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    Dublin: An enclave for the wealthy?

    The danger of the ‘Shoebox’ myth. By Ronan Lyons It is accepted by almost everybody that, in a city with Dublin’s geography, a home with a south or west aspect is preferable to one that faces north or east. Similarly, who could argue that having 60-square-metres to live in is better than 50? Everything else being equal, I think we’d all take those ten extra square metres any day. Unfortunately, everything is not equal. As anyone who has built a home or even just an extension will know, every extra square metre costs, in land, labour and materials. This is why homes across the world are smaller in city centres than on their fringes or rurally. People opt for location over size or other features like orientation. But what happens when that choice is taken away from them? This is the situation now facing Dublin’s residents since Dublin City Council (DCC) introduced new standards for developments in 2008. They exceed those that apply in the rest of the country, introduced by the Department of the environment (DoE) in 2007 and bringing Ireland into line with our european peers. And they are standards councillors are vigorously defending, typically appealing to an argument along the lines of “we don’t want people living in shoeboxes”. At its heart, the new standards are an inversion of logic. The one place where smaller sizes can be justified due to the benefits of location, such as access to jobs or a wide array of consumption services, is the one place where new units have to be at least one quarter bigger than anywhere else in the country. If 50-square-metres is good enough for the citizens of Cork, Copenhagen or Cologne, why in Dublin is it a shoebox? In addition to forcing new units to be a minimum of one quarter bigger than elsewhere in Ireland, all apartments must come with a basement car-parking space, a lift and a stairwell shared with no more than one other unit, and dual aspect. Where dual aspect is not possible, DCC will not consider any north-facing apartments. Each of these makes sense in a world where basement car parks, lifts and extra space are free. But as soon as you accept that each of these things costs money, what you are doing is effectively discriminating against lower-income households. Whereas those on higher incomes can choose between older or newer dwellings, the prohibitive cost of building new units means that rents of new builds will be far beyond the means of those on below-average incomes. To see how DCC’s guidelines are anti-poor, let’s walk through the maths of building a unit in Dublin city. If we wanted to build a two-bed unit in Dublin today, it would have to be at least 85 square metres. Given Irish local authorities’ disdain for tall buildings, this means that the cost of any given site has to be split across a smaller number of units than would other be the case. So where an acre costs €7.5m, instead of a 76-square-metre unit costing roughly €100,000 in land, the 85sqm unit costs over €110,000 each. The requirement for a basement car-parking space per unit – rather than for every four units, where central or close to urban rail, as is standard elsewhere – imposes a per unit cost of €20,000, rather than €5,000. Similarly, the requirement for a lift for every two units, rather than every ten, not only adds huge extra costs but also reduces the amount of space left for units. Together with the size requirements, the lift/stair requirements add nearly €50,000 to the construction costs of a two-bedroom unit. On top of this are added the costs of finance and development levies. All told, these supplemental regulations, above and beyond the DoE’s well thought-out standards applied in 2007, raise the development cost of a two bedroom unit from roughly €265,000 to €350,000. It is at this point that the developer’s profit is added in, typically a margin of 15%. (Thus an irony of these regulations is that, where viable, these new regulations mean greater per-unit profits in euro terms for developers!) Whereas 15% of €265,000 is €40,000, the same margin applied to the higher amount is over €50,000. So the final price, which includes VAT, of a two-bedroom unit in Dublin is currently €460,000, as opposed to €345,000 if the standards that apply elsewhere in Ireland applied in central Dublin. Translating this into the monthly rent required for a two-bed to be viable for an investor to buy (at a 6% yield) and thus for a developer to build in the first place, the rent for a Dublin two-bed would need to be €2,750 per month. Under DOE standards, the rent would need to be €2,050. Rents for two-beds in Dublin currently range from €1,150 in Dublin 9 to €1,650 in Dublin 4. What sort of income would you need to have to pay €2,750 a month on your rent? Accepted financial wisdom is that the highest fraction of your income to spend on housing that is sustainable is 35% of your disposable monthly income. A professional couple earning €120,000 gross per annum should not be spending more than €2,250 on housing costs per month. To afford a DCC-standard two-bedroom apartment, with its two balconies, its lift and basement car parking space, you would need to be earning €140,000 a year. Is it any wonder that nothing has been built in Dublin in the last few years? DCC’s regulations are effectively turning Dublin – or certainly its new developments – into an enclave for the wealthy. This is not to argue for a second that Dublin needs to allow shoddy construction and miserable accommodation. Far from it. There has been excellent value-creating regulation introduced in Ireland in recent years, including the focus on energy efficiency, while standards for things like green space and build quality all enhance quality of life and thus the value of a unit. The problem is that,

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    What’s happening with housing policy in 2014?

    Planning Bill, more houses, social houses, measures against homelessness – but little about quality; and rezoning speculation to be shortsightedly reinvigorated. By Michael Smith Alan Kelly, Minister for the Environment, Community and Local Government has announced major reforms of the planning system as part of the forthcoming Planning Bill which was approved by Government in early October. The general scheme of the Bill will be published in the coming weeks and is stated to be a legislative priority. New ‘Part V’ proposals will remove the ability of developers to account for their social housing commitments through cash payments to local authorities, a socially divisive possibility facilitated by Fianna Fáil’s Martin Cullen when he was Minister for the Environment in 2002. The new proposals will ensure that the social housing units will be located “predominantly” on the site of the original developments. The proposals – promoted by a Labour Minister – will further require developers to provide “up to 10%” of their housing units for social housing in this way, though even Martin Cullen and Ministers ever since maintained the rate of “up to 20%” introduced in the 2000 Planning Act, albeit that the percentage was for social but also “affordable” housing. In the boom although Ireland completed up to 20 new homes per 1,000 population – the highest in the EU – less than two new homes were for social housing, one of the lowest in the EU. More starkly, since 2008 the capital expenditure on social housing has been ruptured by successive budgets with cuts of 80 per cent (from €1.3bn to €275m). This is at a time when demand for social housing has reached an all-time high with 90,000 households on waiting lists. Kelly enthusiastically declared, “This will be a significant and highly socially progressive step forward for the planning process. If this policy had been in place since 2000, we estimate that there would be an additional 15,000 social housing units in Ireland today. Under these plans, we expect in the region of 4,000 additional social housing units built by 2020”. The Labour Party and the Minister for Finance, Michael Noonan, have made it clear social housing is a priority. Kelly notes: “Addressing the current housing supply shortage, which is particularly acute in Dublin, is one of the highest priorities for the Government. While I recognise these provisions will create challenges for builders, I am anxious to work with the construction industry to develop new funding models in order to deliver this housing. We are making significant progress with NAMA in this regard who are committed to providing additional social housing and long may this continue”. The Planning Bill is being promoted as part of the Government’s Construction 2020 Strategy which aims to provide affordable homes by tripling the housing output by 2020 and adding up to 60,000 jobs to the construction sector. From a high of almost 13% in 2006, the proportion of Ireland’s workers employed in construction is now 5.4pc, which is more than one-fifth below the EU average. The new legislation will also see the introduction of a vacant site levy whereby local authorities, in urban centres of greater than 3,000 population, will have the power to apply levies to property owners who leave their sites vacant. The proposed levy will work by applying an annual levy at a rate of 3% of the market value to the site if the owner does not take steps to develop the site. Once in place, local authorities will have the power to apply such levies to vacant sites in areas designated for priority development under their respective local development plans. Minister for Finance Michael Noonan stated on budget day that a public consultation will be launched on the issues of developers allowing sites to lay derelict as they wait for prices to increase. a return to the corrupt development model that got us into so much trouble in the first place – Éamon Ryan The Bill will also provide for reduced development contributions in specific circumstances and allow local authorities to introduce a ‘use it or lose it’ system of planning permission for housing developments. This would require applicants for planning permission for large housing developments (10 houses or more) to indicate their proposed development schedule, and where the development is subsequently not pursued in line with the schedule, without reasonable justification, to modify or reduce the duration of the permission. As to homelessness, in May the Government approved the Implementation Plan on the State’s Response to Homelessness, which outlines how the objective of ending involuntary long-term homelessness can be achieved. It is about ending homelessness for people who are long-term homeless; that is, people who are in emergency accommodation for a period of longer than six months on a consecutive basis or those in emergency accommodation for a period of more than six months on a non-consecutive basis in the previous 12 months. The focus is on practically focused delivery plan which contains 80 actions that are direct, immediate and solutions based though it has not arrested the problem. Prevention measures are a key part of the overall response to homelessness. A new homelessness prevention campaign was recently initiated in the Dublin Region to support families at risk of losing tenancies in the private rented sector. This campaign includes a public awareness campaign to highlight tenants’ rights and also the availability of supports. €10.5 million of additional funding to address homelessness was announced in the budget bringing the total to €55.5 million in 2015. However Peter McVerry, a Jesuit priest working with homeless people, considers that the budget fails to address the major cause of homelessness today, namely the increase in rents in the private rental market, particularly in Dublin. While rents have been increasing substantially over the past 18 months, the State’s rent allowance has remained static. Individual tenants and families, unable to meet the increased rent, are being evicted. The recent Central Bank restrictions on mortgage lending will make the situation even

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    Pressing a Point

    By Villager The Irish Times made seven mistakes in its court report of Mark Dearey’s defamation action against Village last year, including that Village had actually defamed him (which it had not) and that he was seeking damages, when he wasn’t. Under pressure they corrected two of them. Village then took a case to the Press Ombudsman. In negotiations the Irish Times agreed to change another three of the mistakes. Village decided that the Irish Times and the Ombudsman needed to address the additional outstanding two points properly as well. So the Ombudsman decided against Village on the basis it was unreasonable to ask to have all the mistakes addressed. Village then appealed the decision to the Press Council. In an extraordinary decision in September the Press Council upheld one of the outstanding two points and decided against Village on the other one without saying why. But it again stated that Village should have accepted the offer to resolve three of the five outstanding mistakes. In other words Village should have accepted an offer that didn’t address a point that the Council itself found was a mistake and which it ordered the Irish Times to correct. The mistake was in saying the article over which Mr Dearey sued was “about” him when in fact he was referred to once in a 1,700-word article.

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    Rocking the anti-establishment

    By Villager Past pupils at rugger-loving, unisex, feepaying Blackrock and Belvedere Colleges have written to alumni urging them to campaign against the Education Bill which is intended to remove “soft barriers” to admission by forcing schools to publish entrance policies. The Belvedere students’ union has circulated a smug sample letter directed against Minister for Education Jan O’Sullivan, claiming the bill was “a stealth tactic, to destroy private institutions like Belvedere College”. The bill would also allow schools to prioritise siblings of past or present students and the children of staff, but only as part of a transparent process that is subject to external review. But the privileged ones are most enraged by a provision that would limit schools’ rights to guarantee places to children of past pupils. Blackrock’s campaign is fronted by Shane Murphy, senior counsel and giant who was a charismatic auditor of UCD’s L and H debating society thirty years ago, and who subsequently spent a spell as a French Tridentine novice, immersed in the ascetic pleasures of the Latin mass. Murphy could argue his way out of a plastic bag, but he should champion causes that deserve him. When publishing the draft bill, former minister for education and Rockman, Ruairí Quinn proposed 25 per cent of places could be reserved for such pupils but an Oireachtas committee has since recommended no such quota be allowed.

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    Desmond extracts an apology from the Sunday Times

    Villager loves Irish offshore billionaires who take on the free press, or preferably own it. Dermot Desmond has gratifyingly extracted an immense and humble apology from the Sunday Times for a 1998 defamation. That year, a Mr Tom Doyle wrote to the Moriarty Tribunal stating that the Irish Financial Services Centre (IFSC) was his idea not Dermot Desmond’s. He stated that he made a formal proposal to the Department of Finance in 1985 outlining a plan for such a centre in Shannon, County Clare. He also expressed concern that his idea was leaked to Desmond who then proposed the creation of the IFSC in Dublin and was rewarded for this with an option to purchase an office block there at a favourable price. In 1998, the Sunday Times rehearsed these defamatory claims of Doyle. They also pointed out that Desmond had paid significant sums of money to Charles Haughey, who enacted the legislation which implemented the IFSC plan. In 1998 Desmond issued separate legal proceedings for defamation against both Doyle and the Times. The parties exchanged communications regarding those proceedings until October 2000. Desmond took no further action until December 2005, when he served each of the defendants with a Notice of Intention to Proceed, claiming that the delay was on the advice of Senior Counsel and was to allow the Tribunal to issue its report. In 2008 Judge John MacMenamin ruled while there was inordinate and inexcusable delay by Mr Desmond in advancing the action, that the Sunday Times had not shown that the delay had resulted in more than marginal or potential prejudice to the defence. On appeal to the Supreme Court Judge Liam McKechnie considered that the documentary evidence of Doyle was entirely unsatisfactory. Doyle claimed documents existed in 2001 which confirmed his assertion that he had come up with the idea for the IFSC. He could however provide no proof that these documents existed, and correspondence showed that Doyle was not even sure if the documents existed. The Supreme Court upheld the McMenamin judgment. After that the Sunday Times has caved in, apologised and made a payment to charity.

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    Women are not vessels: Labour should seek repeal of the Eighth Amendment

    Ivana Bacik This summer we saw yet again the tragic consequences of the eighth Amendment. In the Ms Y case, a young rape victim, an asylum seeker with a crisis pregnancy, was denied the abortion she sought, and ultimately forced to endure invasive medical procedures against her will. She had sought an abortion early in her pregnancy but was unable to travel abroad for one. She became suicidal, but it appears that her pregnancy was only diagnosed formally as posing a risk to her life too late for an abortion to be performed. Instead, the baby was delivered by C-section at about 25 weeks. Not all the circumstances are clear, and the HSE is currently reviewing the case. However, it is manifest that this appalling case is a direct consequence of the 1983 eighth Amendment. That amendment enshrined Article 40.3.3 in our Constitution, giving equal rights to life to both “mother” and “unborn”. In the 1992 X case the supreme Court interpreted this Article to mean that a rape victim was entitled to an abortion only where the pregnancy posed a “real and substantial” risk to her life. Abortion is thus only lawful in Ireland where a pregnancy poses a risk to the life of a woman, and not on any other ground; not rape, nor risk to a woman’s health, not even fatal foetal abnormality. Our law portrays women as vessels, forced to carry unwanted pregnancies to term. But that’s not the reality for most women in hypocritical Ireland. In 1992 we amended Article 40.3.3 to allow the right to travel for abortion. So we have a two-tier regime. Women who can travel abroad to terminate their pregnancies do so in their thousands every year. Last year 3,679 Irish women had abortions in British clinics. since 1983, more than 150,000 women have made that journey. We may have the most restrictive law on abortion in europe, but the Irish abortion rate is comparable with that of every other EU country. Abortion is only denied to vulnerable women unable to travel due to poverty or legal status – like Ms Y. The adoption of Article 40.3.3 has not prevented one crisis pregnancy. Yet legal change – even legislation to implement the X case – has been resisted by the powerful anti-choice lobby for decades. The Labour Party had promised this legislation and the Protection of Life During Pregnancy Act was finally introduced at our initiative last year. The debate on the legislation was overshad- owed by public outrage at the tragic death in October 2012 of savita halappanavar, which highlighted the urgent need to provide clarity on the carrying out of life-saving abortions. The Act does this but deals only with the most extreme cases, involving risk to a woman’s life. This is due to the restrictive wording of the eight Amendment, which has effectively tied the hands of the Oireachtas for 31 years. It is our duty now as legislators to address the health needs of women by holding a referendum to repeal the eighth Amendment. Only then can we introduce the compassionate legislation that is the norm throughout the EU, in which abortion is made available on a range of grounds up to specified time limits within pregnancy. There is clear public support for this. The silent majority are well ahead of politicians on this issue, despite the strident “pro-life” lobbyists. Labour has long taken liberal stances on social issues. In line with this tradition, I believe that Labour should now seek political agreement for a referendum to repeal the eighth Amendment within the remaining term of this Government. If Fine Gael do not agree to this, then a consultative group should be convened to recommend how to achieve the necessary Constitutional change. A referendum could be held early in the term of the next Government, if a responsible political consensus could be built on such a recommendation. As we learn the distressing facts about Ms Y’s case, one thing is clear: if we do not change the law, we will see more tragic cases. Only repeal of the eighth Amendment will enable us to enact an abortion law that meets the real health needs of women in Ireland.

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    We need to talk about the Gardaí.

    Political compliance and media silence on scandals redolent of police state. By Tom Hanahoe, Terence Conway and John Monaghan. Between May 2007 and November 2009, 111 complaints about alleged Garda violence and intimidation were submitted to the Garda Síochána Ombudsman Commission – established in 2005 and invested with more public hope than legislative power – by campaigners opposing Shell’s Corrib Gas Project in Kilcommon Parish in north west Mayo. Not one of the accused gardaí was disciplined. Gardaí often seem to be above the law. Unaccountable. The history of An Garda Síochána is a long litany of violence against citizens, of indiscipline, insubordination and ineptitude, corruption and illegality, of ill-treating detainees, botched investigations and much more – wrongdoing revealed by tribunals of inquiry culminating in the extraordinary findings of the Morris Tribunal whose recommendations still blow in the wind, in court trials and in debacles like the latest one that brought down the Minister for Justice. The right to dissent peacefully is a cornerstone of democracy. Nevertheless, since the foundation of the Irish state, police violence has been routinely used to suppress protest movements – most notably protests by the most marginalised in society. In September 1922, the infant State experienced its first labour dispute. Striking postal workers were attacked by Gardaí and soldiers. A female striker in Dublin was shot at, but had a lucky escape when the bullet was deflected by a suspender buckle. In August 1934, gardaí opened fire on protesting farmers in Cork City, killing a 15-year old boy and wounding several men. In February 1938, during protests by striking dockers in Ballina, Co Mayo, men were knocked unconscious by baton blows to their heads. In the 1950s, unemployed protesters were physically attacked by police. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, protests against the eviction of tenants and homeless squatters were crushed by baton-swinging Gardaí. Protesting students received similar treatment. In May 1978, men, women and children were knocked to the ground while resisting attempts to dump asbestos waste at a site in Ringaskiddy in Cork, near two national schools. In March a UN Special Rapporteur called for a investigation of the human-rights of Protestors against the Corrib Gas field in Mayo. More recently, a 32,400-word report ‘An Garda Síochána: An analysis of a police force unfit for purpose’ was compiled by the authors of this article, outlining in considerable detail some of the history of Garda violence and wrongdoing. Especially examined is Garda behaviour in Kilcommon, transformed into a mini police-state, to stifle opposition to Shell’s proposed gas project. Twenty-seven copies of this report were sent to print and broadcast news media. Enclosed with the report was a letter – signed by nine Kilcommon activists (including three of the Rossport 5) – which made three demands:- • That an independent inquiry be held into Garda behaviour in Kilcommon • That this be part of a wider inquiry into Garda behaviour in other counties • That an unpublished internal Garda inquiry into Garda behaviour in Donegal – the Carty Report – be published. One would think that the 32,400-word report and the accompanying demands were worthy of coverage in the news media. However, the response to the 27 copies of the report sent to the media was remarkable. Only one media outlet bothered contacting the authors – Village magazine. The authors are unaware of any reference at all being made to the report in any other print or broadcast media. Separately, a few months ago, 57 groups and individuals – including AFRI, Fr Peter McVerry, former UN assistant secretary general Denis Halliday, politicians, campaigners and academics – signed a letter calling for a public inquiry into policing in Kilcommon. This letter also received scant media publicity. Why? Where is this resistance to media scrutiny of Garda wrongdoing – especially in Kilcommon – coming from? Hardly from journalists – some of whom signed the letter. Though national editors are a different matter. Whose interests does this media censorship serve? States where police can act with impunity and where media engage in censorship are called police states. It is time that the Irish police are themselves properly policed – held accountable for any wrongdoing. And it is time that the national news media played its part in doing this. The Morris, Smithwick and Barr tribunals investigated Garda behaviour in three counties. The findings were shocking:- gardaí in Donegal attempted to stitch up numerous innocent people for crimes they had not committed, including murder; someone in Dundalk Garda station colluded with the Provisional IRA in the murder of two RUC officers; gross Garda incompetence resulted in the shooting to death of mentally fragile 27-year old John Carthy in Abbeylara, Co. Longford. The widest-ranging independent inquiries into Garda behaviour throughout the State must be instigated, though history suggests this is unlikely and the mind boggles at what might emerge. •

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    Everywhere yet nowhere

    How we push climate Armageddon to the back of our minds. John Gibbons interviews Kari Marie Norgaard   A few minutes into Dr Kari Marie Norgaard’s recent lecture in Trinity College, Dublin, she ran a short animation showing the steady ratcheting up of global surface temperatures over time. The clip began in 1950. By the time it had reached 2014 the globe graphic was heavily pock-marked by pink blotches. From there, it quickly ran through the remaining years using climate model projections until 2100.   An intense silence fell over the lecture hall as the years advanced and the graphic melded into what looked like a global firestorm. Who knows what the end of the world will look like, but this certainly looked like the end of our world being played out in stop-motion before a stunned audience.   Understated and self-effacing, Kari Norgaard is an improbable prophet of the apocalypse. Assistant professor of sociology and environmental studies at the University of Oregon, she is best known for her critically acclaimed 2011 book, ‘Living in Denial: Climate Change, Emotions and Everyday Life’.   Demagogue Rush Limbaugh lit into Norgaard as an “environmentalist wacko’ in a defamatory 2011 tirade   A third-generation Norwegian-American, Norgaard chose her ancestral homeland as the ideal place to carry out extensive field work on the phenomenon of how we internalise denial of the dire implications of climate change. Awareness of climate change constitutes what she calls “background noise” in most of our lives – paradoxically, it is both deeply disturbing and almost completely invisible, “it is simultaneously unimaginable and common knowledge”, she explains.   Failure to grasp or address climate change is often blamed on poverty, poor quality of education, political disengagement or strong ideological opposition (as in the US). Norway suffers none of these disadvantages, yet its public has internalised denial as comprehensively as anywhere else.   Knowing and not knowing, understanding and yet ignoring climate change involves us in what has been described as “the absurdity of the double life”. In her book, Norgaard tracks what she describes as socially organised denial through its multiple strands, including emotions, cultural norms and politics. What this means is that, although knowledge and information about climate change is widely available, these insights are completely disconnected from how political, social and even private lives are organised. It is, she argues, everywhere, yet nowhere.     “We humans are now modifying Earth systems; these are accelerating out of control, in terms of ocean acidification, carbon dioxide build-up, sea level rise – all of these associated phenomena that come with the greenhouse effect”, Norgaard told Village in an in-depth interview: “On my way here, I flew over two very large wildfires in the state of California – the state is in extreme drought right now. While the effects of climate change are becoming ever more manifest, these are occurring unevenly and unpredictably in different parts of the world. Climate change poses a threat to our ideas of modern progress, our ideas of the good life and what’s attainable, of our fossil-fuel-driven economic systems that are organised around growth. Also, our political structures, we haven’t been able to come together and respond, and find agreement on these things. It also poses threats to people’s individual identity as ‘good’ people…when you have a really big threat and there’s no clear sense of what can be done without having huge change – people don’t, either individually or as a collective, say ‘fine, I’ll change my mind’ – it doesn’t work that way. One of the most powerful theories in psychology is of cognitive dissonance, the idea that, with climate change, everything we’ve been doing and holding in our lives is not working any more is completely in contrast not only with what we’ve been taught to believe, but also what we see in the culture around us. This is the kind of denial that is my work”.   The culture in which we all operate has, she adds, “been created by dominant elites – there’s a sense of abundance (created by advertising) and ‘buy, buy, buy’ – this cultural messaging is produced by entities that are invested in the status quo…our whole idea of progress, ever since the Enlightenment, that we could use science to have a better world, that we could come together to resolve our mutual differences, while science guides us to a better future – all our ideas of modernity, that life will get better and better; that has come to an end in terms of the degree of impact that we now have on the Earth’s ecosystem, which is unravelling”.   Norgaard identifies a key flaw in post-Enlightenment reasoning that placed humanity over nature, in a position of dominance rather than dependence and reverence, as was common in many pre-industrial societies. Nature was re-framed from being a powerful but largely benevolent parental figure to an undefended trove of treasures, a bottomless quarry from which we can extract an infinity of goods to satisfy our infinitely expanding needs. Scottish engineer and inventor, James Watt put it presciently when he said: “Nature can be conquered, if we can but find her weak side”.   While the recent WWF ‘Living Planet’ report tracked a chilling decline in biological diversity and abundance, even its utterly shocking headline numbers seem to have failed to put a dent in public consciousness. Why? “Here in Dublin, people who are urban especially, they live in a very mediated environment – they may never have seen those particular species”.   Many New Yorkers were shaken from their urban insulation two years ago when Hurricane Sandy slammed into the city, but this was exceptional. Mostly, says Norgaard, “it’s almost like we live in gated communities, and our media sources could be seen as another level of that gate. Similarly, the kinds of conversations people have around you can form a kind of gate that keeps out (unpleasant ecological) information”. She believes that, despite the best efforts of the

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