Department conducts is to ensure that the money promised is transferred to the appropriate Irish bank account. Anything after that is a matter for someone else. “The IIP Unit is not responsible for managing or overseeing the individual projects themselves…An applicant’s investment in a particular project is a private business transaction between the investor and the project”. This situation was unacceptable when it was first identified in 2019 and it remain unacceptable today.

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The Devil and Mr Roger Casement.

by Village 26 April, 2024

Conclusive proof of ‘Black Diaries’ forgery, finally. By Paul Hyde. Among the diaries attributed to Roger Casement there is a cash ledger for 1911 which is also part diary. This has been scrutinised by several authors, most closely by Jeffrey Dudgeon, the Belfast researcher who is today the leading forgery denier. In 2002 Dudgeon published the first edition of his book bearing the title ‘Roger Casement: The Black Diaries – with a study of his background, sexuality and Irish political life’. This substantial volume purported to add rich detail and colour to the already widely established view that the diaries were authentic. Dudgeon was able to present much information about the north of Ireland in relation to Casement and also to provide something missing from other studies – what it was like to be an active homosexual in the North (and elsewhere) a hundred years ago. Dudgeon’s history recipe freely mixes fact with speculation and ‘in-the-know’ innuendo to promote his desired conclusions of authenticity which are guided more by an obvious bias than by impartial analysis. His book, although stylistically challenging and idiosyncratic, has gathered both attention and praise. A certain sentence on page 285/6 had disappeared. Dudgeon has never doubted the diaries are genuine and he no doubt believes he has demonstrated their authenticity to the highest degree possible. As the years passed his reputation grew as a veteran crusader who knew ‘the inside story’ and he became an influential expert consulted by authors, academics, journalists, guest speaking at conferences and appearing on the media. Such a success story that by the centenary year of 2016, he produced a second edition to meet steady demand. Then, only two years later in early 2019, he produced a third edition. There was however one small difference in this third edition. A certain sentence on page 285/6 had disappeared. The 27-word sentence, apparently insignificant, had been in print for 17 years but was deleted in 2019. To discover the motive for this unexplained deletion is also to discover its significance for the entire controversy about the diaries. The devil is in the detail we are told so let us look at the detail to find the devil. The detail concerns an alleged affair between Casement and a young Belfast bank clerk called Millar; Casement did indeed know Millar and his mother through shared friends and acquaintances in Antrim but they had little in common politically. Readers of ‘Anatomy of a lie’ will recall that the widely-believed story fabricated by MI5 agent Major Frank Hall and promoted by Dudgeon is logically demonstrated to be manufactured evidence. The alleged affair features in the 1910 diary and in the 1911 ledger with events located in Belfast and environs. The story also involves a motorcycle owned by Millar in 1911 which vehicle was identified by Hall in 1915 along with the full name of its owner, Joseph Millar Gordon. Hall passed this information to the cabinet meeting on 2 August 1916 to overcome lingering doubts about the expediency of an execution next morning. Hall’s tactic succeeded. § In the ledger the following appears dated 3 June: “Cyril Corbally and his motor bike for Millar £25.0.0″. Cyril Corbally was a noted croquet player from County Dublin who in 1910 worked at Bishop’s Stortford Golf Club in Essex. In 1910 he acquired a second-hand Triumph motor cycle registered with Essex County Council. In 1911 Corbally sold the machine and in July Millar registered ownership with the same Council. The sentence is understood to mean that the diarist is paying £25 to Corbally to purchase his motorcycle for Millar. Research has confirmed that £25 is a realistic price in 1911 for a three-year-old Triumph motorcycle; a new machine in 1908 cost around £50. However, as a simple record of a purchase the sentence is suspect because it contains four items of information when two would have been sufficient. It was not necessary to record the vendor’s name, the item bought, the purpose of the transaction and the sum paid. The vendor’s name and the price would have been enough to record the purchase. The extra information – purpose and item bought – is superfluous unless intended for third parties who the diarist knows will read the ledger. In short, the sentence is an artifice. There are two further references to the alleged transaction in the ledger: on June 8 which reads ‘Carriage of motorbike to dear Millar. 18/3’ and at the end of June ‘Epitome of June A/C Present etc. to others Cyril Corbally…25.0.0.’ Outside the ledger there is no evidence that Casement ever contacted Corbally; nor is there any reference to the purchase of a motorcycle. § Here is the sentence which Dudgeon deleted from his third edition of 2019. “It is possible that Millar bought the motor bike from Corbally and that Casement was repaying him as a separate note listing expenditure simply reads ‘Millar 25.0.0′”. This sentence published by Dudgeon from 2002 to 2019 fatally compromises his overall endeavour to persuade us of authenticity. It signifies serious confusion; he does not know who paid for Millar’s motorcycle. It also signifies that he admits the possibility that Casement did not pay Corbally as alleged in the ledger which therefore would be a forgery. This confusion signals that Dudgeon is unable to make sense of the ledger and consequently has lost faith in his project. He cannot explain why if Millar paid Corbally, the ledger records that Casement also paid Corbally. It is possible that an astute, well-meaning reader alerted Dudgeon to the fatal implications of that sentence but after 17 years it seems improbable that he suddenly discovered the gaffe by himself. That ‘separate note’ is a single handwritten page in the National Library of Ireland (NLI) described as Rough Financial Notes by Roger Casement (MS 15,138/1/12). It is inscribed on both sides with records of outgoing payments. Many of the ten undated payments record substantial amounts so that Millar’s £25 is not exceptional. The NLI

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Government hired private jet despite availability of commercial flights

by Village 23 April, 2024

Private-jet travel is up to 14 times more polluting than commercial flights By Conor O’Carroll The government has hired private jets to transport the Taoiseach to foreign engagements and summits despite the availability of commercial options. Over the past twelve months, hundreds of thousands of Euro has been spent hiring private jets due to the unreliability and unavailability of the Learjet. In March, the Irish Times reported that the cost of these flights had surpassed €450,000, which included a two-day trip to the West Balkans in January by former Taoiseach Leo Varadkar and the Tánaiste Micheál Martin’s trip to Israel in November, both of which cost in excess of €100,000. However, updated figures released to Village show that since the start of 2023, almost €650,000 has been spent on hiring private jets, with at least three additional trips not recorded in those figures. In addition to the trip to the Balkans and Israel, where commercial travel would not be feasible, the government has also hired private jets for short-haul flights to Brussels, Paris and Munich. Analysis of historical flights records suggests that on a number of these occasions, commercial flights were available. On at least five occasions in recent months, Village found commercial flights with a scheduled departure time within just over 90 minutes of the departure of the government’s private jet, though it was sometimes far closer. During the Taoiseach’s recent trip to Munich in February for example, a commercial flight with Lufthansa from Dublin left within 45 minutes of the government private jet, while there was a return flight available within an hour and 40 minutes. Instead, the government opted to hire a Bombardier Challenger 350 for €73,000. Private-jet travel is considered to be up to 14 times more polluting than commercial flights, according to European sustainability NGO Transport & Environment. The Taoiseach also visited Paris in February for a special meeting of European leaders to discuss supporting Ukraine. For this, the government chartered two private jets for each leg of the journey, leaving the Air Corps base at Baldonnel for Le Bourget Airport. Flight data shows, however, that Aer Lingus flights between Dublin and Paris were scheduled to depart within an hour of the Taoiseach’s jet, landing and taking off from Charles de Gaulle Airport, which is a 10-minute drive from Le Bourget Airport. The Taoiseach is also a frequent visitor of Brussels, regularly attending EU summits. On at least four occasions since last October, the government has charted a private jet for the two-hour flight. This is despite on three of those occasions, there were once again commercial options available. On the most recent trip to Brussels in March, an Aer Lingus flight from Dublin was scheduled to take off just over 90 minutes before the government’s private jet, while for the return journey, the government’s jet left just 10 minutes before another Aer Lingus flight. The Department of the Taoiseach did not respond to queries regarding the decision to fly private rather than commercially, but did say “the provision of a contingency Ministerial Air Transport Service (MATS) arrangement was procured by the Department of Defence following an open tender competition”. The spokesperson also stated that “the Department of the Taoiseach records, monitors and values the carbon emissions associated with official air travel”, offsetting the emissions annually. Many of the Taoiseach’s staff and security team are able to fly commercially, however, such as the recent trip to Zurich for the World Economic Forum where the Close Protection Officer responsible for ensuring the Taoiseach’s safety flew commercially. The Taoiseach, meanwhile, hired a private jet for the two-hour flight at a cost of over €63,000. By comparison, records show the flights for the Close Protection Officer cost a little over €600. According to flight data, a Swiss Air flight to Zurich took off from Dublin just over an hour before the Taoiseach, and while there was a gap of almost three hours between the government’s private jet taking off on the return journey and any commercial options, it also made a one hour stop in Knock before returning to Baldonnel. Emails released under Freedom of Information legislation also show that the increased traffic of private jets arriving at Baldonnel is causing some consternation at the Air Corps base. After being contacted by the private jet company flying the Taoiseach to Copenhagen in November last year, a Commandant at the base told the Department of Defence it was the “second interaction from an external organisation which we have not been briefed in on and are blind to”. A tender to find the Learjet’s successor was published in November last year, with the government set to spent €45 million on the aircraft. The Department was informed by the Commandant that “numerous things need to be put in place and staffing in order to handle any additional non-military” flights, and that these plans cannot be put in place unless they were provided with the information from the Department. Government officials have previously stated that they had lost “all confidence” in the Learjet, however, an internal Defence Forces report on the future of the aircraft suggests that 2023 may have been “somewhat of an anomaly”, with previous years indicating the Learjet had a “good rate of serviceability”. The Air Corps have thus suggested that the Learjet serve as a backup option for forthcoming Ministerial transport missions, while the government continues to progress in replacing the jet. A tender to find the Learjet’s successor was published in November last year, with the government set to spent €45 million on the aircraft.