Archives

OK

Random entry RSS

Loading

  • Posted in:

    Men and guardianship: Bill improves, but still primitive.

    By Michael Smith. The Children and Family Relationships Bill is the most important piece of legislation affecting parents and children for a generation. There is much that is good in the bill but this article focuses on one surprising defect: the provisions on unmarried fathers and guardianship. While the extension of automatic guardianship under the Bill to fathers who can demonstrate that they have cohabited with the mother for one year (with three of the months after the birth of the child is an   advance of a sort, concerned agencies like Treoir, which provides advice to unmarried parents, believe that the Bill does not go far enough to reflect the rights and responsibilities of unmarried fathers for their children. Unmarried fathers should be the automatic guardians of their children – as married fathers are. The father’s relationship with the mother should not be determinant. The Law Reform Commission (LRC) recommended this in 2010 (and indeed in its 1982 Report on Illegitimacy). It stated unequivocally: “equality should be the guiding principle in reforming the law in this area”. Equality is a big principle with clear-cut edges and the Bill simply does not enshrine it. That is a fundamental problem. The LRC’s recommendation that “legislation be enacted to provide for automatic joint parental responsibility (guardianship) for both mother and father of any child” has been flouted in the Bill. Unmarried fathers are the automatic guardians of their children in Northern Ireland, Britain, Australia and many European countries. In these jurisdictions, automatic guardianship for unmarried fathers can be challenged by the mother if it is not in the best interest of the child. In other words the presumption that the father should have guardianship over his children can be rebutted (the same position as applies to the mother’s rights). The proposal in the current Irish bill seems to be based on the view that the father derives his guardianship rights as “family” rights from co-habitation. But the rights accrue to the child on the basis that it is better the child should have fully engaged parents, mother and father alike – and should not derive from any interpretation of family. It is possible that the Children and Family Relationships Bill when enacted will be infirm either constitutionally or under the European Convention on Human Rights. Currently where a child is born to parents who are married to each other, the child’s mother and father automatically acquire joint guardianship in respect of the child. By contrast, where a child is born outside marriage, only the mother will acquire automatic guardianship. An unmarried father is not automatically deemed to be a guardian, though he may become a guardian either by means of a statutory declaration made jointly by both parents, or by court order. This means that a child born to married parents automatically enjoys the guardianship of two persons. A child born outside marriage, on the other hand, has no automatic right to this second guardian. The child’s right to a second guardian is, in such cases, contingent on the father’s willingness to seek and accept guardianship, and then on either the mother’s willingness to accept him as a joint guardian or, in the alternative, on the assent of a court. The Commission’s suggestion of a strong presumption in favour of the father, while an incremental step, would nonetheless maintain the current situation whereby responsibility will be conferred only on unmarried fathers who seek to exercise such responsibility, (through the courts if the mother’s consent is not forthcoming) while mothers and marital fathers will continue automatically to assume such responsibilities on the birth of a child. The LRC thinking is reflected in that of the Equality Authority which has specifically committed itself to supporting initiatives “…[p]romoting the status of men as carers, in particular the equal sharing of caring rights and responsibilities between women and men and continuing dialogue with men’s organisations on issues of equality for men…”. In 2010 the Equality Authority recommended that steps be taken to promote equal sharing of parental responsibilities by those in a parenting role in respect of the child, where this is appropriate in the particular circumstances.  In this regard, as a matter of principle, the fact that a child is born inside of or outside of the context of marriage should have no bearing on the child’s right to be cared for and supported by both of his or her parents. If guardianship is viewed as a vehicle primarily for conferring responsibility in respect of a child, the case for conferring parental responsibility on both father and mother automatically on the birth of a non-marital child, has much to recommend itself: • It would remove the distinction between marital and non-marital fathers, emphasising that parental responsibility is predicated on the relationship between the parent and child and should not depend on the relationship between the parents of the child; • It would emphasise that mothers and fathers alike each have equal responsibilities towards their child. Certainly there may be exceptional cases in which it will not be either in the child’s best interests, or in the interests of the wellbeing of the mother, for the father (or indeed other guardians) to retain parental responsibility. Some disgracefully argue, for example, that rapists should potentially benefit from paternal rights including guardianship. These exceptional situations will necessitate a mechanism whereby a person may be removed as a guardian. Such situations should include, in particular, where that person has consistently failed to meet his responsibilities towards the relevant child or where that person has raped the mother or been convicted of a serious criminal offence or has committed a serious civil wrong against the person of the child or other guardian. This removal must be subject to periodic review and subject to appeal. Exceptional circumstances should not shape general policy and principles of the law as it applies to the majority of cases of childbirth. The Bill reveals an extraordinary deficit in egalitarianism – denigrating the father and

    Loading

    Read more

  • Posted in:

    NAMA as morality tale.

    By Berni Dwan. The National Assets Management Bureau (NAMA) has written off €300m in debts for 23 major property developers, we hear. It has been reported from several quarters that representatives for the Quinn family and the Irish Bank Resolution Corporation (IBRC) are currently negotiating a settlement of their €4.5bn case against the former Anglo Irish Bank and the Irish state. According to the Sunday Business Post (March 29th) the Quinn family could, under the terms of the negotiations, resume control of hundreds of millions worth of property and other assets. Bust developer Sean Dunne is currently involved in a $14m (€12.9m) construction project in the US, a bankruptcy official has alleged. Dunne has almost €700m in debts, but is still living the lifestyle of a millionaire and has allegedly been using companies registered in his wife’s name to continue developing property. Meanwhile, figures from the Court Service show that 7,000 repossession cases are pending. These come from a pool of 30,000 home mortgage defaulters – not all in the Gorse Hill set – who must wait for the banks to decide their fate. The owners of the banks, the citizenry, either can’t get a loan or are subject to new tighter rules if they do, while those who ‘disappeared’ billions of euros are being rewarded by write-offs, write downs and right eejits. The humourless new rules will whip the little people into line for losing the run of themselves during the boom. First-time buyers, the most innocent party of all, will do whatever it takes to scrape together the 10 per cent deposit to qualify for a 90 per cent loan on a property valued at €220,000 or less, a tall order if you are living in Dublin. Furthermore, the amount to be borrowed cannot exceed 3.5 times their income; impossible if you are one of the ‘working poor’. It’s like ‘Brewster’s Millions’ – squander one million to keep seven million, except this time it’s not fiction, its fact and its billions instead of millions. We have reached book three of the trilogy – The Return of the Developers. It’s happening again in banks and offices all over Ireland; heroes are returning to continue where they left off. The hero has a particular life-cycle, and Joseph Campbell, the 20th-century American mythologist and scholar, summarised this heroic sequence in a famous book called ‘The Hero with a Thousand Faces’. A ‘hero’ abandons his routine or normal existence and enters a world of uncertainty. He fights many adversaries for survival and emerges victorious. Finally, he returns home with new-found powers to bequeath blessings on those he left behind. Here’s a local adaptation of Campbell’s heroic sequence. A property developer or banker realises that his avaricious, hedonistic and spendthrift behaviour has got him into a bit of bother. He must flee the country and keep his head down in some luxury foreign resort, pining for home and avoiding the newspapers as he swings his golf clubs and swills chilled prosecco. While enduring the harsh life of the exile his mates, and advisors, keep him abreast of developments back home. When the time is right he will metamorphose from a poor emigrant to a property developer again. Sure aren’t most of his debts written off and aren’t the people of Ireland crying out for him to return and build much needed houses? With asking prices rising by 2.2 per cent nationally in the first quarter of 2015, it’s his duty to convert them from renters to home owners, to give something back. It all comes to him in a dream.  It was thus with St Patrick. Of course modern Irish mythology, aided by seanchaí David McWilliams, created its own heroic types. The bit-part players were the house-buyers and breakfast-roll addicts; the toadies were the financial institutions, some elected representatives – and, many would say – certain sections of the media; the acolytes also came from sections of the financial, political and media world. Their heroes were the builders, the developers and their financiers, whose swagger was a foil to the cowardice and ineptitude of those who should have known better. Their disdain for the humble PAYE workers equalled Coriolanus’ disdain for the Roman plebeians: “What’s the matter, you dissentious rogues, That, rubbing the poor itch of your opinion, Make yourselves scabs?”. The names of individual heroes are already immortal and each reader will have a favourite. The likes of David Drumm, Sean Quinn, Sean Dunne, Sean FitzPatrick (so many Seans) and Johnny Ronan will be exam revision material for a future generation. The waste-laying Fianna Fáil-Green coalition government will be neo-Cromwellians for our credulous descendants. Isn’t it just Panglossian to recollect that the 22 builders of destiny, the speculating wing of FF and FG, armed with wrecking balls and cement mixers, had borrowed €25.5bn between them? €8.8 bn of this was used to buy development land. This is what was uncovered by the PwC report into Irish financial institutions commissioned by the Central Bank after the bank guarantee in 2008. One can only imagine how close to Hitler’s bunker that room in government buildings was on bailout night in 2008. Ireland’s government and central bank acted as a money factory for these touts. So called ‘officials’ were in the piddling halfpenny place compared to these peddlers of builders’ rubble. Having lain low in abject luxury while passing themselves off as ‘victims’ they are now weaving themselves back into the fabric of Irish society. Sean Quinn’s return to his Cavan-Fermanagh border principality in January is rivalled only by Caesar’s return to Rome after conquering Gaul. This was made possible after a local consortium paid €100m to the Aventas Group, which took over when Quinn Inc. went kaput, to buy back a substantial slice of Quinn’s old empire. All may soon be forgiven for all that offshore-y, Russian-y confusion, though Judge Peter Kelly had meanly said that in all his years dealing with “fraud and chicanery” he had never seen anything like the Quinns.

    Loading

    Read more

  • Posted in:

    Sheehy claims defamation

    By Frank Connolly As Village was going to print a writ threatening defamation proceedings against Gabriel Dooley was lodged in the High Court by Simon McAleese Solicitors acting for former Wicklow county manager, Eddie Sheehy. During the same week the editor of the Wicklow Times, Shay Fitzmaurice received a letter from solicitors McGuire McNeice acting for Councillor Pat Vance in which the politician is seeking an apology and damages and a written undertaking not to repeat any further defamatory statements such as those he claimed were published in the newspaper in April 2014. In the articles concerned, Fitzmaurice wrote about numerous allegations circulated to all elected members of Wicklow County Council by Dooley concerning named councillors and officials. The plenary summons lodged by Ray Ryan BL for Sheehy with the court seeks punitive and aggravated damages against Dooley for malicious falsehood and conspiracy and the costs of any action that might follow. Just days after Sheehy announced his decision to retire earlier this year Dooley, a prominent auctioneer, circulated another detailed set of questions and complaints concerning the involvement of named officials and councillors in major property developments in Bray and Greystones. The forty-four questions submitted by Dooley centred on the manner in which two of Ireland’s leading developers, Sean Dunne and Sean Mulryan, acquired council lands (through an exchange of easements) to gain road access to a major residential and retail scheme at Charlesland near Greystones in the early 2000s. (see pages 10-11) Dooley had assembled the mainly landlocked private properties at Charlesland for the developers and was a partner with Mulryan in the Florentine development in Bray town centre before they fell out over an outstanding €4m debt which the auctioneer claims he is owed by the developer. Dooley’s questions also relate to the manner in which the council acquired lands under compulsory purchase  (CPO) orders to provide access to Charlesland from the N11 motorway, the main route from Dublin to the south-east, among other issues. He has asked the environment minister, Alan Kelly, whether he is satisfied with the manner in which the Greystones Southern Access route (SAR) and the Kilpedder Interchange on the N11 were financed and what monies the developers contributed for the roads, a roundabout at Charlesland and for other services provided for the scheme. Over the 14 years that Sheehy was at the helm, the council was embroiled in a succession of embarrassing episodes, and legal actions, from the illegal dumping of waste to planning and re-zoning disputes involving some of the country’s leading, and wealthiest, developers. Sheehy featured in the national newspapers a few years ago after they exposed a holiday junket by current and former council staff to Florida in which he was photographed with a fistful of dollars. He was at the losing end of a High Court action taken by three councillors whom he wrongly barred from the council chamber after they lost a defamation action against the county manager. He also featured in another controversial High Court outing when the council sought to have companies involved in widespread illegal dumping pay for the remediation of polluted landfills in west Wicklow. The court action was suspended in late 2011 after it heard evidence that the council itself was involved in illegal dumping of waste at the huge Whitestown dump while one of its authorised officers had sought to obtain the contract to remediate the site and reap millions in profit from the clean-up. Dooley’s bitter antagonism with Mulryan centres on an arrangement which the pair had to purchase and develop the Florentine site in Bray town centre, where Dooley has one of his auctioneering offices. Between 1996 and 2002 he assembled the properties of dozens of landowners for Mulryan’s company, the Ballymore Group on which they planned to build a major retail centre. They formed a consortium, Florentine Properties Ltd. (FPL) with Ballymore and Dooley each holding 50% shares and negotiated a loan from Bank of Scotland which took the title deeds from all of Dooley’s commercial assets as security. In June 2005, Ballymore acquired Dooley’s shareholding for €5m with a down payment of €1m and the balance to be paid when the 100,000 sq. ft. shopping centre and 85 apartments were completed, or on the sale of the site. In 2007, Wicklow County Council placed a CPO on the site which was enforced in 2009. By this time, some €2.75bn of distressed Ballymore loans from a range of institutions including Anglo Irish Bank, Irish Nationwide, Allied Irish Banks and the Bank of Ireland were in the National Assets Management Agency (NAMA). •

    Loading

    Read more

  • Posted in:

    Wick-lowdown, 2015

    By Frank Connolly The controversy surrounding the acquisition of lands at Charlesland, near Greystones in Wicklow by property developers Sean Mulryan and Sean Dunne in 2004 continues to haunt the local authority even since the departure last month of county manager, Eddie Sheehy. Environment minister, Alan Kelly, is under pressure from junior finance minister and Wicklow TD, Simon Harris, and other local representatives to initiate an inquiry into the relations between the two prominent developers and senior council officials as well as into the continuing saga of the multi-million-euro illegal waste dumping scandal in the garden county. Among the key features of the controversy at Charlesland are the circumstances surrounding the transfer of valuable rights over council lands to companies controlled by Dunne and Mulryan, which provided them with access to the largely landlocked site estimated at the time to have a potential value of €2.5bn. Over recent months, Village has put several queries to Wicklow County Council about a contract signed in July 2003 by Sheehy and Fianna Fáil councillor, Pat Vance, on the one hand and by legal representatives for two companies, Brambleglen Ltd and Ballymore contracting Ltd, Mulryan and Dunne. The contract provided crucial road access to the Charlesland site where the developers had permission to build almost 1,400 homes along with shopping and other facilities. Local auctioneer, Gabriel Dooley, who assembled the lands from the Evans and Tracey families in the preceding years claims that Mulryan and Dunne had a special relationship with the council which ensured that they were able to acquire the valuable road access across its lands at minimum cost. In reply to a question from Village, the Council in early April confirmed that it “exchanged easements with Mr Dunne and the other parties”. “There was in fact no disposal of land to Mr Dunne and the other parties you referred to in your enquiry. The County Council exchanged easements with Mr Dunne and the other parties over the lands which make up the dual-carriageway at Charlesland which are the subject of the registration mentioned in your email. This road has facilitated the subsequent development of lands owned by IDA (Ireland), Wicklow County Council and those developers”, the Council said. The statement confirms that the contract agreed in July 2003 and seen by Village was the instrument used to effect the exchange of easements. The Council did not respond to a question about the value of the lands in question or why Councillor Pat Vance was a signature to the agreement when he did not represent the Charlesland or Greystones areas.   It stated, however: “All elected members are authorised to be in attendance at/witness the affixing of the council seal on documents”. Land-registry documents confirm that the “right of way and other easements” in favour of Sean Mulryan, Sean Dunne, Brambleglen Ltd and Ballymore Contracting Ltd. were transferred on 22nd January 2004. According to Dooley, the circa 6.5 acres of zoned land in question were worth in excess of €10m at their 2003 value and provided an additional, unquantifiable, benefit to the developers who required them to gain access to much of the Charlesland site. The exchange was made without any discussion by the elected members of the council and without the knowledge of the Greystones/Delgany area committee which would have been expected to be informed about such a major land deal. It also followed the defeat of a request by the County management, at a council meeting on 12th May, 2003, and proposed by Councillor Vance, for a material contravention of the Wicklow County Development plan to facilitate aspects of the Charlesland scheme which was under construction by Zapi Ltd, the joint venture formed by Mulryan and Dunne. After a sometimes heated discussion at the Council, the county manager failed to get the necessary 18 votes to agree the material contravention. At the heart of the discussion was the concern by councillors of the effect on Greystones commercial town centre of a competing retail development at Charlesland, the largest residential scheme in the county.  According to the minutes of the meeting, councillors were also exercised over the commencement of works by the developer and there were calls for some issues to be referred to the High Court. They rejected a threat by the county manager to refuse the entire planning application unless the members accepted the proposal to contravene the development plan. Almost all the Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael members of the council supported the motion but several others including then councillors Deirdre De Burca (Green), Liam Kavanagh, Liz McManus,  both Labour, and Eleanor Roche, wife of former minister, Dick Roche, abstained. Independent councillor Tommy Cullen was the only member to vote against the motion which fell for lack of support. Two months earlier, in March 2003, Dooley was present in Dobbins restaurant in Dublin for a meeting lasting several hours between Mulryan, Dunne and Vance. At this meeting, he claims that maps of the proposed scheme and the road-access routes, and a strategy for the successful acquisition of the necessary lands, were discussed. In the July 2003 contract, the council agreed to acquire whatever additional lands were needed by the developers by compulsory purchase order. Notably, nothing has emerged to suggest that either Councillor Vance or Sheehy acted improperly at any time. When landowners John Nolan and William Irwin then refused to sell their lands at Three Trout Stream adjoining the development to Zapi or to the Council a compulsory purchase order was signed in January 2004. Eight days later, the exchange of easements was registered to the developers on the nearby council and IDA lands. The on-going row over planning decisions at Wicklow comes at a time when Mulryan is planning to exit the National Assets Management Agency (NAMA) and Dunne is seeking to protect various assets from the Agency and from various banks in Ireland and the US, including lands he has said he owns with his wife at Greystones. NAMA is also the subject of

    Loading

    Read more

  • Posted in:

    Villager April 2015

    Just shut up Villager is interested in the notion of ‘guest’ as applied to the ‘Tonight with Vincent Browne’ show. The status seems to be precarious. Tom Cooney, a pro-Israeli former advisor to Alan Shatter, was told to leave after interrupting, Jerry Beades was ejected after being invited to ‘shut up’ (“just leave if you’re not going to stop talking”) and now SIPTU’s Jack O’Connor whose departure admittedly was his own idea has suffered the ignominy of being followed out of the studio by an unhostly invitation to ‘Hit the Road Jack’ and raucous studio laughter. After the ignominy, journalist Colette Browne feared that – much worse – O’Connor might be stuck for an invidious half hour watching the gaiety while a taxi was called to TV3’s studio in far-flung Ballymount. All of this is fine when you don’t like the victim; and Israel, and the New Land League, certainly need robust criticism.  SIPTU, the Labour Party and the issue of TV3 not being unionised deserve it less. The problem with the ‘Tonight  Show’ is that – uniquely – the dignity of all the  guests is in play. As well of course as that of the presenter. And sometimes that of the issue. No one-horse towns The latest statistics show that 80% of journeys made in Ireland (outside Dublin) in 2013 were by car – driving (74%) or driven (6%). Ideolo-something Joan Burton is proposing a cap on the property tax when the freeze on increases registers at the end of the year. Villager can’t remember where that fits in the socialist handbook. Karl Marx of course wanted to abolish private property, so  just crucifying it with taxes should be allowed. In similar spirit, the coalition government was happy to abolish the 80% tax on windfall profits to land speculators, which had been introduced at Green insistence, without a solitary murmur from anyone in the Labour Party. Ya can’t eat planning Minister for the Environment, Alan Kelly, isn’t really a man for any of that old leftie stuff relating to land, planning or anything really. According to the Irish Times. Mr Kelly is considering allowing builders of one-off houses to “opt out” of the usual certification requirements. It’s of a piece with recent news that the inspection regime for the country’s 500,000 septic tanks – agreed with the increasingly pliable EU, would take 500 years to complete, even though nearly three quarters of them are “high risk”. Kelly and his Minister of state Paudie Coffey have announced a review of the Building Control (Amendment) Regulations 2014 “to consider in particular the impact of S.I. No. 9 of 2014 on single dwellings and extensions to existing dwellings having regard to specific concerns which have been raised in relation to the cost burden of the regulations and the level of certification required for this sector”. This is code for a nod to planning-control anarchy. Unlawful Society Villager returns to the case of Kenmare-based solicitor, Colm Murphy, who was struck off from the Roll of Solicitors in 2009 on foot on foot of complaints from another solicitor, Fergus Appelbe. Murphy took a case against the Law Society which failed to investigate Appelbe until very recently when he was finally restricted as to how he can practise. Appelbe is a former member of the Law Society Conveyancing Committee and was the subject of two ‘Today Tonight’ investigations in 1997/8 into his conduct. He and his various companies are now also in overwhelming debt – to a sum in excess of €100m much of which will have to be borne by the state. Allegations of “repeated skulduggery on the part of officials of the Law Society” were aired in the Supreme Court last year as part of Murphy’s claim of breach of duty, negligence, defamation and misfeasance of public office against them. Murphy claimed that his striking off was based on spurious and inaccurate information provided by the Law Society to its Disciplinary Tribunal and the High Court ten years ago. Key to the decision to strike him from the roll had been a claim by a law society official, Linda Kirwan, that Murphy had breached an undertaking he had given to the President of the High Court. Kirwan insisted at various hearings against Murphy that she had been in the High Court on the day the undertaking was made. It was only after the unfortunate Murphy was struck off that she admitted that she was not in fact in the court when the supposed undertaking was made. No such undertaking is recorded in the order from the court issued on the day in question. The three judges of the Supreme Court decided in March that the Law Society had misled Judge Hanna in the High Court. They were critical of Ken Murphy, the Society’s Director General and suggested that Colm Murphy could resume practicing as a solicitor and that there would be a full hearing in respect of his compensation claim. The judges awarded costs for the Supreme Court hearing and all costs of the High Court to Murphy (Colm not Ken). Constantly keen Ken Last year Ronán Lynch, formerly of the Centre for Public Inquiry and now of the Westport-based Lafferty Financial Group, broke some icons in this magazine to analyse the guests on Marian Finucane’s weekend radio show. He found of 255 guests over the year no less than 26 were legal professionals – somewhat fewer than politicians (36), academics (25) and businesspeople (18). In the last two months this same Ken Murphy, the moustachioed head Law Society honcho, appeared twice including once (February 10) to give an enthusiastic endorsement of Magna Carta – as if that has anything to do with the way the legal profession runs today; and on April 5 to wax uncontroversially about the print media, Fianna Fáil and the issues of the day. Ok, Marian show: you’re not fulfilling your obligation to broadcasting having so many lawyers on your show. They don’t need people like you

    Loading

    Read more

  • Posted in:

    Vultures leave their carrion to resurrectionists

    By Frank Connolly So Johnny Ronan is back on top of the heap. According to the Sindo, the “maverick” developer is about to storm the most lucrative real estate sites in Dublin and London, with the help of US and Asian funds. The man with the magic touch has paid back €400m to get out of the clutches of NAMA with the help of US private equity group, Colony Capital, and international bank M&G. So far so good for Johnny who will not waste our time moaning about his treatment by the ‘bad bank’, misguided as he suggests it was in relation to the seizure and sale of the Battersea power station in London which he and Richard Barrett saw as their “master plan” to survive the property crash at home. We are informed that whatever he thinks of NAMA it “wouldn’t be fit for print.” The newspaper (5th April) also suggested that a report published in a “national newspaper” last year had almost scuppered Johnny’s plans when it “made reference to political corruption and false accusations against Mr Ronan of fraudulently stripping assets from his previous business, Treasury Holdings”. Despite an apology the damage was done until the Colony boys came riding over the horizon to re-finance his NAMA loans of €300m. It is unclear what Ronan had to offer in order to attract the likes of Colony, a real estate trust with global investments of more than $60bn. Surely he must have brought more to the table than his undoubted charm and experience in the property game. The 1991 founder of Colony Capital, Thomas J Barrack is certainly no pushover and previously served in the Reagan administration as Deputy Undersecretary of the Department of the Interior. In 2010, French president Nicolas Sarkozy awarded him France’s Chevalier de la Légion d’honneur, no less. Meanwhile, the former nemesis of the Treasury pair, Garrett Kelleher has his own story to tell about dealings with former NAMA board member, John Mulcahy, the real estate agent who helped blow up the bubble before it burst some seven years ago and then joined the agency to help sort out the mess in the banks as its head of asset management. Kelleher has alleged that he was promised by Mulcahy (who joined fast-growing property-pension fund, IPUT six months after leaving the agency last year) that his €46m in personal guarantees would not be called in if he co-operated with the agency. That conversation was in a pub in September 2009, just as the bad bank was being set up and encouraged Kelleher, he says, not to declare “quick and easy” bankruptcy in the US. NAMA insists that no such assurances were given then, or later by different officials in 2010 after the agency was set up. NAMA went on to sell loans it acquired from Kelleher’s aborted Chicago Squire project at below market price, the developer claims, which hampered his ability to repay the personal guarantees and other debts held by the agency. Those who have followed the fortunes of these brave masters of the universe over the decades will, no doubt, see the irony in these recent developments. Back in the day, when Kelleher was building a hotel on Parnell Street it was none other than Treasury Holdings that used a piece of land on historic Moore Lane as a “ransom strip” to block their rival. It was alleged at that time in the late 1990s that Richard Barrett “had his foot on” Kelleher’s head, if necessary, to block his plans. Treasury went on to threaten the Sunday Business Post for many millions in damages (a multiple of what the paper was worth) for reporting a statement made at a hearing of An Bord Pleanála to the effect that the company was able to block any planning development in Dublin due to its influence at the higher levels of political authority. It never proceeded with the writ against the Post. When it came to the crash, of course, Ronan became the poster boy for the hubris left in its wake and he found that his political and banking contacts were not what they used to be. Nonetheless, he and the less visible Barrett who spends a lot of time in the Far East these days, have emerged from their long battle for survival, albeit that Treasury Holdings and the  taxpayer were not so lucky. Meanwhile, the various vulture funds who invested in the depressed Irish property market in recent years are now apparently rushing to cash in and move on, with healthy returns, perhaps leaving the market once again to some familiar if older-looking faces. •

    Loading

    Read more

  • Posted in:

    Mudguard: the time-honoured role of the Labour Party.

    By Anthony Coughlan. Like most Labour and Social Democrat parties Labour was originally established by the Trade Unions to advance the political interests of trade unionists and workers generally. When founded in 1912 it had the joint name of  the Irish Labour Party and Trade Union Congress. The British Liberal Government had promised Home Rule. James Connolly, James Larkin and William O’Brien wanted Labour to play a full role in the eagerly expected Irish Parliament. Most trade unions in the Republic are affiliated to Labour, but most trade unionists and workers voted for Sinn Féin in the 1916-21 period, in later decades for Fianna Fáil, and these days they are moving towards another Sinn Féin again. Labour’s failure to get the votes of its natural working-class constituency is due to its ”economism” and the perception that it has historically been “anti-national”. The economism refers to Labour purporting to concentrate on seeking economic improvements for workers, while leaving the big political issues to the two “bourgeois” parties that came from the 1922-23 Civil War.  The anti-nationalism refers to the fact that the main Irish political issue of the past century has been the establishment of an Irish State, maintaining that State’s independence and sovereignty and seeking Irish reunification. Labour has failed to make these issues its own and left them instead to the same Civil War parties and to various shades of Republicanism. James Connolly’s main contribution to political thought was to show by his writings and his participation in the Easter Rising that Labour, the political Left and people who claimed to be socialists should seek to be the foremost advocates of national independence – in that way winning hegemony over the nation as a whole. Sadly, his successors as Labour leaders either did not understand him or failed to follow him. Labour opted not to contest the hugely important 1918 and 1921 elections, the first elections in which women had the vote and which determined people’s politics for generations. If in 1918 Labour had opted to abstain from Westminster as Sinn Féin had pledged to do, it would have won for itself an influential and possibly a determining role in the dramatic events that followed, leading to the establishment of an Irish State. Belfast’s workers were Unionists, Southern ones were Nationalist. Labour sought to maintain the organisational unity of the All-Ireland Trade Union Movement  by ceding the whole field of politics to Sinn Féin. As Peadar O’Donnell put it: “We lost the whole of Ireland for the sake of Belfast”. In the 1930s when the Republican Congress movement tried to push Fianna Fáil in a more Republican and anti-imperialist direction from the left,  Labour proclaimed that it stood for the “Workers’ Republic” and would have no truck with any mere “Republic” that was not socialist. When that moment had passed, it hastily dropped the slogan “Workers’ Republic” in face of criticism by the Church authorities of the day, which saw that as communism. For most of the seventy years since the end of World War 2 the Labour Party under successive leaders – William Norton, Brendan Corish, Michael O’Leary, Dick Spring, Ruairi Quinn, Pat Rabbite and Eamon Gilmore – has been said to be more “the mudguard of Fine Gael than the vanguard of the proletariat”. By forming a whole series of coalitions with Fine Gael, the more conservative of the Republic’s two main parties, Labour has periodically revived Fine Gael by putting it into government, while enabling Fianna Fáil to renew itself in opposition. Labour spokesmen like to deplore the dominance of Irish politics since the 1920s by the so-called  “Civil War parties”. They do not realise that it is Labour’s own policy choices that have been primarily responsible for this. I recall putting this point to the late Noel Browne, who was Minister for Health in the first such Coalition, that of 1948-51. “You are quite right” ,he said. “I remember James Dillon saying to me shortly after that Government was formed: ‘Last year we had only a few dozen people at the Fine Gael Ard Fheis. This year the hall was packed to the door.’ I then realised”, said Browne, “that what we had done was revive Fine Gael”. When that particular coalition collapsed over the Mother and Child scheme in 1951 Fine Gael increased its first-preference vote, while Labour and other smaller coalition parties were devastated. The same pattern has repeated itself several times since. The political law of coalition government seems to be that the larger party gets the credit for whatever good voters see the coalition as doing, while the smaller party gets the blame for Coalition failures. And the reason for this successive love affair between Labour and Fine Gael? Sean O’Casey put it aptly when he said of Labour’s participation in that 1948-51 Coalition: “Their posteriors were aching for the velvet seats of office”. If Labour had stayed aloof from Fine Gael following the 2011 election it would be well positioned now to become the largest party in the State in the upcoming general election. But its leaders could not wait. Better to be Tánaiste today than potentially Taoiseach tomorrow. There was one moment when Labour’s trade union affiliates asserted themselves in a national direction – when Ireland’s membership of the then European Economic Community (EEC) was being decided in 1972. The late Michael Mullen, a former Labour TD who as a young man had been in the IRA, led the ITGWU (now SIPTU)  and through it the Irish Congress of Trade Unions, in opposition to EEC membership for Ireland. This forced the  Labour Party leadership reluctantly to go along. I remember the coordinating meetings we had for that campaign. We used to meet in Mullen’s office on the top floor of Liberty Hall. Mullen and Ruairi Roberts of the ICTU represented the trade unions, Brendan Halligan and Justin Keating the Labour Party, and Raymond Crotty and I the non-party EEC opponents. Then following the May 1972 Accession Treaty referendum,

    Loading

    Read more