Bethany House

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    Was Thomas Passmore, paedophile, politician and County Grand Master of the Belfast Loyal Orange Lodge, an MI5 agent?

    On 16 September last Paul Graham told RTE’s ‘Liveline’ that he had been sexually abused by a senior figure in the Orange Order. Although not named, the abuser was Thomas Passmore, the County Grand Master of Belfast Loyal Orange Lodge.  That Passmore was a paedophile will not come as news to the Northern Ireland Office, MI5 and MI6. In 1973 he was named in a press briefing prepared by the British Army at Lisburn, Northern Ireland. The briefing concerned Tara, a Loyalist paramilitary organisation led by William McGrath, the notorious child rapist and Housefather at Kincora Boys’ Home. McGrath, who acted as an agent for MI5 and MI6, was convicted for child rape in 1981. To its credit, a number of senior military figures in the British Army tried to put an end to the abuse of children at Kincora. Foremost among them was Captain Colin Wallace. He and his military colleagues were thwarted by the NIO, MI5 and MI6, especially by a senior MI5 officer called Ian Cameron. Cameron was once a runner for the post of Director General of MI5. Those organisations and the PSNI persist to this day in covering up the full extent of the abuse at Kincora and elsewhere. The 1973 Tara Press Briefing (’73 TPB) described how ‘other people closely associated with McGrath and aware of his activities are, Thomas PASSMORE, Rev PAISLEY, Rev Martin SMYTH, James MOLYNEAUX and Sir Knox CUNNINGHAM QC MP’. In July 2018 Village published an article entitled ‘Kincora’s Smoking Guns: The Documents With Hugh Mooney’s Handwriting On Them’ which included a description of ’73 TPB. The ‘Kincora’s Smoking Guns’ article also described a number of other documents which demonstrated that the British Government knew about the sexual abuse of children at Kincora Boys’ Home long before the scandal was exposed by The Irish Independent in 1980. In addition, it demonstrated how a number of journalists Wallace had briefed remembered the Tara briefing. If that wasn’t enough, a number of Wallace’s colleagues at British Army HQ, Lisburn, also confirmed they knew about McGrath. Regrettably, Judge Hart who conducted a lighweight inquiry into Kincora was unable to comprehend the significance of any of this before he published his lamentable mistake-riddled report in 2017. Paul Graham’s RTE interview can be heard at https://www.rte.ie/radio/radioplayer/html5/#/radio1/21620062 Passmore was not named during the RTE interview but is the Orange Order figure mentioned briefly (at 13 minutes 30 seconds). The fact that Passmore abused Paul Graham would explain why he did nothing to halt the rape of children perpetrated by his friend and brother Orangeman William McGrath when he was informed about it. It is extremely unlikely that Paul Graham was Passmore’s only victim. Richard Kerr, who was a resident at Kincora, has long since described how he too was abused by Orangemen. The reference to Passmore in ’73 TPB was not highlighted in the ‘Kincora Smoking Guns’ article as its focus was on other aspects of the Kincora scandal. However, a copy of the 1973 document was reproduced in full in the printed edition of Village. WAS THOMAS PASSMORE AN MI5 AGENT? Thomas Passmore JP, was a senior Loyalist politician and Orangeman who operated at the highest levels of Unionist politics in the 1970s and 1980s. He became County Grand Master of Belfast Loyal Orange Lodge in 1973. He was unmarried and lived in Townsend Street, Belfast. He was not only an associate of McGrath but purchased the printing press which McGrath’s paramilitary group Tara used for its publicity. Passmore published an evangelical magazine with it. Like McGrath, Passmore believed that the Protestants of Ireland were descendants of one of the lost tribes of Israel. He was briefly a member of the Woodvale Defence Association in 1970s. It was set up by Alan Moon who was soon replaced by Charles Harding Smith who later became Chairman of the UDA. Passmore later became Chairman of the Woodvale Unionist Association. It supported the Ulster Workers Council (UWC) strike that brought down the 1974 power-sharing Government of 1974. Roy Garland was a member of Tara but walked out of it in 1971 when he discovered that McGrath was abusing boys. He immediately began trying to put a stop to it by telling the Orange Order of which McGrath was a senior member. Passmore was one of those who blocked the taking of any action against McGrath. He may have done this for any one of three reasons: first, because he wanted to protect a fellow child abuser; second, because he was being blackmailed by MI5 and MI6 for whom McGrath was an agent; third, because by 1973 he had become an MI5/6 agent. Perhaps it was a combination of all of the foregoing. Roy Garland persisted in his efforts to put an end to McGrath’s abuses but  met brick walls everywhere he turned. In 1976, the IRA killed Passmore’s father in an attack which he claimed was aimed at him. When Merlyn Rees was NI Secretary, MI5 smeared him and other Labour politicians as part of what they called Operation Clockwork Orange. One of the smears was that he was easy on Republican paramilitaries, especially his release of internees. Passmore reflected these views perfectly. On 3 December 1975 The Belfast Telegraph reported that ‘Mr. Thomas Passmore, said the fact that an ex-detainee had been killed while working with a bomb exposed the foolishness of Mr. Rees’ security policies…’ Passmore opposed the short-lived and unsuccessful 1977  United Unionist Action Council (UUAC) strike. It was led by Ian Paisley of the DUP and Ernie Baird, then leader of the United Ulster Unionist Movement (UUUM). The strike was disrupted by the release of an anonymous document which bears all the hallmarks of an MI5 dirty trick. It portrayed some of the UUAC leaders as homosexuals, something that was deemed reprehensible in Loyalist circles at that time. On 23 April, 1977,  Passmore launched a verbal attack on the strike which was due to commence in early May. One of his allegations was that a member of the UUAC had been

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    Protestant abuse immunity from redress payments (and reportage)

    Joe Duffy’s ‘Liveline’ knows a good story when it sees one and came across a doozy in the Irish Times on 20 March. Kitty Holland had interviewed Mary Higgins, CEO of Caranua (meaning ‘good friend’), the state organisation set up to provide continuing support for victims of institutional abuse. Higgins said that some abused people she was employed to assist would never be satisfied, while some others had engaged in fraud. That was ‘Liveline’ sorted. Higgins’ uncomfortable presence on the RTÉ radio programme provided a target for survivors. ‘Liveline’ phones hopped for days afterwards. The encounter also provided a promotional tagline, broadcast on other RTÉ programmes for a week. Repeatedly, Duffy was heard insisting that Higgins should state: “The amount of money we have been given by the religious orders is not enough”. Caranua has since 2014 administered a Residential Institutions Statutory Fund, designed to provide ongoing non-cash support to abuse victims. It is limited to €110m, the sum promised by 18 Roman Catholic religious congregations in a 2002 deal, in return for indemnity against prosecution. Since 2002 the separate Residential Institutions Redress Board has spent €1.5bn compensating over 16,000 former residents of Industrial Schools, Children’s Homes and other institutions. For effect, the state has set an unrealisable goal of retrieving 50% of the cost from the 18 orders. All of the confusion surrounding responsibility for abuse and attempts to assuage society’s guilt, by assigning blame, is reflected in this story. Caranua realised last year that the rate at which it was spending would erode the fund before all were helped. A €15,000 per applicant limit was applied. The cap and the perceived disdain with which they were viewed by the head of an organisation supposed to assist them, revived some victim’s feelings of rejection. Caranua was no longer a friend, but became a new oppressor of those who had been abused. The spending cap turned the organisation into an abuse means-tester. Joe Duffy repeatedly asked Higgins to demand that the Roman Catholic Church pay more. Callers suggested approaching the Vatican. This refrain came from government too. The Catholic Church is to blame so the church should pay for its sins. The government narrative presents the Catholic Church and its 18 congregations as responsible for 100% of the abuse. The state paying half is presented as a more than reasonable compromise. Roman Catholic clergy perpetrated horrendous abuse. The institutional church covered it up and protected abusers. That is a fact whose political and social consequences should have monetary ones too: so says the public mood. There are a couple of complications. The children abused in residential institutions were usually put there and paid for by the state. The state had a duty of care. Inadequate inspection and regulation, and substandard payments per head of institutional population ensured that it failed in its duty. It was privatised social control of the poor and marginalised on the cheap, wrapped up in a harsh regime of sanction that was supposedly moral, though mostly it was immoral. Redress was and is a public liability. The call for a religious contribution to its cost incorporated an element of public relations, that could focus public anger on the Roman Catholic Church, an institution with which most Irish people had an intense emotional relationship. After all, the relationship has moved pretty rapidly since the late Bishop Eamon Casey was found to have shared his bed with Annie Murphy, especially when other clergy were found to have entirely unacceptable sexual tastes. An organisation that thrived on the basis that it was morally superior was on a descent to ridicule and revulsion. But that is not the only complication. On ‘Liveline’ on 22 March, three days into the story, Joe Duffy devoted 18 uninterrupted minutes to Eileen Macken, who is nearly 80. Eileen stated that her experience of Caranua, which paid for new windows and doors, was positive. Eileen was upset at hearing others’ negative experiences. Being a good and thoughtful person, she worried whether she might have been unconsciously selfish in accepting the help Caranua literature encouraged her to apply for. Eileen related how she had been to the hospital that morning and that she required painful injections to her hands. In his folksy way Joe Duffy made a reference to Padre Pio, which passed Eileen by. Eileen is a member of the Church of Ireland, where Padre Pio’s stigmata are not a regular topic of conversation. Eileen was brought up in two Protestant residential institutions. In 1937 she came into this world in a doctor’s surgery on Dublin’s fashionable Leeson Street. From there she was consigned on her own to the Protestant evangelical Bethany Home. From five months until the age of 17, Eileen resided in the Church of Ireland Orphan House on the North Circular Road, later Kirwan House. Eileen suffered severe physical and emotional abuse in primary school, where a teacher punished her relentlessly because she was born out of wedlock. Eileen, who wanted to be a nurse, was destined for life as a servant in homes of richer members of the Church of Ireland community. She eventually escaped that fate. Eileen outlined her good fortune in making a loving family with husband George, but also her inability to find out where she came from. She recently suffered a severe setback in that quest, which she explained. Eileen’s orphanage was listed officially with the Residential Institutions Redress Board in 2002 as a place where abuse occurred. Eileen told the Board her story and reportedly received €70,000 by way of compensation. Then along came Caranua in 2013, promising more help from its €110m fund. But, here is the rub: why are 18 Roman Catholic congregations expected to fund victims of Protestant-ethos institutions? How are they responsible for abuse that occurred in Protestant institutions? Why are the Church of Ireland and other Protestant congregations paying nothing, is the question no one is asking. There is a song that goes ‘That’s the way God planned it’. In

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