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    editorial abortion Jan 2012

    The State must provide for abortion Since a 1992 Supreme Court ruling, known as the X case, abortion has been theoretically legal in Ireland if there is a risk to the life of a pregnant woman. Bunreacht na hÉireann now allows Dáil Éireann to legislate on this; however, no political party has dared to, and the Irish Medical Council cravenly considers it malpractice for any doctor to perform an abortion: “The deliberate and intentional destruction of the unborn child is professional misconduct. Should a child in utero lose its life as a side-effect of standard medical treatment of the mother, then this is not unethical”. Remarkably, this edict extends to where the pregnancy does not involve the agency of the woman, such as cases of rape and incest. Meanwhile, the numbers of Irish women seeking abortions in Britain seem to be 150-200 weekly, though figures are unreliable. In May 2007, a pregnant 17-year-old girl, known only as “Miss D”, whose foetus suffered from anencephaly, was prevented from travelling to Britain by the Health Service Executive. The High Court eventually ruled that she could not be prevented from travelling merely because she was a ward of the state, but clearly women’s rights are under practical threat. In 2005, three Irish women who had previously travelled to England for abortions won their case in the European Court of Human Rights, that restrictive and unclear Irish laws violate several provisions of the European Convention on Human Rights. The case, A, B and C v Ireland, held there is no right for women to an abortion, although Ireland had violated the Convention by failing to provide an accessible and effective procedure for a woman to establish whether she qualifies for a legal abortion under current Irish law. A recent Private Members’ Bill, put forward by Socialist Party TD Clare Daly, People Before Profit TD Joan Collins and Independent TD Mick Wallace, sought to create a legal framework for abortion in Ireland where a woman’s life is at risk, including from suicide. The vote was opposed by Fine Gael, Labour and Fianna Fáil. It was backed by Sinn Féin and number of independents, though many of them made it clear they were determined to provide only for abortion in the case of threats to the life of the woman. A recent and moving Irish Times article also notably dealt only with women whose lives had been threatened by pregnancy and who had therefore had abortions. There does not seem to be much of a constituency for abortion in other circumstances. In any event, Minister for Health, Dr James Reilly, rejected the Bill on the grounds that the House should await the report of an expert group on the matter, which will report within months. Abortion is complicated and involves a weighing of the rights of a woman with those of an unborn foetus. We do not even have a language for rights outside human rights and many, particularly in Anglophone countries outside Ireland, believe that the position of a foetus must yield to that of the woman, where her life, her health, her emotional welfare including in circumstances of rape or incest or even just her life plans (at least in the first trimester) demand it. As part of our acceptance that life is complex and circumstances often far from ideal, Village considers that the logic of sympathising with a woman who believes there is an imperative to have a first-trimester abortion extends to a legislative and constitutional imperative to provide for first-trimester abortion where a woman demands it. Ireland should legislate for X and move to provide in the medium-term, through constitutional change, for first-trimester abortions. No country that exports its moral issues in circumstances of great human pain can call itself a Republic.

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    Claire Tully, Science Student

    Michael Smith It is tuesday lunchtime in Liffey Valley and I am meeting Claire Tully, Ireland’s only Page 3 model.   She enters the “Arc” bar – tiny – and apologises for not wearing make-up.  I am not sure if people recognise her: the transients of shoppingland keep their thoughts to themselves, though I detect occasional celebrity half-murmurings.  We make our way to an upstairs table.  She orders a hot lemon. Originally from Hartstown near Blanchardstown, everything was fine for the young Claire until her family moved to Lucan when she was ten.   In Lucan she was “bullied because I have a relatively strong Dublin accent”; because she was quite quiet and very good at school; and because of a maternal régime that ignominiously forbade such teenage norms as the wearing of high heels: her mother always had a thing about wearing proper shoes. She was taunted so much at school and in her area, including amazingly by adults, that she couldn’t walk through her estate.   This throws me: she thinks she was an outsider. She doesn’t really get on with Mammy.  She was always Daddy’s girl.   Her mother was non-confrontational – little help to Claire – and perhaps as a reaction she’s not like that, she’s outspoken.  Her parents split when she was twelve and she didn’t really speak to her father for five years, despite the fact he was and is “solid as a rock”. She learnt that it’s important for parents not to say anything against the other if a relationship breaks up.  She’s sick of people who have split up, talking about  themselves.   She feels that, “you had children and they should be your life”, though she’s not a goo-gaaing maternal person. During our interview she mostly focuses on her own experience to which she typically diverts any general or political questions.  When pushed, she is articulate and she is not deliberately avoiding questions.  Still, she does avoid them. She regrets the “because I’m worth it” mentality and thinks there’s been too much emphasis on materialism.  She’s always given time to the homeless.  Her mother wanted material things from her father, who owned Tullys’ tiles on Dublin’s Smithfield.  He in turn advised Claire against over-estimating the importance of money, but she nevertheless feels you need it to go places – nothing remarkable there.  When I suggest that  the media portray her as materialistic, (isn’t that the whole point of her?) she’s slightly taken aback and she wants to know specifics.   Eventually she laughs easily…  it must be the car comment.  She’s been reported on several occasions saying if a man is  a sponger or doesn’t have a car at thirty she wouldn’t want to have a relationship with him. And now there she is across from me regurgitating what she said on a horrible TV show I saw recently (while a female psychologist shook her head, appalled), with the same pursed face. The source of her preference is that, because of her own family background, she envisions herself  eventually at home with her kids provided for by a man (not let down by a bike-riding sponger).  I’m warming to Claire Tully who’s genuinely bright and sharp but I can’t help thinking this might mean she has regressive personal views on the roles of women and men.   Why am I here? Oh yes! Claire Tully is most famous for her Janus-like coupling of Page 3, with a perfect score of 600 points in her Leaving Cert, a first-class honours degree in Science from Trinity College and an offer to pursue a doctorate in Immunology on HIV in Oxford.  When she didn’t get the funding for Oxford she was short on cash and had nowhere to live in Dublin.  The Sun newspaper liked what it had seen of her in FHM lads’ magazine.  She had appeared there after finding their top 100 honeys unimpressive; and her boyfriend, who was reading it, suggested she go for it.  And so she finished up on Page 3. In politics, she likes to take the side of the little person and doesn’t like to see rich people getting away with things.  She is against private education and not unhappy to be described as “socialist”.   She’s disillusioned with the “corruption of society by money”.   What she’s learned from knowing people like footballers – ordinary middle-class people like her – and things she’s been told, would shock you.    I ask  her if she lives her life to reflect this.  She says that she’s frugal (“I drive a 00 Yaris with a dint”) and that there’s a difference between appearance and reality.   “It’s difficult to know – if people see the real you – if that will sell”.  What could she mean? Earlier she has noted that she was not popular in Trinity and can be difficult, though, somewhat improbably, she puts a lot of it down to bad luck. Does she think it’s a man’s world?  She can see both sides.  There’s only one immunologist in Trinity.  But she can see employers would be nervous about women in their thirties who might get pregnant.   “There are obvious differences between men and women.  Men can do more physical jobs.   It’s not fair”.  But she’s “not a feminist”.  I go on and on that maybe she could or should be, but she’s not biting.  She admits she can be quite old-fashioned and notes that women are designed to be nurturers.  Feminism has a connotation of being anti-man, she feels.  Feminists “wouldn’t agree with the Page 3 job but they’re not seeing – and sometimes this comes down to esteem issues – since men look at other women and that drives women insane.  They don’t realise that the men aren’t saying they’d rather be with the girl”.   She doesn’t think glamour modeling is objectification of women for male gratification.   She is confident there is no link between Page 3 and women being consigned to nurturing, or anything in particular else.  I can see that some of these male-centred and homebirdish views would

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