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Sisters Abú
They triumphed and they never got complacent
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Women still travel abroad for abortions but it is unclear if abortions to save women’s lives are ever carried out in Ireland
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Public-sector alternatives to the infrastructure market and Public Private Partnerships in Ireland, the US and worldwide Dexter Whitfield In my book, Global Auction of Public Assets I examine Public Private Partnerships (PPPs) in Ireland and 11 other countries. The continuing fiscal crisis and flood damage could see the government further expand the role of PPPs. However, this will only compound the negative impact of this flawed model of infrastructure investment. Public infrastructure in the 21st century is confronted with new challenges: climate change, the economic, energy, water and transportation needs of megacities in Asia, megaregions in North America, European city regions, and older industrial areas. Yet Public Private Partnerships and the global infrastructure market, financed by investment and pension funds, are fuelling a new era of public asset sales. The key findings of this first critical, global analysis of these developments are: 1. Public Private Partnerships are not an alternative to public investment, nor do they reduce public debt. Ultimately, PPPs are entirely financed by government and/or user charges, fares and tolls – private debt ratcheted up in PPPs is in practice public debt embodied in long-term contractual obligations which must be paid off through public sector revenue accounts. There is no quick fix or a cheap, low tax solution. Despite these structural flaws, PPPs continue to be embedded in the public sector. 2. Public Private Partnerships have similar structural flaws to the causes of the current global financial crisis. Public Private Partnerships are designed with special purpose companies, off-balance sheet accounting, limited accountability and transparency, securitisation, outsourcing and offshoring, secondary market refinancing and shrouded in commercial confidentiality – precisely the policies and practices that led to the global crisis. 3. There is a new threat of privatisation and asset monetization as governments and cities confront continuing needs with plummeting resources. Chicago, New York, Los Angeles and several states plan to sell off existing assets; Russia and Poland have recently announced privatisation plans; whilst in Britain new PPP models are being developed. 4. A global infrastructure market has emerged, fuelled by pension funds, mutual funds and insurance company investment, which account for 82% of global investment assets. However, new power brokers such as sovereign wealth funds and private equity funds are powerful investors in the global economy and have a key role in the acquisition of infrastructure assets. 5. Schools, hospitals, roads and prisons are being traded as commodities. Britain has the most developed PPP market that now has a secondary market in which share equity in PPP projects is bought and sold. Several hundred PPP projects, with a total value of £2.8bn, have been sold to new investors in the last decade. 65 PPP projects alone were sold at a profit of £257m. Several secondary market funds, established to own and operate PPP projects, have been sold to other companies. Some PPP projects are now operated from offshore tax havens. 6. There are many failed Public Private Partnerships and privatisation projects. Globally, nearly 1,000 PPP projects, valued at over US$500bn, have been terminated or radically reduced. This includes 58 water projects, many covering entire regions and countries. Many other projects never got off the drawing board, and were abandoned. The claim that infrastructure PPPs can be ‘pro-poor’ by achieving significant political and economic change is unfounded. 7. Democracy and accountability are undermined. Most PPP projects have little democratic control or transparency. They are costly, poor value and lack innovation. 8. Value for money methods are contrived and flawed. The evaluation of PPP projects through Public Sector Comparator or value for money assessments is contrived and fundamentally flawed because of the narrow scope of the criteria and the failure to compare like with like. 9. PPPs and privatisation frequently result in job losses, cuts in terms and conditions including pensions and more fragmented trade union organisation. 10. Reform of the Public Private Partnerships model will achieve little. Powerful vested interests, including banks, construction companies, lawyers and consultants, will ensure any re-assessment will be focused on the minutiae of PPP finance and risk transfer. They have no intention of challenging the model, preferring to massage contractual matters to ensure the flow of deals continues. 11. New public investment priorities are needed. I propose radical changes in global financial markets, abandonment of PPPs, new controls on existing PPPs, new public sector contracts, and public management reform. 12. Stronger and broader alliances between civic, community and trade union organisations need to be built, with blueprints and alternative plans to detail infrastructure needs and strategic intervention in the planning and procurement process. Public infrastructure supports economic development, increases productivity, generates employment, creates opportunities for production and supply chains in construction, manufacturing, services, and improves community well-being. It meets basic human needs – homes, water, energy, transport, hospitals, schools, sports and cultural facilities, communications networks, courts, prisons, civic and governmental buildings. Dexter Whitfield is Director of European Services Strategy Unit and Adjunct Associate Professor, Australian Institute for Social Research, University of Adelaide.
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Mainstream opinion is set against public-sector workers but the figures don’t add up
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Former head of IDA calls for IFSC-style enterprise-generation model
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Person of the Year As Time magazine names Ben Bernanke, Federal Reserve Chairman its person of the year – famously with no comment on whether the winner is a good or bad force, Villager bestows his Irish honour on Brian Lenihan. Lenihan topped Village’s most influential person list last month and is clearly the driving force behind much of what passes for politics in this jurisdisdiction. He will probably be proved injudicious with the bank guarantee and again overgenerous to the Banks and developers through his vision of NAMA. His recent budget will be remembered for savaging public-sector pay. It also finally introduced a carbon tax (ironically, days after gas prices went down). Villager thought the self-justifying post-boom ultra-rich could have had a few more Euro extricated from their shaking fists in income and capital taxes; and was reminded of the anti-public-interest excesses of Charlie McCreevy with the nonsensical anti-environmental car-scrappage scheme. Interesting too how no employment-creating measures emerged. Overall Lenihan, on grounds of straightness alone, is one of Villager’s favourite FFers – and certainly his favourite Lenihan. Doing a lot So Fianna Fáil have dealt with Lisbon, NAMA and spending cuts. The dream team delivering the dream platform. And unemployment only up 75.5% year on year. Brilliant. Villager’s amnesia about FF causing all the problems in the first place has set in again – as it always does mid-term and he reckons he’s good to vote FF in 2012. When he gets into the polling both he always remembers what his auntie (the one with the Ansbacher account who used to pass two and a half hours every morning in confession with Father) said about this country needing strong government (and fairness waiting for the after-life). She would have loved Brian Lenihan, Villager sometimes fondly thinks. Heaping fact upon fact Alternatively the budget could have focused on some of the facts central to an agenda based on fairness. Equality think-tank TASC and the Irish Congress of Trade Unions recently launched the Hierarchy of Earnings, Attributes and Privilege (HEAP) report, designed to present the facts about income inequality in Ireland in an accessible form. The report – which was authored by NUIG academics Professor Terrence McDonough and Jason Loughrey – comprises a poster illustrating the numbers of households at different income levels, broken down by occupational category and household type, together with an explanatory booklet. The report shows that: Five per cent of families live on incomes exceeding €134,000 58 percent of families live on less than €40,000 26 percent of families live on less than €20,000 When analysed in terms of occupation, only the managerial/professional occupation category makes its way to the very top of the HEAP (an annual income of €600,000) Income distribution became more unequal between 1987 and 2005. The distance between those at the top and those at the bottom widened. Conventional measures of income inequality, such as the Gini Coefficient or quintile share ratios, fail to capture the increase in inequality Relative poverty levels before Social Welfare transfers increased from 35.6 per cent to 41 per cent from 2001 to 2007. Social Welfare played a critical role in reducing poverty levels from 21.9 per cent in 2001 to 16.5 per cent in 2007 Women’s income was around two-thirds of men’s income; adjusting for differences in hours worked, women’s hourly earnings were around 86 per cent of men’s. Women were also more likely to be at risk of poverty. There is a striking ‘education premium’: the median gross income of those with no formal education, or primary education only, was €13,489, while those with a university degree had a median income of €45,707. 9/11 24/7 Governor of the Central Bank, Dr Patrick Honohan, has called for an inquiry into the causes of the banking crisis similar to a US congressional hearing into the 9/11 terrorist attacks on the US. Villager suggests that we may as well take a look at the church crisis, the planning crisis, the corruption crisis, the environmental crisis, the fairness crisis and the general political crisis at the same time. Or we could look for a bit of leadership. Dublin to become Belfast Villager always tried to like Dublin City Councillors even if he could never really like Dublin. He always liked the stance of the management – most of whom come from Villager’s neck of the woods but who now live in Dublin’s suburbs – which was to leave development to the private sector. The builders have done so much for us. Anyway … after years of cat and mouse when it appeared the councillors (scared of the electorate who viciously opposed it at a series of meetings held before the local elections) were not going to go for management’s increasingly deranged attempts to foist Belfast-style high-rise on an unyielding human-scale centre, Fine Gael and Labour Councillors have voted to run with the Bladerunner vision. This would allow future developments in excess of 16 storeys in three city-centre locations – at Heuston and Connolly railway stations, and in Docklands. Villager doesn’t mind that too much, though more care was needed with the details. More problematic is that “mid-rise” buildings of up to 16 residential storeys would be allowed in Phibsborough and residential developments of up to eight stories would be allowed across the inner city. That seems bonkers to Villager, though fine in a taller city like say Madrid. Blanket heights are silly in a city like Dublin of variegated heights. In the outer city, residential developments would be up to six storeys for residential and four storeys for offices. However, developments within 1km of a mainline, DART or Metro station could have an extra two storeys. Er .. Villager thought most of the city is or will be within 1km of these transport delights (even if the Economist Intelligence Unit has just pronounced Dublin the worst city in Europe for public transport). Make no mistake this is a charter for an incoherent city-centre skyline. Where it fits – including in
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A box would have done it yer man extends the hand of sympathy across the continent to Silvio Berlusconi, Europe’s most cosmetically dynamic and artfully-coiffed premier on the occasion of the breaking of his expensive nose by a statuette in Milan.
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Without civil marriage we remain second-class citizens Senator David Norris You’re probably thinking what in the name of God is that fellow bellyaching about now. Them old fairies are never satisfied. In fact I have become something of an extinct volcano. I feel like writing into the paper like those Anglo birdwatchers. My letter would be: “Dear Sir, just to confirm that I am an extinct volcano. Yours sincerely, David Norris, Homosexual (Retired)”. By the way I am completely unapologetic about using the word fairy. I always liked it, it sounds fun, light-hearted, mischievous, positive and Celtic. However, I do hate the word “queer” even though it is fashionable in academic circles. I was there in the old days when we fought against the use of this obnoxious terminology and I am not prepared to accept it from anyone. Anyway we have come a long way I suppose. We did eventually manage to dispose of the criminal sanction and are on our way towards civil partnership of some kind. I do remember in the distant past ,when the opposition was less oily and sophisticated than it is today, one old bag sticking her stubbled chin into my face and shouting “We know ye and yr liberal agenda, criminal law won’t be enough for ye. The next thing ye’ll be demanding marriage for homeo-sexuals” to which I replied “What a wonderful idea Madam”. And we set off on this course. My first idea was to disassemble or deconstruct the idea of marriage and determine precisely what positive, tangible affects flowed from the state of matrimony and find some method of awarding these positive things to stable same-sex couples. Regrettably the Supreme Court, in recent judgments most particularly one in the last week dealing with the rights of a sperm donor involved in an arrangement with a lesbian couple, has chosen to try to close the ambiguity which might have allowed the family to have embraced same-sex partnerships with children. In terms of its denial of the existence of a de facto family this judgment was nasty and unadventurous. It was certainly open to the courts to be imaginative and to expand existing rights or to confirm supposed ones. As a citizen and as a legislator I find it shameful that our Supreme Court took the narrow option and showed such insensitivity. However, it most certainly throws the ball back into the Government’s court in terms of making the need for full legislation in this and other related areas even more glaring. Perhaps this was the intention of the Supreme Court: to refuse to be employed by a gutless Government as proxy legislators. It certainly exposes and highlights the Government’s disgraceful record in the proposed Civil Partnership Bill in which they completely ignored the rights of children. This makes it all the more extraordinary that some self-appointed spokespersons for the gay movement have not only colluded with the Government in strangling the Equality Authority but also actually applauded the Government’s awarding of second-class citizenship in this Republic to gay people. To explain: at the moment gay people can adopt. But they can only adopt as single individuals. This means that in a same-sex relationship one partner may adopt (in some cases his or her own biological children): the partner is completely excluded. As a result, should the adopting parent die, the child is left in limbo. This is institutionalised brutalism to the point of abuse. . Much of the campaigning against recognising the rights of the children of de facto gay families comes from sources within the Roman Catholic Church. This I find astonishing in the light of the fact that this organisation at the highest level, right up to the Vatican itself, has been implicated for decades in shielding and facilitating serial child-abusers and rapists within its own professional ranks. If any group in society should have its views of the welfare of children questioned it is surely this group. The Minister for Justice has stated again and again that no organisation and certainly no Church is above the law. But I am afraid they are. They are above the law because the churches sought and were granted exemptions from the operation of the equality legislation introduced in the 1990s. As a church-going member of the Anglican Communion I am astonished that the churches (and yes it was all of them) should club together to seek to be freed from equality requirements. Surely the Gospel is about love and equality? The implications of this exemption are serious. For example in the schools, any person can be dismissed if their “lifestyle” come into conflict of the “ethos” of the church. In other words you could be fired from your job with no appeal possible simply because a Bishop doesn’t approve of your lifestyle. The wonderful organisation for young gay people BeLonGto managed to persuade the Government some years ago to produce some very effective posters against homophobic bullying in schools. They were launched by the then-Minister Sile de Valera. In recent months, however, I attended the opening of the BeLonGto offices in Capel Street. The Minister Barry Andrews was there. So was a young 16 year old youth who that very week had been forced by one of the Christian Brothers in his school to take down from school property these very Government-endorsed posters. This is in the context of the fact that the overwhelming majority of bullying incidents in schools contain some homophobic elements, yet in the overwhelming majority of cases there is no teacher intervention. Is this not also child abuse by the Church, endorsed by the State? Moreover the Irish Government is the only Government in Europe to have introduced anti-gay laws in the last 15 years, to my knowledge. This happened when a same-sex couple appealed to the Equality Tribunal against the refusal of their employer to grant them the same travel privileges that were extended both to married couples and heterosexual partners in a committed relationship