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    Senator shared asylum documents posted by immigration-protest group

    Recent asylum arrivals in Westmeath were met with protests and racist language from locals and had their asylum documents shared on social media. By Conor O’Carroll. Senator Sharon Keogan has shared a link to personal asylum documents posted to the internet following claims that a family seeking asylum in Ireland had received a “new 3-bed apartment” after arriving. The independent Senator claimed that the family had arrived in Belfast last week before travelling down to Dublin to claim asylum. She cited a Facebook post from a little-known community group from Coole, County Westmeath, called Coole Concerns. The group shared pictures of what appears to be personal asylum documentation obtained from the applicants, who travelled to Ireland from Bangladesh fearing for their safety, according to the documents. Racist language was used to describe the families that remained stranded in the taxi, describing them as “gorillas”, with the group also demanding they be sent back to Dublin Bangladesh has been rocked by protests and political violence over the past number of weeks ahead of contentious elections set to be held in January. The violence has left at least eleven dead and thousands arrested, according to reports from Human Rights Watch. The opposition leader, along with over 160 Bangladesh Nationalist Party officials, has been charged with the murder of a police officer – an offence that carries the death penalty. Amnesty International has also recently criticised the Bangladeshi government’s “callous disregard for the right to life” relating to its use of capital punishment. Speaking to right-wing platform, Gript, Coole Concerns members said the family approached the group, who were standing outside protesting their arrival, seeking help from them. They said the family produced the documents provided to them by the Department of Children and the group took pictures of them and posted them online. A spokesperson for Coole Concerns told Village they were unsure whether permission was sought from the family to photograph and post their asylum documents, adding that there wasn’t agreement in the group on the matter. They did not answer questions asking whether sharing these documents had undermined the safety of the family in Ireland. Coole Concerns was formed in October this year following confirmation from the Department of Children that temporary emergency accommodation was to be used in the village to house 98 asylum seekers. The group has held meetings in the community and has attracted the support of National Party leader James Reynolds. The group has claimed that the village will be “up-ended and way of life completely changed” due to the arrival of these families and that there aren’t sufficient amenities in the area to support them. A series of protests outside the refurbished accommodation centre on the grounds of a former orthopaedic hospital have been held over the past number of weeks, including blocking the entrance and leaving families stranded in the taxis they arrived in. A livestream recording from the night the families arrived heard cries of “you’re not an Irishman, you’re a piece of shit” from the crowd, though it was unclear to whom it was directed. Videos from the night also saw the Coole Concerns members engaging with an official from the Department of Children and a member of An Garda Síochána. Racist language was used to describe the families that remained stranded in the taxi, describing them as “gorillas”, with the group also demanding they be sent back to Dublin. There was no reaction from those who were gathered to the racist language, apart from pleas from the Department of Children official to “not use that language about any human being”. The family produced the documents provided to them by the Department of Children and the group took pictures of them and posted them online The spokesperson for Coole Concerns, who asked not to be named, initially said that the person who used the racist language was an elderly man in the community, but later claimed that the person was not from the village, adding that they don’t think “the way it was said was the way it was meant”. They also claimed the man was not a part of the Coole Concerns committee or wider group. “We’re not racist in our group”, the spokesperson continued. The barricade outside the accommodation lasted for several hours, with the last livestream update coming in the early hours of the morning. As the families finally entered their accommodation, they were met with jeers from the gathered crowd. In recent days, the group has also shared posts from conspiracy website The Irish Inquiry and a Facebook page purporting to be the Australian Tea Party. Australia’s register of political parties does not include the ‘Tea Party’ and their website features several stock images claiming to be the party’s politicians. Senator Keogan told Village: “The publishing of anecdotal evidence of what towns and villages across the country are experiencing is vital if people are to be equipped with the information necessary to realise the full picture of what is going on”. “I utterly condemn any verbal attacks on, or use of slurs in referring to, any person”, Senator Keogan continued, saying “the thinking of others as ‘lesser’ has no place in Irish society”. She also said she abhors “violence of any kind”, calling for anyone thinking of targeting this family to “do nothing of the sort”.

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    Dublin riots response turns to political point-scoring.

    Jennifer Carroll MacNeill seems to have misrepresented Sinn Féin’s stance on anti-immigrant protests in Ballybrack. By Conor O’Carroll. An emotional outburst in the Dáil last week from Minister of State, Jennifer Carroll MacNeill TD, in the wake of the riots in Dublin accused the party of “playing both sides of every argument” in relation to anti-immigration protests held in Ballybrack over the summer. “I’m not saying this politically”, the Fine Gael TD for Dún Laoghaire told the Dáil, “I’m saying this because we lived through it in Ballybrack in July”. The South Dublin village was rocked by days of protests during the summer that culminated in a rock being thrown through the window of the family home of independent Councillor Hugh Lewis. Attached to the rock was a note warning Councillor Lewis to “stop supporting refugees”. Minster Carroll MacNeill continued by telling the Dáil that Sinn Féin “did nothing to help” quell the anger on the streets of Dublin. “Sinn Féin had representatives locally, was active on the ground and had councillors in Killiney-Shankill. The only people who did not help me and did not help Deputies [Richard] Boyd Barrett, [Cormac] Devlin and [Ossian] Smyth or the gardaí were Sinn Féin representatives”, she said. Sinn Féin TD Aengus Ó Snodaigh retorted across the chamber that “you don’t even know your own area”, referencing the fact that Sinn Féin doesn’t have any councillors in Dún Laoghaire County Council, having lost all three seats at the 2019 local elections. Despite this intervention, Minister Carroll MacNeill persisted, saying “We needed your help. You were on the ground, had a strong local presence and did nothing to help. I will never forget it”. While Sinn Féin may not have an elected representative in Dún Laoghaire, they do still have a local presence through their area representatives. Village found a statement posted to Facebook by Sinn Féin Dún Laoghaire on 14 July condemning the protests taking place outside refugee and asylum centres and calling for them to “stop immediately”. “People, who have been traumatised in the process of getting here, should not be subject to further trauma by people protesting and harassing them”, the statement continued, before directing attention towards the government’s “failures”. The statement also took issue with those “who are deliberately using this issue to stoke hatred towards others, to spread scare stories with little or no basis in truth”, while also criticising the protesters who “seem intent on spreading lies in relation to our party and its policies”. Stefani Doyle-Howlett, the Sinn Féin representative for Killiney/Shankill, the local electoral area encompassing Ballybrack village, also took part in a video alongside Councillor Lewis, Richard Boyd Barrett TD and Councillor Melisa Halpin calling for the people of Dún Laoghaire to stand together and “say no to hate and fear, [and] yes to decency and respect”. And in the days following the protests, a Rally for Decency and Respect and Against Hate and Fear in Dún Laoghaire was held, where Sinn Féin’s Dún Laoghaire representative, Shane O’Brien, told the hundreds that turned out that “protests outside of places where vulnerable people are being accommodated are wrong and should be condemned by anyone who upholds the Irish value of community”. Minster Carroll MacNeill continued by telling the Dáil that Sinn Féin “did nothing to help” quell the anger on the streets of Dublin Sinn Féin have since called on Minister Carroll MacNeill to correct the Dáil record, with O’Brien rejecting the comments made. “On behalf of members of Sinn Féin in Ballybrack and across Dún Laoghaire, I absolutely reject the nonsense uttered by Minister Carroll MacNeill during her contribution this week in the Dáil, O’Brien said. “She purposefully misled the Dáil and should be made to come back and correct the record. Language is extremely important relating to these matters, and the fact that a government minister would spread misinformation to the level which she did was shocking” Sinn Féin’s Dún Laoghaire representative, Shane O’Brien said: “She purposefully misled the Dáil and should be made to come back and correct the record. Language is extremely important relating to these matters, and the fact that a government minister would spread misinformation to the level which she did was shocking”. “Sinn Féin members, myself included, help organised, participated and spoke at numerous events, including a major demonstration in Dún Laoghaire town centre, against the attacks and protests in Ballybrack”, the statement continues. Village contacted Minister Carroll MacNeill’s office seeking further context to her comments in the Dáil but did not receive a response prior to publication. A spokesperson for the Minister later provided the following response: “The Minister specifically mentioned a crucial meeting arranged by the community Gardaí to help diffuse the situation in Ballybrack. This was due to take place on July 27th at 2 pm in Loughlinstown Community Rooms and was to be attended by members of the community who it was believed would have influence over some of those protesting. The hope was to ease concerns and the resulting protests at the time. Both Minister Carroll MacNeill and Mr. O’Brien were to attend this meeting. Mr. O’Brien withdrew from the crucial meeting minutes before it was due to start and the meeting then did not proceed. This was a huge disappointment as it was a key opportunity to help reduce the incidence of conflict at the time. The protests and public order difficulties persisted for a number of weeks thereafter”. The spokesperson also stated that the Minister “is aware that Sinn Fein do not have an elected representative in that electoral area since that election” and “referred in the Dáil to them having had a Councillor there previously”.

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    “I could be on the streets in a month”: Minister flooded with complaints over lack of student accommodation.

    By Conor O’Carroll Over a hundred complaints were sent to the Minister for Further and Higher Education, Simon Harris TD, ahead of the start of the academic year as the struggle for student accommodation continued for thousands of students. Parents and students inundated the Minister’s office with complaints about the lack of available accommodation, while some pleaded for help, records released to Village Magazine show. “Never once in the 14 years of getting my children up and out to school with their lunch and uniform did it occur to me that they may not get to university because of a severe lack of student accommodation”, one parent fumed. “Students have been let down in this regard”, they continued. Another complained that “there is a total crisis in accommodation if you don’t want to pay over €2,000 [a month] for a one-bedroom shoe box”. Desperate measures to attend also saw some students living in hostels and hotels, at great expense to themselves and their families. Others faced long commutes or sleeping on the floors of friends The removal of several student accommodation options from the market, with the spaces instead being used to house Ukrainian refugees, created a further scarcity of purpose-built student accommodation this year. Analysis of tender documents published by the Department of Children shows at least eight student-accommodation options from Dublin, Limerick, Galway and Cork have been contracted for Ukrainian accommodation. While there was an understanding of the need to house Ukrainians fleeing war, the use of student accommodation amid shortages was met with frustration by many. “Unless you have your head in the sand you must know that third-level students have faced a huge challenge in securing accommodation”, complained one parent, describing the situation as a “government in which the right hand does not seem to know what the left hand is doing”. The competing demands of the two departments led to internal clashes between staffers when two more student accommodation premises in Sligo were contracted by the Department of Children earlier this summer. Sheenagh Rooney, Assistant Secretary of the Ukraine Programme Management Division, pushed back against queries from Department of Further & Higher Education officials at a Humanitarian Senior Officials Group meeting in June. Rooney cited “competing priorities” between the two departments and noted that the student accommodation beds were coming from private providers. The government eventually overturned the decision to contract student accommodation in Sligo and new rules were put in place requiring student accommodation to be vacant for 12 months before it is eligible to house refugees. However, with contracts at many premises already signed for this year, this change was of little benefit to the students struggling to find somewhere to live. Analysis of tender documents published by the Department of Children shows at least eight student-accommodation options from Dublin, Limerick, Galway and Cork have been contracted for Ukrainian accommodation “How can young people attend college if they have no place to live”, questioned one student, while another asked: “What are we to do? Keep deferring for years in the hope that some accommodation will become available”? Union of Students in Ireland President, Chris Clifford said: “There is no doubt that student accommodation is an absolute disaster at the moment, and it has been for a number of years”. “Students are paying extortionate prices for rooms, just so they can get their degrees and make a life for themselves. Many who haven’t been able to find accommodation at all are commuting long distances on buses, some up to three or four hours a day, or incurring huge expenses driving to college”, he continued. Another issue raised repeatedly in the emails to Minister Harris was the lack of primary teaching options outside of Dublin and Limerick, and the accommodation pressures this creates with students for the popular career choice congregating in one area. Earlier this year, Minister for Education, Norma Foley TD, announced over 600 new primary teaching course places over the next two years to combat the ongoing recruitment struggles schools face. However, these extra spaces weren’t matched with additional beds. In Limerick, hundreds of beds were also lost when student accommodation close to Mary Immaculate College was contracted to house Ukrainian refugees. “I do not see the benefit of announcing additional college places if there is nowhere for the students to live”, wrote one parent, calling the search for accommodation “an extremely stressful and expensive process”. As the start of the academic year loomed, the stress and anxiety placed on families and students searching for accommodation grew. Some spoke of being forced to defer courses, or in some cases defer for a second time meaning they would have to re-apply with the CAO next year. Others questioned whether they should give up on their dream because of the lack of accommodation. Desperate measures to attend also saw some students living in hostels and hotels, at great expense to themselves and their families. Others faced long commutes or sleeping on the floors of friends. Clifford said these arrangments adversely affect students’ mental health, with many feeling “isolated and disconnected” from their classmates, friends and wider college experience. A spokesperson for the Department of Further and Higher Education told Village: “Minister Harris is acutely aware of the difficulties being faced by students and their families in securing appropriate affordable accommodation to allow their participation in higher education”. “An additional 929 beds were available in publicly funded Higher Education institutions this academic year, compared to last year.  The Department is aware of an additional 618 private beds completed so far this year, with a further 1,500 privately funded beds scheduled for completion this year”, the spokesperson continued. “To date, the Government has approved a total of up to €61m to directly invest in the construction of circa 1,000 new student accommodation units across a number of higher education institutions with discounted rates targeted at SUSI and other student cohorts for a percentage of the units”. Some questioned whether they should give up on their dream because of the lack

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    ‘The use of ships to house people must be avoided’, Dáil committee warns

    By Conor O’Carroll An Oireachtas committee has warned the government that the use of ships for accommodation of refugees and asylum seekers must be avoided over potential health and safety concerns and human rights violations. The Joint Committee on Children, Equality, Disability, Integration and Youth published its Report on Refugees and Integration yesterday, outlining a number of recommendations for the government. Among the recommendations was an unambiguous rejection of the government proposal to house refugees and asylum seekers on cruise ships or barges, similar to a plan enacted by the UK Home Office. “The use of ships to house people must be avoided”, the report warns, stating that their use “has been widely contested internationally due to both health and safety concerns and human rights violations”. The report notes that the proposal remains months away from coming into operation, but also states that it is a “serious strand” for the Department of Children and is continuing to work on finalising berths and issuing the request for tender. The report also calls on people not to take their “grievances” with the provision of housing, health, transport and education services out on those coming to Ireland Village reported last month that officials from the Department of Children had sought advice from the UK Home Office over the operation of the controversial Bibby Stockholm barge. As part of the emails released to Village, Department of Children officials told their Home Office counterparts that the draft request for tender for Ireland’s version of the barges was “well advanced” and that “berths [had] been identified”. The official also sought advice on “planning and environmental matters”, suggesting that a call between both government departments would be beneficial. They also congratulated the Home Office on the launch of the barge days before it was evacuated following the discovery of Legionella bacteria in the water supply. Minister for Children, Roderic O’Gorman TD is quoted in the report as saying: “It’s not an easy solution but because of the pressure on accommodation right now, we have to look at all potential avenues of accommodation and floating accommodation continues to be one that we’re looking at”. Department officials also planned to visit Edinburgh this summer, where the cruise ship MS Victoria housed over a thousand Ukrainian refugees before being moved to alternative accommodation when the Scottish government ended the charter of the ship. Another ship, the MS Ambition, housed 1,200 Ukranians and was docked in Glasgow before it too was returned when the government’s contract ended earlier this year. The Department’s visit didn’t proceed, however, due to a lack of staff available to attend the trip. Last month, the Department confirmed to Village that it is seeking to tender floating accommodation for International Protection Applicants (asylum seekers) and not Beneficiaries of Temporary Protection (Ukrainians). Earlier this week, the Irish Examiner reported that asylum seekers arriving in the country may end up sleeping on the street with the government on the brink of running out of accommodation. They cited government sources with “serious concerns” for the safety of these people, particularly in the wake of the riots in Dublin that were stoked by far-right, anti-immigrant factions. The Joint Committee report is equally firm on refugees and asylum seekers sleeping in tents or finding themselves homeless. “We find ourselves in a situation where some people seeking protection in Ireland are being housed in tents or left to sleep in the street”, it states, before calling for the “normalisation” of sleeping in tents to end. Almost one hundred recommendations were given in the report, across a range of areas and themes relating to refugees. Some of these included the strengthening and enforcement of media rules and regulations to counter disinformation, the establishment of anti-racism initiatives in all schools and the allocation of additional resources to Tusla to adequately respond to young people in need of protection. Among the recommendations was an unambiguous rejection of the government proposal to house refugees and asylum seekers on cruise ships or barges, similar to a plan enacted by the UK Home Office The report also calls on people not to take their “grievances” with the provision of housing, health, transport and education services out on those coming to Ireland. “They are not responsible for those problems”, it says. It also states that Ireland has a “moral and legal obligation to offer protection to people seeking it”, while noting that “emigration has been a lifeline for Ireland at times” in the past and that many people still leave for the likes of America, the UK and Australia in search of better life opportunities. Village has contacted the Department of Children for a response to the report and its recommendations.

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    Opinion: Dublin riots a symptom of failed government policy and ignoring far-right influences

    By Conor Lenihan On Friday night – in the aftermath of Thursday’s big riots, O’Connell Street was anything but calm, whatever spin the media were putting on it. A young female Garda told me “tonight it’s zero tolerance”. Earlier she had shown exactly what she meant as she clubbed a particularly troublesome lad to the ground. The suspect was quickly handcuffed on the ground and forcibly pushed to a waiting Garda van. Another man, giving cheek to the Guards, was swiftly surrounded and his pockets emptied for inspection. Drugs were found and he too was whisked away to another waiting van. There were anything from 40 to 80 gardaí in the vicinity of the GPO. They swarmed on groups of, predominantly young men, who were forming into sizeable gangs.  If people gave lip or refused to move on they were brought to the van and their evening was over. On Friday the street was in the hands of a mixture of plain-clothes operatives, uniformed gardaí and imposing-looking members of the Public Order Unit following trouble-seeking youths down the streets off O’Connell Street.  Media photographers and TV camera people lingered on in the hope of capturing another incident but after 9pm things quietened down. One garda confessed to me that they hadn’t gone in hard enough or early enough the night before. It seems to me that the riot in O’Connell Street has hit a raw nerve with the Garda – it’s as if people don’t believe anymore that they’re either willing or able to do the job they are meant to do – maintain public order. An example of the poor resourcing is that the Garda only got water cannons from the Police Service of Northern Ireland after the riot had already happened. Worse still they had these years ago but someone in authority said it would not be appropriate to use them – wrong signal and all that.  The Garda need what other police forces have to deal with urban riots – tear gas, water cannons and special units that are permanently patrolling like the Public Order Unit. If these are used in trouble spots they are a significant deterrent. The anarchy, riots and burning of vehicles on O’Connell Street on Thursday are the inevitable result of a profound neglect of the North inner city over many, many years and ignoring the small far-right factions that exploit young urban men. Symptomatic of this neglect is the existence of a Garda office in a prominent location on the street – but it is rarely occupied. It was put in place years ago in response to crime attacks. Day or night, it is largely empty, with presumably an expensive lease being paid for its fig leaf presence.  There is one Garda stationed there from daytime hours to 11pm at night. Public order and trained Garda members of the riots squad need to be based here. It is also the office of the Irish Tourist Assistance Service.  The O’Connell Street office was an empty gesture by the authorities to suggest a permanent, substantial  Garda presence. It has no deterrent value at this stage unless strengthened in numbers.  The attack led to the US State Department warning American citizens not to visit Dublin. This week’s rioting follows in the wake of a daytime attack on an American tourist in July on nearby Talbot Street – a stone’s throw from Store Street Garda Station. The attack led to the US State Department warning American citizens not to visit Dublin.  After Thursday it is easy to see why. The streets surrounding the capital’s busiest station are one of the most dangerous places to be at night-time. Far-right activists have proved very adept at harnessing communities against direct provision centres for asylum seekers and perpetrating arson attacks alongside hooligans of one sort or the other. The Minister for Justice, Helen McEntee TD, took a high-profile walk around the area in the wake of that attack, but there has been no appreciable improvement in policing.  The reality is the North inner city has become both a magnet and a dumping ground for a diverse set of social problems; including drug addiction, homelessness, street begging and people with mental illness with nowhere to go. Chronic underfunding and lack of appropriate treatment resources for decades have left vulnerable people on the streets as a direct consequence of the failures of government policy. The dumping of these problems on the country’s main street has brought its own day-to-day havoc as well as the horrific night-time rioting.  Garda morale is at an all-time low. Resignations from the force are running at an all-time high and a lot of momentum was lost with the closure of Templemore during Covid; and indeed with the dubious suspension of the ‘head of human resources and people development’, John Barrett. The morning after the riots, the rank-and-file Garda Representative Association’s Brendan O’Connor was rather reserved, refusing to repeat his membership’s statement of lack of confidence in the Garda Commissioner, Drew Harris.  In the circumstances he chose discretion. Nothing further needed to be added. Karl Ryan, who operates a restaurant on O’Connell Street, describes the country’s main thoroughfare as a “forgotten place”, relative to Grafton Street and the streets around it on the more salubrious Southside of the Liffey.  The myriad of laneways around and adjacent to O’Connell Street are havens for drug addicts shooting up, illicit drinking and people defecating in pavements littered with empty needles. The urban decay is accentuated by the presence of derelict sites hidden from, but close to the main thoroughfares, a problem exacerbated by poor planning. Back in 2018, Shane Coleman’s morning programme on Newstalk accompanied me around these sites in an effort to highlight the sheer longstanding neglect. That build-up of neglect has been largely ignored. The physical shabbiness is at direct odds with the state of comparable streets in the South inner city. The prevalence of new hotels and the absence of new apartment blocks and social and affordable housing are

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    Environmental group objects to private hangar at Kerry Airport

    By Conor O’Carroll An environmental advocacy group has objected to plans to build a private aircraft hangar at Kerry Airport, saying private jets represent an “unnecessary polluting form of transport”.  The plans involve the construction of a new 33-meter hanger, secure reception area and reserved parking to service private jets at Kerry Airport. It will also include a private arrivals and departures pick-up area.  They also state the largest single aircraft capable of being stored is a Bombardier Global 7500 – the world’s largest purpose-built private jet.   In their submission to Kerry County Council, Friends of the Irish Environment (FIE) outline their opposition on a number of grounds, including nature protection, climate impact and social distribution to the surrounding area.  They note that despite the ongoing climate crisis, private jet usage has soared with over 3 million flights taking place in 2022.  Recent analysis by UK newspaper The Guardian found that “private jets belonging to 200 celebrities, CEOs, oligarchs and billionaires have spent a combined total of 11 years in the air since the start of 2022”, contributing significantly to global emissions.  Studies have found that private jets are between 5 and 14 times more polluting, per passenger than commercial flights.  Attention is also drawn to the impact on the surrounding area and the increased air, noise and light pollution from private jets flying overhead adding to the commercial traffic.  The FIE submission cites local residents who claim that “private jets from Kerry Airport to date have resulted in increased knock-on helicopter traffic, disturbing their peace and invading the common airspace at very low altitudes to the upset of residents and farm animals”.  The added noise pollution of low-flying aircraft has also disrupted the local school, church, sports activities and ceremonies, they claim.  In their planning application, the developers say the new hangar will “release [Kerry Airport’s] potential as a strategically important international gateway”, citing the government’s policy on the development of the aviation sector.   “The owners of these private planes have expressed an interest in storing their planes when not in use,” they continue.  Studies have found that private jets are between 5 and 14 times more polluting, per passenger than commercial flights Kerry Airport has deep connections to the private jet industry. Last year, the airport’s AGM was told that its private aviation business had surpassed Cork, only lagging behind Dublin and Shannon.  A major shareholder in the airport since the 1990s has been the bin Mahfouz family, a Saudi billionaire banking family that invested in the airport in exchange for Irish passports.  A representative of the family, Sammy Haress, was co-opted onto the board of directors in 2019 to oversee their interests.  Haress is also the CEO of Jetstream Aviation, a private jet management company. A decision is expected from Kerry County Council in mid-December.  Village has contacted Kerry Airport for comment. 

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    Pressure mounts on government over Shannon Airport munitions inspections

    By Conor O’Carroll Over sixty TDs and Senators have signed an open letter addressed to Minister for Transport, Eamon Ryan TD, calling on him to review the government’s policy on munitions inspections at airports. The letter, which was published by the Seanad Civil Engagement Group (CEG) and signed by 67 TDs and Senators from Sinn Féin, Labour, the Social Democrats, and People Before Profit (PBP), as well as independents, requests the Minister to “ensure Ireland is not complicit in arming Israel”. It cites a report from Village Magazine last week in which a spike in munitions exemptions for flights travelling through Irish airspace coincided with the conflict in Gaza, raising questions over Ireland’s role in the supply of weapons to the region. Data from the Department of Transport shows that 98% of applications since 2016 were granted exemptions. Of the 8,264 exemption applications received by the Department, just 109 have been refused Over 180 exemption applications were granted by the Department of Transport to carry munitions through the State in October, the highest monthly total from available records dating back to 2016. The vast majority of the granted exemptions permitted flights to fly through Irish sovereign airspace, while a smaller number permitted flights to land and take off from Irish airports. Tracking seven civil aircraft used by the US military, Village found there have been at least 26 layovers in Shannon Airport since the outbreak of the conflict in Gaza, and one in Dublin. There were also a further 35 entries into Irish airspace by these aircraft. Many of these aircraft used call signs associated with the US Transportation Command and arrived having visited US military bases before crossing the Atlantic. These flights went on to connect to US military bases in Europe & the Middle East. Under the Air Navigation (Carriage of Munitions of War, Weapons and Dangerous Goods) Orders 1973 and 1989, Minister Ryan has the discretion to deny any exemption application made under these Orders, and it is prohibited to carry munitions through Irish airspace without being granted an exemption. However, data from the Department of Transport shows that 98% of applications since 2016 were granted exemptions. Of the 8,264 exemption applications received by the Department, just 109 have been refused. The letter calls on Minister Ryan to “commit publicly to using Ministerial discretion to deny exemptions to all flights carrying munitions destined for Israel, or where the end user is Israel”. It also calls on the Minister to implement a system of inspections for flights that land at Shannon Airport. Village reported last week that no inspections have taken place on any aircraft transiting through Irish sovereign territory, with a Department spokesperson saying: “While the orders do provide for the inspection of a civil aircraft to ensure compliance, it is only whenever it appears that a flight would be in contravention of them. There is no provision for such an inspection without this prerequisite”. Speaking on RTÉ’s The Week in Politics over the weekend, the Taoiseach, Leo Varadkar TD, said that Shannon Airport was not being used to supply weapons to Israel. However, the Department of Transport did not respond to a question posed by Village last week asking whether it seeks a final destination of any munitions it provides an exemption for. The Department instead stated that the exemption “is not an approval to land at any airport outside the State”. The Seanad CEG letter also cites recent evidence uncovered by Israeli newspaper Haaretz suggesting that the US may be supplying weapons through proxy countries, such as Cyprus and Jordan. In a statement to Village, independent Senator Frances Black, a member of the Seanad CEG, said: “We are concerned by figures which show an unusually large number of exemptions granted to munitions flights by the Minister in October, with no inspections being carried out and a lack of clarity around information on end users.  In this context, we have serious concerns around the government’s assurances that weapons bound for Israel are not transiting through Ireland. We urgently need a rigorous, transparent inspection system if we are to uphold our human rights obligations”. The letter calls on Minister Ryan to “commit publicly to using Ministerial discretion to deny exemptions to all flights carrying munitions destined for Israel, or where the end user is Israel” Village contacted Minister Ryan for comment in response to the letter but has not received a response. Separately, as part of a wide-ranging motion before the Dáil today submitted by PBP TDs, the government was called to “close Shannon Airport to the US military immediately, by banning US military and US military contracted aircraft, including troop carriers, from landing at the airport”. The motion claims that “Shannon Airport is effectively a forward operating base for the US military, used to support their operations in the Middle East, with approximately three million US troops and their weapons, and US Air Force/Navy cargo planes passing through Shannon Airport since 2002, and over 51,000 US military personnel have passed through Shannon Airport in 2023 to mid-November”, stating this has undermined Ireland’s constitutional neutrality. Speaking at a Dáil debate on the motion, Paul Murphy TD said: “Is Shannon Airport being used to transport weapons from the US to Israel? The truth is, I do not know. The truth is that the Tánaiste and the government do not know either because they refuse to do inspections”. An amendment to the motion submitted by the Tánaiste, Micheál Martin TD, asserts that “there are no planes with weapons en route to Israel stopping at Shannon Airport or any other Irish airport”. Responding to the PBP motion in the Dáil, the Tánaiste said: “The Government is clear that no airport in Ireland, whether Shannon or any other airport, is being used to transfer weapons to the Middle East or to any other war. This policy is well known and fully understood by our partners. No applications have been received or exemptions granted in relation to civil aircraft travelling to Israel

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    No aircraft inspections as highest monthly munitions exemptions reported

    The Department of Transport’s failure to inspect aircraft at Shannon Airport leaves Ireland relying on the good faith of those transporting munitions through Irish sovereign territory. By Conor O’Carroll The highest number of munitions exemptions since 2016 was granted by the Department of Transport in October, raising questions over whether Ireland has facilitated the supply of munitions to the ongoing conflict in Gaza through its sovereign territory. 182 applications were granted by the Department last month, up from 122 in September. This represents the highest monthly total from the available records, which date back to 2016. The figures come from the routinely published statistics on the number of exemptions granted to civil aircraft under the Air Navigation (Carriage of Munitions of War, Weapons and Dangerous Goods) Orders 1973 and 1989. Under these orders, “it is expressly prohibited for civil aircraft to carry munitions of war in Irish sovereign territory, without being granted an exemption to do so by the Minister for Transport”, Minister of State Jack Chambers TD said in response to a parliamentary question posed by independent TD, Thomas Pringle, in September. The latest figures show that there was a 42% increase in the number of applications received by the Department in October, though it should be noted that the figures are based on the date the Department issued a decision on each application, not the date the application was received or the date of the flight itself. The vast majority of the exemptions granted (158) permitted flights to fly through Irish sovereign territory, while the remaining 24 exemptions permitted flights to land and take off from Ireland. These flights relate to civilian aircraft that are contracted by militaries, typically the US, to transport munitions to different parts of the globe. Some exceptions also relate to diplomatic flights where security personnel are armed. The Department also does not appear to inspect the planes that land in Ireland, to ensure they are carrying what their applications say Designated military aircraft are the responsibility of the Department of Foreign Affairs and any aircraft wishing to enter Irish airspace requires diplomatic clearance from the Minister for Foreign Affairs. This clearance is subject to strict conditions, according to the government, with a requirement that the aircraft be unarmed, carrying no arms and not be part of intelligence gathering or a military operation. The presence of US military aircraft in Irish airspace has been a hotly debated topic for many years. Peace activists have long demanded that Ireland end its arrangement with the US military, arguing that it violates the constitutional protection of neutrality. Two weeks ago pro-Palestinian supporters staged a protest outside the Department of Transport, demanding that Minister for Transport, Eamon Ryan TD, stop providing exemptions to US military aircraft headed for Israel. Many of the munitions carried through Irish airspace on US military aircraft drop off at regional bases, such as in Eastern Europe for Ukrainian supplies, or in bases in the Middle East, meaning tracking where the munitions end up is practically impossible. Village asked the Department of Transport whether it seeks the final destination of any munitions it provides an exemption for. A spokesperson for the Department did not respond specifically, but did say that the exemption “is not an approval to land at any airport outside the State”. The Department also does not appear to inspect the planes that land in Ireland, to ensure they are carrying what their applications say. In the same response to Pringle, Minister Chambers said “insofar as it can be determined, there is no record of an inspection of a civil aircraft having been carried out pursuant to these Orders”. The latest figures show that there was a 42% increase in the number of applications received by the Department in October. A Department spokesperson told Village: “While the orders do provide for the inspection of a civil aircraft to ensure compliance, it is only whenever it appears that a flight would be in contravention of them. There is no provision for such an inspection without this prerequisite”. They also provided the same response from Minister Chambers when asked whether an aircraft had ever been inspected. “The complete lack of willingness to inspect the flights is shocking”, Pringle told Village. “As an independent state we can take the view that other states can transit through our airports and airspace but the very least we could do is check that they are complying with our laws and respecting our status as a neutral independent state”, he continued. *** One of the US military aircraft that flew through Irish airspace last month disappeared off-radar over Jordan, Village Magazine can reveal, further complicating the task of tracking the final destination of the aircraft and its cargo. The aircraft, which is owned by Omni Air International, entered Irish airspace in the early hours of 11 October 11 en route to Bulgaria, Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates. It had taken off from Bangor International Airport, in Maine, the previous evening, but had made stops at Hill Air Force Base in Utah and Ellsworth Air Force Base in South Dakota before crossing the Atlantic. The aircraft also used a call sign reserved for the US Transportation Command (CMB), the US Department of Defence body responsible for providing the US military with air, land, and sea transportation. Flight logs show that the aircraft disappeared abruptly over Jordan, before reappearing several hours later and continuing on its journey, suggesting it turned off its transponder to mask its location. This practice isn’t unusual when travelling over or close to a warzone, but the time difference between the pings on the map above is significant. A spokesperson confirmed that this aircraft received an exemption from the Department of Transport in Ireland. Tracking six other US military aircraft since the outbreak of the conflict in Gaza, Village found a further five ‘disappearances’ over Jordan, though in every other case, the aircraft avoided entering Irish airspace. The flight logs of these seven aircraft also show

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    Opinion: Ireland and Palestine – a late-flowering love affair

    Thousands have marched in solidarity with Palestine following the conflict in Gaza, but Ireland’s support of the Palestinian cause was not always so straightforward. By Diarmuid Breatnach Palestinian flags fluttering at demonstrations and rallies across Ireland, passing drivers beeping their horns in solidarity; Israeli Ambassadors complaining and even criticising the President of the Irish State; Irish politicians, out of step with the US-led consensus, calling for an unconditional ceasefire while an extremist Israeli Minister calls for the wiping out of the Gaza Palestinians or their expulsion to Ireland. There is little doubt where lie the sympathies of the majority of the Irish public. When asked why this is, most people point to the long struggle of the Irish against invasion, occupation and sectarianism. But it wasn’t always like that. In fact, not so long ago, the Irish public was mostly pro-Israel. In the early decades of the Irish state, most people’s sympathy with Jews, because of their history of oppression and the horror of the Holocaust, transferred easily enough to the creation of the State of Israel. In addition, there were important Irish political and cultural connections with the new state and finally, Hollywood played an important part in the moulding of Irish public opinion. State Politics The 1937 Constitution established under De Valera specifically mentioned Judaism in Article 44.1 and protected it from persecution while he himself had good relations with the first Chief Rabbi of Ireland, Chaim Herzog, who had an important role in relation to the founding of Israel. Nevertheless, the Irish State was wary of granting recognition to Israel, conscious that Palestine had been an Arab colonial possession or ‘mandate’ of the UK, many of whose other possessions around the world were being de-colonised. Five years after the founding of Israel, the Irish State was hardly encouraged to recognise it following the attack on Egypt, along with imperialist France and the UK, following an Egyptian attempt to nationalise the Suez Canal. The US, keen to show that the balance of world power had changed since the Second World War, publicly condemned the attack, especially chastising the old colonial powers and previous world masters, the British and French. President Eisenhower refused to intervene in the foreign-exchange markets to defend the plummeting value of the pound and the British Prime Minister, Anthony Eden, was forced to resign. Irish-language supporters and campaigners who wished to have the Irish language spoken throughout Ireland and not only in the Gaeltacht areas, admired the Israeli State for its achievement in restoring Hebrew as a daily-spoken language The Irish State of course had friendly relations with the US but the Israeli State had some important Irish connections too. The Chief Rabbi of Palestine, Yitzhak Herzog, was late of Belfast and Dublin, where he had also been Chief Rabbi of Ireland. One of his sons, Chaim Herzog, was born in Belfast and raised in Dublin, before becoming the sixth President of Israel. His own son serves as the current President. Robert Briscoe (1894-1967), an Irish Republican, former prominent IRA Volunteer, TD (1927-1961), and twice Lord Mayor of Dublin (1956/7, and 1961/2), not only supported the creation of the Israeli State but was a special adviser to Menachem Begin after the Second World War. He advised Begin in the transformation of the terrorist Irgun organisation into a parliamentary political movement in the form of Herut in the new Israeli state; the party later became Likud. Briscoe had also fundraised for the Irgun in the US (as he had for the IRA during the Irish War of Independence). Republican Politics During the 1960s there was a US and European fashion, especially among young middle-class students both Jewish and Gentile, of going to work in Israeli-dominated Palestine, in collectively-owned agricultural communities, known as kibbutzim. Also, Christian pilgrims to the Holy Land (holy to all three strands of the Abrahamic tradition: Christians, Jews and Muslims) went by permission of the Israeli State and had a very narrow and sanitised experience (if any at all) of what life was like there for the Palestinians. But by the late 1960s most left-wing thinking around Europe was clear that the Palestinians were oppressed and fighting a liberation struggle.  Official Sinn Féin sent a delegate to conferences in Jordan and Kuwait in 1970/1. In 1970 an article in the party’s weekly United Irishman described Ireland, like Palestine, as engaged in a national liberation struggle. The Official IRA prisoners in Mountjoy Prison supported the Palestinians in their journal An Eochair in 1973 and Palestinians were among the guerrilla groups represented in the second Anti-Imperialist Festival organised by the Officials in July 1976. Nevertheless, the election manifesto of the Workers’ Party, successor to Official Sinn Féin, in 1983 accepted the recognition of the State of Israel, although that contradicted party policy and the involvement of its members in the Irish Friends of Palestine organisation, which was committed to supporting the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). However, party policy was soon publicly and internally reoriented in solidarity with Palestine. Around this time, the British and Irish Communist Organisation, a small but influential organisation, had a pro-Israel position. However, it was reversed in the late 1980s, shortly before its demise. In the 1970s, Provisional Sinn Féin’s weekly newspaper An Phoblacht often featured articles sympathetic to the Irish struggle from a US-based correspondent signing himself as Fred Burns O’Brien, one of which was notably favourable in its reference to the Israeli state. However, once the Provisionals declared themselves to be in favour of socialism, they became pro-Palestinian and since the 1990s Palestinian representatives have attended Provisional Sinn Féin’s Ard-Fheiseanna (Annual Congresses), most recently when Palestinian ambassador to Ireland, Dr Jilan Wahba Abdalmajid, addressed the party’s gathering this month. In the early decades of the Irish State, most people’s sympathy with Jews, because of their history of oppression and the horror of the Holocaust, transferred easily enough to creation of the State of Israel The PLO, dominated by Yasser Arafat’s Al Fatah party, recognised the State of Israel

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    Government ignored Central Bank advice on Budget 2024

    By Conor O’Carroll The government ignored the advice of the Central Bank on the mortgage-interest relief scheme introduced as part of Budget 2024, according to documents seen by Village Magazine. The records, which were released under Freedom of Information legislation, include confidential memos sent to the Department of Finance before the Budget where the Central Bank is unequivocal in its criticism of the government’s approach to mortgage-interest relief. The first memo, dated 25 September, highlights the Central Bank’s opposition to a broad mortgage-interest relief scheme, arguing that “the burden of higher interest rates does not fall evenly” across households. This, it argues, means “policy responses should focus on assisting households most at risk from cost-of-living pressures” and that it should be “timely, targeted, and sustainably funded”. A wide mortgage-interest relief package, Central Bank officials advise, would disproportionally reach high-income households and risk “overheating” the economy, which would bring about persistent higher rates of inflation. As part of Budget 2024, the government announced a mortgage-interest tax-relief scheme for homeowners who have an outstanding mortgage balance of between €80,000 and €500,000 on their primary home. Using the proposal submitted to them by the Department of Finance, the Central Bank finds that the main beneficiaries of the policy owe less than other borrowers on average and are disproportionately likely to be over 50 years old. However, the Central Bank advised that such a policy would be regressive. Pulling from a large body of international policy assessments from the OECD, the Central Bank found mortgage-interest relief schemes provide a subsidy to homeowners, who are more likely to have higher incomes than renters or those in social housing. It also states that studies show mortgage-interest relief schemes raise house prices without increasing homeownership rates. The Central Bank acknowledges, however, that the higher interest rates are “undoubtedly creating financial difficulties for some households” and suggests that relief through the social welfare system, where means-testing and targeting are more feasible, would have a greater impact in providing support to vulnerable households. A second memo, dated a week before Budget Day, reiterates the concerns held by the Central Bank with the “inherent regressivity of using taxpayer funds to support mortgage holders in a non-targeted fashion”. They also caution that the relief may increase the incentive for lenders to raise interest rates, arguing that under such a scenario “the relief would act to support lender profitability without necessarily helping borrowers as intended”. A spokesperson for the Department of Finance said: “The Government is acutely conscious of the impact of rising interest rates and mortgage costs on many taxpayers…As the Minister for Finance has stated previously, it is not possible or desirable for the Government to alleviate the full impact of the increased interest rates for all mortgage holders”. “Some mortgage holders, will be in a much stronger position and will have the capacity to absorb the impact of the recent increases in mortgage rates”, itcontinued, “and the Minister believes that the parameters of the relief are appropriate and sufficiently targeted”. The Department spokesperson did not respond specifically to a question from Village asking why the government did not take the advice of the Central Bank. Data from the European Central Bank showed interest rates in Ireland were the ninth highest in the Eurozone and coming in above the average rate in September. Using the proposal submitted to them by the Department of Finance, the Central Bank finds that the main beneficiaries of the policy owe less than other borrowers on average and are disproportionally likely to be over 50 years old. This, it says, “do not point to the targeting of greatest need for support”, as they “have benefited from lower average interest bills than other borrowers for a decade or more, with a total impact over time significantly exceeding recent changes in interest rate costs”. Conor Dowd, independent candidate for Galway East at the forthcoming local elections and recipient of the FOI replies told Village: “The government appear to be embracing a strategy rooted in electioneering, by trying to give the impression the mortgage interest relief of Budget 2024 is of benefit to a wide income range”. Having received the second memo from the Central Bank, officials from the Department of Finance responded with appreciation for its help and said “the advice is very clear”.

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    Minister accused of ‘scaremongering’ over flood management reforms

    By Conor O’Carroll Environmental advocacy group, Friends of the Irish Environment (FIE), have echoed comments made by Sinn Féin Senator Lynn Boylan accusing Minister of State Patrick O’Donovan TD of “scaremongering” over flood management reforms. In a recent Dáil debate following the widespread flooding in Cork caused by Storm Babet, Minister O’Donovan criticised attempts by Senator Boylan to “dismantle” the Arterial Drainage Act, discouraging her “not to go down that route because it will leave many communities in this country in a very vulnerable situation”. Under the Act, the Office of Public Works (OPW), which the Minister has special responsibility for, is obliged to maintain all rivers, embankments and urban flood defences in “proper repair and effective condition”. However, the Act has come under scrutiny recently with the Citizen’s Assembly on Biodiversity Loss recommending that the Act “is no longer fit for purpose and must be reviewed and updated in order to take proper account of the biodiversity and the climate crisis”. Environmental groups also say that the ‘maintenance’ of the rivers by the OPW is leading to the “destruction of whole river systems”. Senator Boylan previously accused the Minister of “scaremongering” in a Seanad debate in June, stating that “flood management strategies have evolved significantly since 1945” and that “nature-based approaches like “slow the flow” can provide a win-win solution for both biodiversity and flood prevention”. These nature-based approaches, known as Natural Water Retention Measures, are designed to work with the natural processes of rivers and their floodplains to slow down the flow of water and reduce the risk of flooding. A petition with over 5,000 signatures from the Irish Wildlife Trust was also presented to the Minister in July 2021. It called for reform of what they described as an “archaic piece of legislation not fit for the 21st century”. Concerns were previously raised in 1975 when an Inland Fisheries Commission report claimed: “Drainage operations eliminated desirable natural meanders in rivers, removed holding pools, destroyed spawning beds, and produced canal-type water courses characterised by long stretches of steep banks piled high with rubble and spoil”. The Act has come under scrutiny recently with the Citizen’s Assembly on Biodiversity Loss recommending that the Act “is no longer fit for purpose and must be reviewed and updated in order to take proper account of the biodiversity and the climate crisis” In a statement, FIE director Tony Lowes said the Act “could be amended to give the OPW more flexibility to reduce river flows facilitating the implementation of natural retention measures while maintaining current flood safeguards”. “We urge Minister O’Donovan to work with Senator Boylan and other stakeholders to amend the 1945 Arterial Drainage Act to enable the adoption of Natural Water Retention Measures while upholding existing flood protection”, he continued. Village contacted the Department of Public Expenditure for comment but has not received a response.

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    Pfizer questioned release of FOI by Dept of Finance to journalist

    By Conor O’Carroll American pharmaceutical giant, Pfizer queried the Department of Finance’s Freedom of Information (FOI) policy following a report of their meeting with officials in the Business Post. Documents supplied to Village Magazine, also through FOI, show how representatives acting on behalf of Pfizer sought a meeting between its new Senior Vice President of Global Tax, Jerome Mychalowych and officials from the Department of Finance in June. The meeting formed part of a series held at the Department of Finance over the summer with multinationals that included the likes of Coca-Cola, Google and AstraZeneca, as well as Pfizer. For its part, Village Magazine finds the Department’s FOI Publication Scheme to be comprehensive and clear, and the corporate hand-holding that Pfizer requested was unnecessary to understand the operation and parameters of the Act Each company used the opportunity to express their thoughts on the evolving international developments surrounding corporation tax. However, and uniquely, Pfizer also raised an article published in the Business Post last year, saying it was “surprised by the content of the article and would like to understand better the Department’s position on responding to FOI requests from journalists”. The article in question details a meeting between Mychalowych’s predecessor, Tom Hogan, and officials at the Department of Finance last year where Pfizer warned that a “historic overhaul of global corporate tax rules would create ‘losers and winners’ and lead to administrative headaches for businesses”. Emails sent to Deirdre Donaghy, Head of Business Tax at the Department of Finance, state that “while Pfizer really value this type of meeting”, they requested to speak to officials “about FOI parameters arising from what transpired following the meeting back in June 2022”. Donaghy agreed to speak to Pfizer’s representatives on the issue raised, though reminded them that FOI in Ireland is governed by the Freedom of Information Act, 2014. No records of what was discussed were released and it’s unclear if any notes of the exact nature of Pfizer’s concerns were taken. A spokesperson for the Department of Finance said “a Department official had a telephone call with the agent in response to the request.  The agent was directed to the Freedom of Information Acts and advised that these provisions would apply in respect of any meeting and related correspondence”. This explanation was accepted by Pfizer, they continued, and stressed “the Department did not feel under any pressure with regard to the release of records”. Pfizer did not respond to a request for comment. Pfizer also raised an article published in the Business Post last year, saying it was “surprised by the content of the article and would like to understand better the Department’s position on responding to FOI requests from journalists” For its part, Village Magazine finds the Department’s FOI Publication Scheme – found here – to be comprehensive and clear, and the corporate hand-holding that Pfizer requested was unnecessary to understand the operation and parameters of the Act. The minutes of the subsequent meeting on corporate tax were also released. They show that Pfizer continued their position from last year with “a discussion around the administrative burden of the new rules” taking place. Discussions surrounding moving to a territorial tax system also took place ahead of Minister Michael McGrath’s announcement in September that Ireland would begin its transition to such a system, introducing an exemption on foreign profits and simplifying the overall tax code. The Irish Tax Institute say multinationals are eager for this move as it would “reduce the administrative burden for Irish companies with international operations and simplify how double taxation relief would be available in Ireland on such foreign earnings. It would [also] bring Ireland’s corporation tax code in line with most OECD countries and EU Member States”. This, they say, would maintain Ireland’s competitiveness in attracting foreign direct investment once the OECD minimum corporate tax rates come into effect.

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    Iarnród Éireann spent over €600,000 on taxis in five years

    By Conor O’Carroll Iarnród Éireann has ordered almost 1,000 taxis to transport its train drivers, staff and customers to and from stations since 2019, according to documents released under Freedom of Information. Documents supplied to Village Magazine show how the company has spent over €600,000 in the past five years on 989 taxi journeys for the purpose of transferring staff and delayed customers. While the number of taxis requested each year has been decreasing from a high of 295 in 2019, 188 orders were still made last year. Incomplete figures for 2023 show that 118 taxis have been ordered by the company so far this year. A spokesperson for Iarnród Éireann told Village that taxi services are ordered for drivers travelling to reach their allocated train, for staff in instances of a points failure and for customers following a delayed service where public transport is not available. Taxi services are also sometimes provided to customers on delayed services who have “an important appointment to attend or a flight to catch”, they continued. Iarnród Éireann, which is a subsidiary of the state-owned enterprise, Córas Iompair Éireann, has entered into two separate contractual agreements with taxi companies to provide this service. One with ABC Taxis to transfer drivers from Kent Station or Mallow in Cork to Tralee, and Tralee to Mallow or Kent Station, and the other with Edwards Coaches for journeys between Gorey and Enniscorthy in Wexford, and Connolly Station in Dublin. Both contracts detail the requirement for both planned and ad-hoc journeys, often taking place in the early hours of the morning or late at night when alternative public transport arrangements would not be available. Documents supplied to Village Magazine show how the company has spent over €600,000 in the past five years on 989 taxi journeys for the purpose of transferring staff and delayed customers The documents also show a number of ‘emergency’ situations where Iarnród Éireann ordered taxis for their drivers outside of the contracted scenarios. These include a number of transfers between stations in Galway and others between Tralee and Killarney due to train delays, cancellations and driver illness. Despite the significant environmental impact of driving between train stations, the arrangement is set to continue, with a recent request for tender seeking a further five years of taxi hire between Cork and Kerry. The new contract is set to come into effect in the new year. In a statement, Iarnród Éireann said it “takes its climate action responsibilities very seriously”, but that there are occasions where “it may be necessary to avail of taxi services”. Last month, the company launched its Climate Action Plan, which targets emissions reductions of 51% by 2030. Among the commitments is a transition to an electric-powered fleet, upgrades to buildings and switching to alternative fuel sources. Iarnród Éireann also said that line improvements on the Dublin – Belfast line last weekend was its first-ever that was net zero. All on-track machines, welfare facilities, vehicles, small plant and equipment operated on alternative power sources or alternative biofuel, while the remaining carbon emissions were offset by the planting of 300 trees in Wexford.

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    Government sought advice from UK Home Office on controversial asylum-seeker barge

    Officials from the Department of Children approached the UK Home Office seeking advice following the launch of the controversial asylum seeker barge, the Bibby Stockholm, as preparations for the Irish ‘flotel’ continue. By Conor O’Carroll Irish Government officials congratulated their counterparts in the UK Home Office following the launch of the controversial asylum-seeker barge, documents released under Freedom of Information (FOI) show. The emails, which were released to Village Magazine, show how an official from the Department of Children, Equality, Disability, Integration and Youth congratulated his peers for the launch of the Bibby Stockholm barge off the coast of Dorset, in southwest England in August 2023. “Congrats on getting the barge ‘open for business’ – have been watching the various news feeds with interest”, the unnamed official said on 9 August, days after the first asylum seekers had been moved onto the barge. A few days later, the barge was evacuated following the discovery of Legionella bacteria in the water supply, which can cause a serious type of lung infection known as Legionnaires’ disease. Contact was established between the two officials in June this year when the Department of Children official reached out through an unnamed mutual contact to the UK Home Office seeking advice in the contracting of barges for asylum-seeker accommodation. They stated that the draft request for tender for Ireland’s version of the barges was “well advanced” and that “berths [had] been identified”. The official sought advice on “planning and environmental matters”, suggesting that a call between both government departments would be beneficial. The Department is seeking tenders to provide floating accommodation for International Protection Applicants (asylum seekers) and not Beneficiaries of Temporary Protection (Ukrainians) However, much of what was discussed between the two officials has been redacted, with the Home Office citing the protection of its commercial interests as the reason for obscuring the information. In May, Minister Roderic O’Gorman confirmed that his department was planning to tender floating accommodation to help ease pressures on providing accommodation. The formal process was expected to have been launched this summer, however, no tender details have been published as of yet. A spokesperson for the Department of Children told Village “publication of a tender is not likely in the immediate future with Department officials still working through the various legal and regulatory issues associated with using floating accommodation”. The Government’s examination of procuring floating accommodation dates back to 2022, when they received a number of proposals from various companies offering cruise ships to house Ukrainian refugees. Further documents released to Village Magazine under FOI show that an approach by Clare-based company ML Hospitality Ltd in 2022 was initially rejected by the Government due to “the lack of port/berths with sufficient deep water for vessels of this size and as a result potential remoteness and lack of access to services and facilities”. An internal feasibility study dated May 2022, produced by the Maritime Transport Division at the Department of Transport, concluded that the sole location suitable to accommodate the two vessels offered by ML Hospitality (the Cobh cruise berth) “would create a significant environmental impact and air quality issue for the area” owing to the need for the continual operation of the ship’s engines to power onboard utilities. Other proposals for cruise ships at Dublin Port were also rejected as it was suggested there would be a negative impact on “overall port capacity and on other port business”. The same feasibility study also raised the potential solution of a “flotel”, with the Department requesting an unnamed entrepreneur who previously approached the Port of Cork with a proposal to locate a ship as a hotel in the port to explore this option on their behalf. The entrepreneur was made to sign a non-disclosure agreement as the enquiries were made. The option presented in the study involves “up to three vessels with a capacity of 800 passengers per ship” and suggested that “it may be feasible to berth the vessels in the centre of Cork at the city quays”. It is unclear whether this is the basis for the forthcoming tender from the Department of Children and a spokesperson did not provide any further details, but did state that the Department is seeking to tender for International Protection Applicants (asylum seekers) and not Beneficiaries of Temporary Protection (Ukrainians). The plan to move asylum seekers onto barges in the UK, such as the Bibby Stockholm, which has a capacity of 506, has proved controversial, with campaign groups and public health officials condemning the plan. The Guardian newspaper reported that cabins were slightly larger than a prison cell and had been fitted with bunk beds to double capacity. The UK’s Fire Brigade Union has also threatened a legal challenge against the use of the barge over safety fears, calling it “a potential deathtrap”. Amnesty International UK’s Refugee and Migrant Rights Director, Steve Valdez-Symonds, voiced objections too, calling it “reminiscent of the prison hulks from the Victorian era” and “an utterly shameful way to house people who’ve fled terror, conflict and persecution”. The Irish Refugee Council expressed concern at the prospect of floating accommodation being used in Ireland; “We are strongly opposed to floating accommodation. They are wholly inadequate places to house vulnerable men, women and children who have come to our country in search of safety. We are concerned that short-term responses tend to become permanent. Direct Provision was temporary. Tents were meant to stop last autumn. Just because something is better than sleeping rough on a street doesn’t mean that we should accept it”. “We shouldn’t let standards slip just to warehouse people and we encourage government to invest in sustainable medium- and long-term accommodation options that support people with dignity”, they continued. A spokesperson for the Department of Children said the contact with the UK Home Office and other “shared experiences will help to establish the most appropriate vessel type for the various factors and considerations, such as berthing, for any ‘floating’ accommodation that the Department publishes a Request for Tenders

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    ESB seek €21 million in gift vouchers for employees and customers

    Having recorded huge profits in the first six months of the year, ESB look to reward staff with millions in gift vouchers By Conor O’Carroll The state-owned Electricity Supply Board (ESB) is seeking to purchase an estimated €21 million in gift cards and vouchers for its employees and as part of its ‘Beat the Peak’ initiative. The request for tender, released today, details the two-year contract offered by ESB that will see the chosen bidder purchase almost €13 million in employee gift vouchers for delivery in December 2023 and January 2024. Two purchases of up to 6,200 gift vouchers with a face value of €1,000, two purchases of up to 550 gift vouchers with a face value of €500, and ad hoc purchases of gift vouchers with a face value of €50 and €30 will be required according to tender documents. ESB’s profits have soared in recent months, with operating profit increasing to €676 million in the first six months of 2023, a rise of €300 million compared to the same period last year The specific requirements for these gift vouchers state that they must include a “broad range of providers from across Ireland including online and not limited to one shopping centre, one retailer, one website or one particular town or city”. The gift vouchers should also “at a minimum include retail, health and fitness, services, motoring, supermarket, fashion, [and] department stores”. Periodic monitoring and reporting of recipients with no use on their gift vouchers is also requested. The remaining €8 million is to be spent on providing “financial incentives” to customers participating in the ‘Beat the Peak’ scheme. This initiative, launched last year, seeks to reduce electricity demand during peak events over the winter months by offering information to customers on how to “shift their individual energy consumption away from the evening peak” of between 5pm and 7pm. ESB’s profits have soared in recent months, with operating profit increasing to €676 million in the first six months of 2023, a rise of €300 million compared to the same period last year. It is likely to surpass last year’s total operating profit of €847 as the winter months typically see greater demand and energy consumption. 2022 was itself a year of growth for ESB, with operating profits rising by almost 25%. Energy prices have increased substantially since 2020 driven first by the Covid-19 pandemic and then by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Energy companies, along with ESB’s subsidiary, Electric Ireland, announced widespread price hikes as wholesale energy prices soared. However, according to the Central Statistics Office (CSO), energy prices have since fallen sharply once again. In July, wholesale electricity prices fell to their lowest level since June 2021 and in August, they had fallen by over 70% compared to the previous 12 months. While there was a slight rise in September, wholesale prices are still over 60% lower when compared with last year, according to the latest figures released by the CSO. This prompted energy companies, including Electric Ireland, to lower their prices, with the company cutting its electricity and gas rates by 10% and 12% respectively from the start of November. These price cuts will be a welcome respite for people struggling ahead of the winter months, but fall well short of the drop in wholesale prices. Following the announcement, Taoiseach Leo Varadkar TD, told RTÉ News that the reduction wasn’t sufficient and called for further decreases in the coming months. ESB did not respond to a request for comment on their decision to seek millions worth of gift vouchers. Update 23/10: ESB has since responded to our request for comment with the following statement: “ESB recognises the impact the current cost of living crisis is having on our employees and we have agreed to make two voucher payments to our employees designed to go some way to meeting the financial challenges which our employees may face”.

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    International Security Forum a waste of the DFA’s time

    This week’s Consultative Forum report is nothing more than of academic interest because the DFA set its policy strategy weeks in advance of the public debate. By J Vivian Cooke On Tuesday, the Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) published the report of the Consultative Forum on International Security Policy. It is a balanced, thoughtful and worthy document consistent with the proceedings of the Forum that were, themselves, balanced, thoughtful and worthy. The Forum and its Chair, Louise Richardson, have succeeded admirably within its terms of reference. Over the course of four days, the Forum hosted 12 panel discussions featuring around 50 experts and heard numerous contributions from members of the audience attending. In addition, the Forum received 835 written submissions. Richardson has done well to herd these conceptual cats into a report that brings far more clarity and order to the diverse opinions expressed, characteristics that are not so evident in my own recollection or notes. The report provides a paragraph summary of each panel discussed before sketching out the contending opinions on what emerged as the key themes of the debate. In all, it is a fair representation of a public consultation that was run well. Unfortunately, it is the Forum’s terms of reference that doom this report to anything more than academic interest It transpires that there is a very broad-based consensus about the parameters within which Irish foreign policy operates. There is a near-unanimous agreement that Neutrality should be preserved; that foreign policy should be pursued on a multilateral basis; and that there is an urgent requirement for significant increases in Ireland’s defence spending. In fact, any sharp points of discord are only discernable at the margins of this national consensus; with the opposing extremes respectively embracing with enthusiasm or being repelled in horror by the very suggestion that Ireland would deepen its security cooperation with the US and/or European countries, through the institutional framework of either NATO or the EU.  Such divisions that do exist within the settled field of Irish foreign policy tend to reflect how far individuals are willing to trust any government of the day with discretionary powers to respond flexibly to rapid, evolving crises in opposition to the exercise of parliamentary and public oversight and restraint. In practical terms, this expresses itself in the debate about the Triple Lock and the proposal, received in written submissions but not much discussed in the Forum, to enshrine the policy of neutrality in the constitution. The note of disapproval in the normally impeccably impartial Richardson is unmistakable in her comment: “It will be important to ensure that future Irish governments have maximum flexibility to respond with deliberation and speed when called upon to ensure the safety and security of our citizens” is positively damning. Unfortunately, it is the Forum’s terms of reference that doom this report to anything more than academic interest. These terms state bluntly that only “the Tanaiste will consider the report produced by the Chairperson and will decide whether to bring recommendations to Government.” It was, as the Chairperson noted “a national conversation” but, crucially, “it is not the purpose of the report to make policy recommendations to the Government.” Although Micheál Martin promised a whole-of-government approach to the exercise, he failed to deliver even a whole-of-department approach. The cabinet approved the Forum on 5 April 2023, yet, on 1 June, a mere three weeks before the Forum held its first session, the Department of Foreign Affairs published its Statement of Strategy 2023-2025. The DFA’s impatience to fix its strategy for the next two years denied it the valuable insights that they themselves were trying so hard to cultivate. And their desultory, uninspiring and unimaginative Statement of Strategy is manifestly poorer for that lacuna. During this period, nine other departments (Justice, Children, Housing, Tourism, Further and Higher Education, Transport, Agriculture, Enterprise and Social Protection) engaged in far less elaborate public consultations in preparing their statements of strategies. Despite the imminent start of a public forum to debate its strategy, the DFA pushed on with its statement without any public input of any kind. The contradiction inherent in the DFA’s rush to publish its Statement of Strategy ineluctably casts the relevance of the whole Forum process into doubt. Although Micheál Martin promised a whole-of-government approach to the exercise, he failed to deliver even a whole-of-department approach The Terms of Reference for the Forum stated that “the Consultative Forum is designed to build public understanding and generate discussions on the link between the State’s foreign, security and defence policies.” Village Magazine can attest that the sessions were nuanced and well-informed by practitioners and academics who embraced the complexities of navigating international relations as a small European wealthy island. The report is a valuable document for anyone interested in Irish foreign and defence policies. The tragedy is that the DFA would have benefitted in delaying publishing their statement had they bothered to listen to the national debate they had spent so much time and effort informing.

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    Uber persists in lobbying for entry into Irish taxi market

    New documents show how Uber is using the transportation struggles faced by disabled people to its own advantage By Conor O’Carroll Uber is pushing to enter the Irish market and is using the recent changes to taxi licence rules and fewer new taxi drivers to present themselves as a suitable solution. Documents released to Village Magazine under Freedom of Information (FOI) legislation show how representatives from Uber, including General Manager for Uber Ireland, Kieran Harte, presented the company as “a solution to the taxi crisis” in a meeting in late June of this year with John McDonald, a policy advisor at the Department of Transport. In June last year, then-Tánaiste, Leo Varadkar TD, suggested that Uber and Lyft could be allowed access to the Irish market to help with taxi shortages No meeting minutes were provided to the FOI request, leaving no record of what was specifically discussed, but presentation slides provided by Uber were released. They show Uber’s attempt to highlight the decline in taxi supply over the previous decade. While there has been a consistent decline since 2013, the numbers exiting the taxi market are far from dramatic. The largest drop occurred around the time of the pandemic when the need for taxis was substantially reduced. Since then, numbers have begun to recover, with an upward trajectory evident over the last number of years. Uber attributes this “decline” to the requirement for all newly licensed taxis to be wheelchair accessible. They show that the percentage of wheelchair-accessible taxis of total licenses has reached 20% as of May 2023, equating to just over 3,400 wheelchair-accessible vehicles. The presentation continues, however, by suggesting that the rise in accessible taxis will not continue due to the limited availability of suitable vehicles available for drivers to purchase. They also point to the ageing demographic of drivers, with the vast majority aged over 50. This claim is rebutted somewhat by the announcement in April by the National Transport Authority (NTA) that this year’s Wheelchair Accessible Vehicle grant scheme has increased funding to €3 million following “a high level of interest”. It is unclear what solution Uber is offering. Ride-sharing apps, such as Uber, rely on their drivers providing their own vehicles and so Uber drivers will face the exact same obstacles in sourcing and financing their Uber cars as new taxi drivers do. Thus, the only way that Uber could possibly add capacity to the public hire/taxi market is by allowing its drivers to use vehicles that are not wheelchair accessible. Nonetheless, Uber persists, arguing that the current policy will lead to less reliability for wheelchair users as they compete with more people for fewer taxis is supported only by anecdotal evidence, using a selection of complaints sourced from social media. Uber’s solution to this issue is predicable; address the supply imbalance by opening up the Irish market to private ride-share apps. An email sent to McDonald after the meeting suggests that this proposal has received some attention, with McDonald supposedly engaging with officials at the Department of Transport and NTA. The result of this engagement is, as yet, unknown, however, it is clear that Uber has not yet given up on its relentless efforts to force its way into the Irish taxi market following its ban in 2017. In June last year, then-Tánaiste, Leo Varadkar TD, suggested that Uber and Lyft could be allowed access to the Irish market to help with taxi shortages. This undoubtedly provided some hope to Uber that their request would be listened to by those in the halls of Leinster House. The trove of leaked company records known as the Uber Files released a month prior to this announcement by Varadkar, highlighted the intense lobbying campaign undertaken by Uber in the lead-up to the 2016 General Election. They show how the company believed they had influenced a Fine Gael manifesto commitment from then-leader Enda Kenny, to embrace a “sharing economy”, placing Ireland at the forefront of digital innovation. This Fine Gael commitment was short-lived, however, as officials at the NTA ruled that Uber’s business model was not suitable for Ireland’s economy. With all the issues arising from the gig economy in Ireland over the past number of years, as reported in this magazine, the NTA’s decision to refuse Uber an exemption from the regulated taxi industry, allowing it to operate as it sees fit, has stood the test of time. Even as Uber continues to lobby for a position in the taxi market, Village believes a better solution to the taxi “crisis” would be to invest in accessible, reliable and green public transport for all, reducing the strain on the industry and leaving accessible options available for those that require them most.

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    Landlords the big winners from Budget 2024

    McGrath’s first budget delivered significant tax breaks for landlords, a risky move with elections looming By Conor O’Carroll After much speculation, Fianna Fáil TD and Minister for Finance, Michael McGrath, delivered his first budget on Tuesday, ahead of what could be a hugely significant year for Irish politics. Local and European elections are already scheduled for next June, and the prospect of an early general election looms large on the horizon, meaning this may be the only chance McGrath gets to impress voters. However, while a raft of temporary measures to tackle the cost-of-living crisis were introduced or extended, it was landlords who are probably the happiest with today’s budget, with large tax breaks provided. Tax on rental income up to €3,000 is to be “disregarded at the standard rate”, equating to a roughly €600 tax break. Should the landlord remain in the market for four years, the rate will increase up to €4,000 in 2025 and €5,000 in 2026 and 2027, bringing the value of the tax break to landlords up to €1,000. Leaving the market will see any tax relief recouped. It’s possible that the tax breaks provided to landlords will also have a knock-on effect on housing prices This comes on top of the income tax cuts which saw the reduction of USC and an increase in the cut-off for the standard rate of tax. The rationale behind this cheque to landlords is to incentivise their continued presence in the rental market and prevent the mass exodus that has been muted in the media. However, the numbers behind this exodus don’t stack up. While the number of registered landlords with the Residential Tenancies Board (RTB) has been dwindling for many years, the most recent Census results show that the number of landlords has grown by 7% since 2016. The discrepancy between the Census and RTB data is over 50,000, suggesting that landlords aren’t leaving the rental market at all and many are instead not registering with the RTB. Speaking before the Oireachtas Committee on Housing today, Dr Michael Byrne, an Assistant Professor at the School of Social Policy in UCD, said the lack of concrete data makes it difficult to assess how many landlords are fleeing the market, as has been suggested. For renters, on the other hand, an increase to the Rent Tax Credit from €500 to €750 will be welcomed, provided it isn’t eaten into by subsequent rent increases. The latest RTB Rent Index for Q1 2023 shows that nationally, the average rent in newly registered tenancies was €1,544 per month, a year-on-year increase of 8.9%. Relief of €62.50 a month isn’t going to make much difference to those forking out over €18,500 a year just to put a roof over their heads. There was also no increase in capital spending on housing, however, with an underspend of €1 billion intended for social and affordable housing between 2020 and 2022, money doesn’t seem to be the issue causing housing targets to be missed. For prospective buyers, the Help-to-Buy scheme has been extended through to the end of 2025, though with property prices increasing by 1.5% in the past 12 months to July, affordability remains a significant issue. It’s possible that the tax breaks provided to landlords will also have a knock-on effect on housing prices. Writing for RTÉ Brainstorm last September, Dr Bryne says that “tax breaks for landlords might seem an obvious way to increase supply of rental properties, but it can also increase demand for housing”, leaving those in the rental market seeking to escape in competition with landlords seeking to invest. Elsewhere in the budget, the allocation to the Department of Health has been reduced by just under €1 billion, following an overspend of similar amounts this year. However, last year’s figure included €2.6 billion in disability services, which has since become the responsibility of the Department of Children. In his interview with Village (October – November issue) prior to the budget, McGrath said that he was “brassed off” at budgetary overrun and stressed the importance of improving results at the Department. Much of this year’s health budget is being used to maintain current levels of services. However, with almost 550 patients waiting on trolleys today according to the INMO, ballooning waiting lists for appointments and diagnoses, maintaining current levels is far from satisfactory. Other budgetary headlines announced today include further energy credits, a significant jump in the minimum wage to €12.70 and tax relief on mortgage interest up to €1,250 per property. There was no word on the rumoured RTÉ bailout, though if TV license receipts continue to fall, this may come later in the year. An increase to the Rent Tax Credit from €500 to €750 will be welcomed, provided it isn’t eaten into by subsequent rent increases Despite some much-needed measures to blunt the impact of the cost-of-living squeeze, McGrath’s budget seems measured and controlled as opposed to lavish. The coup for landlords will certainly provide fuel for the government’s detractors and the lack of change in housing policy will put the Department of Housing under significant pressure to deliver. With elections on the horizon, this may be the last chance they get.

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    Michael McGrath: Mild centrist in frenetic and fractious times.

    Michael Smith conducted a wide ranging interview with the Minister for Finance, on the eve of the Budget MS: How were you influenced by your childhood? MMG: We’re all a reflection of where we come from and our childhood experience.  I had a fantastic childhood and come from a very humble background. And I suppose I was really determined growing up to take the opportunities that I had and which my parents didn’t have by virtue of their own life experience and their journey.  I think it’d be a hunger and a drive to do well but also it gave me a very good sense of perspective about what’s most important in life and it definitely helped to lead me to a life of public service. Because I think there’s great meaning and great value from public service and I get huge enjoyment from it; and I think that concern can be traced back to my background. MS: What do you consider your main achievements in politics so far? MMG: I really think it’s for others to come to a view about what your achievements are and for me much of the satisfaction comes from the quiet, private moments that you have interacting with constituents in your office on sometimes extremely sensitive and personal issues and helping them through those issues; and I know I and my team have changed lives for the better in many, many instances. MS: Could you mention an instance of that? MMG: In our role you come across all kinds of circumstances: serious illness and bereavement and tragedy and financial difficulty  — just instances where the system has  let somebody down. I have had cases including just recognition of birth certs and recognition of parentage — things like, that that have been really life changing for people.  I believe in giving people opportunity and working with others in a spirit of co-operation and collaboration; being decent and having good values in that sense MS: How would you describe your political philosophy and  your vision for Ireland? MMG: You know it would be it would be centrist by nature.  I believe in giving people opportunity and working with others in a spirit of co-operation and collaboration; being decent and having good values in that sense. And so my philosophy is a pragmatic one but it is it is certainly about working towards a country that is fair and that affords opportunity to people.  MS: And a vision for Ireland specifically? MMG: I think there is very good economic opportunity in Ireland and I think we have work to do to bring the quality of our services up to match where our economy is at and where public expectations are rightly high, particularly in housing and that is undoubtedly the number one domestic priority as far as I’m concerned. MS: Who are your political heroes, nationally and internationally? MMG: Brian Lenihan had a huge influence on me. I did work closely with him in those latter years. I was only a backbench TD, newly elected but came from a financial background and so Brian would have taken me into to confidence.  I’m very proud to have a portrait of him hanging in my office in the Department of Finance because I have a huge amount of regard and respect for him. MS: Anyone internationally? MMG: No, I’ll leave it at Brian.  I’m happy with the one. MS: So just in terms of your political philosophy or your politics would it be fair to describe you, as has been done, as socially and economically conservative? MMG: I’m not really into labels. Judge me by my response on any given issue. I don’t think I’m conservative when it comes to ambition for Ireland and the need that I see for us to improve the services we provide. I get very frustrated at the experience of many families who have a child with a disability. I just think we can do far better. I’m not conservative when it comes to people and this country. We are the person that we are. MS: Do you believe in equality and if so what type? MMG:  I believe in human dignity and respect for each other and I think that is evidenced by my approach to politics. I can work well with people and because I respect others I respect difference and I absolutely believe in equality in all respects. MS: Would you be more inclined to equality of outcome or equality of opportunity? MMG: I think equality of opportunity is one that we can most assure. I think through our policy decisions and safety nets we have and the supports that are in place and providing resources in disadvantaged areas. I think you can go a long way to providing equality of opportunity. You can certainly aim for it.  I think guaranteeing equality of outcome is not really possible because there are so many variables involved in that but I do think that you can go a long way as a country to making sure there’s an opportunity for everyone and I think we have made progress in that regard but there are communities now that they feel they are that behind and I think that is work we have to do better on.  MS: How would you define the ideological differences between FF, FG and SF? MMG: I’d prefer to speak about Fianna Fáil and who were are rather than defining us relative to other parties.  We’re a centre-left party. We believe in giving people opportunities through education and employment and support for the most vulnerable.  We believe in investment in education and we believe in the enterprise company. This will be reflected in the decisions that I make in the budget. MS: What do you consider the major dangers to the economy? Is there a danger of  an Irish or a global recession, near-term? MMG: I think the biggest immediate danger to the health of the global economy is the

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    The Brendan O’Connor Show: revisiting analysis of RTÉ’s Newspaper Panel: Professional classes over weekend brunch… safe and a bit incestuous, with little diversity,  but with equal numbers of women unlike with Marian. By Mark Cullinane.

    “Professionals over weekend brunch… formulaic and incestuous” was the unsparing verdict of Village in 2014 when contributor Rónán Lynch cast an analytical eye over the RTÉ flagship weekend radio Marian Finucane show, focusing on the Sunday programme’s newspaper review slot.  Lynch’s review of guest contributors on that mainstay of Sunday radio was a straightforward but apt piece of media analysis, not just because of its findings but because of the clarifying power of the slot itself as the basis for critical analysis of the underlying logics that inform the selection of on-air contributors for public service broadcast radio.  The top 25 most frequently used contributors themselves make up almost a full third of appearances The hour-long and typically four-to-five-person panel, after all, is a format not comparable to other journalist-led ‘hard’ news or current affairs programming where strong professional and genre conventions limit the pool of potential voices heard and faces seen to those endowed with formal authority, suitably accredited expertise or an individual proximity to developments covered in the news. The buttoned-down atmosphere of the newspaper review panel, less beholden to the dictates of balance, is an unusual one in broadcasting terms in being in theory at least open to anyone capable of perusing a newspaper and selecting a story or two as a jumping-off point for discussion on contemporary developments.  Lynch’s analysis of the composition of programme panels over the course of a full year revealed how this broad discretion enjoyed by the programme producers was, in practice, wielded strikingly narrowly. He highlighted in particular the overwhelming preponderance in its 250-odd guest appearances of contributors drawn from the ranks of the upper professional classes in general and in particular the favouring of other journalists and “professionally articulate agents of monied interests” of various hues, including public relations. The on-air results, he concluded, were conversations about the news that, shorn of due representation from wider strata of society, often exuded an insider-ish, cosy and unchallenging feel. With a generational changing of the guard at the show since host Marian Finucane’s death in early 2020, Village thought it opportune to once again measure this barometer of RTÉ’s appetite for representational range.  By conventional metrics of success, the programme itself has gone from strength to strength since the appointment of new host, Sunday Independent columnist Brendan O’Connor, who has maintained the outsized audience share built up by Finucane and kept both weekend editions of the programme close to the very top of national radio programme popularity rankings. And though opinions will vary on the personal appeal of O’Connor as a commentator in his own right, the organisation will no doubt feel that his proven ability to attract large audiences, combined with his assured broadcasting style and savvy navigation of the vagaries of broadcasting speech regulations make him a safe pair of hands well worth the hefty quarter of a million a year investment.    The show has maintained its pre-eminence in a radio market that has proved surprisingly resilient amid a welter of disruption and audience fragmentation in the media industries, yet the changed cultural environment in which broadcast journalism also now operates has posed increasing challenges of its own which are every bit as tricky to weather as changing media-consumption habits. As a more sceptical and media-savvy population increasingly concerns itself with a host of vexed questions of mediated representation, like to whom is the national megaphone passed, on what criteria of inclusion and in the service of what conception of balance, media incumbents generally (and in particular national public service broadcasters with universalist obligations) have been forced to take diversity more seriously.  Over the last five years, such pressures have seen at RTÉ the elevation of diversity and inclusion to the formal status of major organisational objective. Its first dedicated action plan on the topic in 2018 articulates, in the worthy if grandiose style of such things, a series of commitments and associated cross-organisational actions to transform RTÉ into no less than a ‘leader in diversity and inclusion, both on and off air”, with a view to “ensuring our audiences recognise themselves in us, and us in them”. Five years into RTÉ’s diversity drive – a plan whose implementation would be aided in part by more systematic internal monitoring of programme output – it was perhaps surprising to learn that Village would once again have to spin up its own spreadsheet software for this fresh analysis of programme panellists; the production team citing a lack of time and resources to share a list of contributors used. Our own list, then, covers a period encompassing the entire three-and-a-half-year Brendan O’Connor era of the programme, and comprises a total of 819 separate appearances by newspaper-review contributors across all 183 Sunday editions of the programme. It, and accompanying methodological notes are available on request to all readers who may wish to browse, scrutinise or remix the data in ways that we haven’t the space to explore here. It is in the area of gender balance that the most significant and obvious improvement in contributor diversity since Village last ran the rule over the numbers is apparent, with a considerably more even 54% (male) to 46% (female) split across the period as a whole when compared to the 65% (male) to 35% (female) result found in 2014. Much of the headway appears to have been recent: discount the first year’s worth of contributors in 2020 and the result from subsequent years is very close to the sought-for goal of parity of gender representation. Welcome signs of progress then, but gender balance is the area where Irish media have made the most progress generally – if still typically on a voluntary basis. Other “diversity characteristics” earmarked for substantive remedial responses by RTÉ and elsewhere in the media industries, such as race and ethnicity, disability and sexual orientation, remain for various reasons much further down the pecking order. Though not the focus of this analysis, a cursory look at the hundreds of names in

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