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    Unannounced special advisers push total salaries towards €6 million

    By Conor O’Carroll The Department of Education has confirmed to Village Magazine that three as-yet-unannounced special advisers are employed at the department. Áine Doyle and Eoin Murphy are employed as special advisers to Minister of Education, Norma Foley TD, while Diane O’Gorman is employed as a special adviser to Minister of State, Josepha Madigan TD, a department spokesperson said. None of these appointments have been publicly notified in Iris Oifigiúil, or through the release of the statutory instrument confirming their appointment. They also don’t appear on the government’s list of special advisers. No explanation was given for why the advisers, which are required to be officially reappointed following the rotation of Taoiseach last December, have not been made public yet. Another special adviser appointed in April has also yet to see any official announcement. Eoin Delaney, special adviser to the Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs, Seán Fleming TD, was appointed on April 10th and given a salary of almost €75,000. Despite the lack of public announcement, Delaney appears to have begun advising, accompanying Fleming on a visit to Killeshin National School in Laois a few days after he was appointed. A spokesperson for the Department of Foreign Affairs said, “Mr Delaney’s appointment has progressed through the standard process as required by [Section 11(1) of the Public Service Management Act (1997) and the Ministerial Appointments for the 33rd Dáil guidelines]”. “The order for his appointment has been finalised and will now proceed for official approval and publication”, they continued. Last month, following the announcement of Taoiseach Leo Varadkar’s eighth special adviser, Village reported that a substantial delay often exists between appointment and official announcement. This trend continued recently, when two more announcements were made, confirming special advisers for Minister for Further and Higher Education, Simon Harris TD and Minister of State at the Department of Finance, Jennifer Carroll MacNeill TD.  Official notice of these appointments was provided, however, in the case of the Department of Further and Higher Education, no statutory instrument (and name of the appointee) has followed. Over six weeks have elapsed since the official notice in the July 28th edition of Iris Oifigiúil. No explanation was given for this delay by a department spokesperson, stating that “it is expected that the relevant Statutory Instrument will be finalised shortly”. As for the Department of Finance, the statutory instrument was released, showing that Stephen Foley, Jennifer Carroll MacNeill’s new adviser, was appointed on 13 March 2023 and announced 151 days later. A spokesperson for the Department of Finance said that “there was an administrative oversight within the Department of Finance HR” that led to the delay. They claimed that “HR was not aware a separate statutory instrument was required for the specific individual to be named”. These new appointments, along with those from the Department of Education, bring the total number of special advisers to 60. It is also unknown how much the new appointees will earn, though the current average salary for special advisers stands at over €100,000. Following queries made by Village Magazine in July as to why three special advisers – Patrick Cluskey, Fiach Kelly, and Jim D’Arcy – had not been added to the official government list, a spokesperson committed to updating the list to reflect the uncovered appointments. At the time of writing, however, the list has still not been updated and is now also missing a further six special adviser appointments. The salaries of these nine appointments are likely to push the total cost towards €6 million annually, though the true figure won’t be revealed until the government updates their list. The current rules surrounding special advisers stipulate that Ministers, other than the Taoiseach, Tánaiste and party leaders, may not appoint more than two special advisers. The appointment of Simon Harris’ new adviser brings every government minister to the maximum of two special advisers. The rules also state that Ministers of State may only appoint one special adviser, though appointing two is permitted provided that they regularly attend meetings of the Government. Just two Ministers of State, Hildegarde Naughton TD (Department of the Taoiseach – Chief Whip) and Pippa Hackett TD (Department of Agriculture) have appointed two special advisers, with ten others settling for just one.

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    “The thought of being homeless again is terrifying, it gives me nightmares”: Students struggle for college accommodation

    By Ava Liange After two consecutive years of COVID-19, online learning and postponed exams, the housing crisis is once again the main obstacle that prevents students from pursuing their studies. With the start of the new academic year just around the corner, it is becoming increasingly challenging for students to find accommodation near universities. Many are confronted with the choice of commuting several hours a day to access their course, paying extortionate rent for on-campus accommodation, or turning to unregulated ‘digs’ accommodation. Faced with these choices, sacrifices on affordability and living conditions are often made. “We’ve had to deal with mould and rodents”, Jamie Clarke, an Atlantic Technological University (ATU) student, explained to Village Magazine. “[Our landlord] said he’d paint the house with anti-mould paint and call in an exterminator, but they never came back to check in and it didn’t work so we had to deal with it ourselves”. The housing crisis has become a great source of anxiety for students “Every summer it’s like a déjà vu all over again as we wonder just how much worse matters can get”, says Molly Greenough, President of the Students’ Union at University College Dublin (UCD), following the release of their latest Accommodation Report. According to the new figures, around two-thirds of students pay up to €750 a month for student accommodation, considerably higher than a national average of €469 cited in a recent Higher Education Authority study. “The acute shortage of beds is starting to have a seriously worrying impact on the pursuit of education”, continued Greenough, with the report highlighting how many students are forced into the private rental market where they pay market rates and compete with working professionals. Due to inflationary pressures on the rental market and a lack of options for on-campus accommodation, more and more students are drawn to ‘digs’, where students rent a room in a house where the landlord lives. While often times cheaper than the alternative, these arrangements leave the students with very few rights. ‘Digs’ don’t fall under the remit of the Residential Tenancies Board meaning there are no minimum physical standards that the property must comply with and the restrictions on rent increases for other private rented accommodation do not apply. Students have reported being denied access to facilities or certain areas of the house, landlords invading their privacy by entering their room unannounced or when they aren’t there, and being hit with unnotified rent increases. One student living in ‘digs’ last year described the experience as being treated like a burden rather than a person, while others said they felt “infantilised”. The impact of this search for accommodation can be draining on students’ mental health. “There’s just a period of time when you’re searching for a house, and you’re losing time you could use doing assignments”, says Jamie. “It definitely affects your energy levels and how you’re able to focus on things”, he continues. On top of affecting their studies, the housing crisis has become a source of anxiety for students. “The thought of being homeless again is terrifying”, says Brigid MacBrough, another student from ATU, “it gives me nightmares”. Students who have to commute spend a large amount of time and money each day and find themselves exposed to anxiety as well, “The last year of college I tried to find accommodation, but I couldn’t so I had to commute for three hours a day”, says Dawid Blasevac, a former student. “I hated it, that on top of stressing about finishing the course and the stress of finding a job after. I did feel incredibly garbage after each day”. Many students are forced into the private rental market where they pay market rates and compete with working professionals There seems little sign of improvement either, according to Aiobhe O’Brien, Welfare Officer at the University College of Cork. This crisis is a burden “for students at any given year”, she explains. “It is becoming an increasing problem because nothing is changing, it’s getting worse on the number of rooms but also on how much they’re charging per room…there are so many scams, landlords say they’re out of the country and just ask for the money”. The lack of options leaves some students wondering whether they would be better served going abroad to study. Brigid is one student who has concerns about continuing with her studies. While thinking of doing a master’s in Dublin she “considered going abroad because the cost of living as a whole would still be cheaper”. With the housing crisis having reached a point where students have to choose whether they want to move abroad to pursue their studies or do so in Ireland at an excruciating price, it’s clear that something has to change soon before Ireland loses another generation of young people to emigration.

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    Environmental Protection: More Than A Good Idea?

    Caroline Hurley argues that the EPA can and should be doing more to protect Ireland’s vital environment and biodiversity. Situated between the North Atlantic’s main storm tracks, Ireland has always been vulnerable to the weather. In the Royal Irish Academy’s 2020 collection of essays on Climate and Irish Society from prehistoric times, John Sweeney, a Professor of Geography at Maynooth University, explains that while the country was historically a prisoner of climate, struggling to ensure sufficient food, fodder and fuel, the relationship is now reversed. Irish society has lagged in confronting climate change but is now waking up with better monitoring, more public awareness, activism, and international agreements. Environmental protection makes multiple demands. As natural ecosystems degraded during the twentieth century, international climate bodies such as The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change were established. Five years later, the Irish Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) was founded in 1993, following the enactment of the EPA Act 1992 and the completion of the first national environmental impact assessment. What Does the EPA Do? According to its website, the EPA commits to delivering good environmental outcomes, based on the best knowledge, regulation, and advocacy. It conducts R&D, issues licences, and is the national body for environment enforcement, strategic review, and water management. As an EPA staff member explained: “We provide knowledge through targeted and timely environmental data, information and assessment to inform decision-making. And, we work with others to advocate for a clean, productive and well-protected environment”. The EPA measures the quality of air, drinking and wastewater, freshwater and seawater, and shares guidance on radiation, noise, climate change and the circular economy. In terms of services and regulated activities, the EPA’s wide remit includes authorising activities impacting the environment or human health. “We carry out monitoring of the quality of our air, our freshwater, groundwater and marine waterbodies and our use of natural resources. Through our research and development programme, we are generating the knowledge and expertise needed to protect and manage Ireland’s environment”. The dearth of environmental representatives, including EPA members, on key State Boards significantly reduces the chance of changing the business-as-usual narrative However, these assurances were challenged by Gerry McGovern in a two-part report on mining published by Hot Press last April, revealing that 28% of the Republic’s total land area is currently cleared for mining prospecting. McGovern states that “A normal member of the public, stressed out with enough worries, will instinctively assume that if the EPA thinks it’s good for the environment, or doesn’t object to it, then everything must be ok…those illusions were badly shaken by almost everyone I spoke to who is opposed to new mining licences being handed out in Ireland”. In 2018, Village highlighted contamination of the Silvermines area and called for a Superfund to clean up 450 polluted sites around the country. After talking to people affected by pollution of land, air and water, particularly in Tipperary and Limerick, McGovern warns of the hazards of light-touch regulation: “The primary role of the EPA is to support government policy. And government policy is to encourage and facilitate mining. As a result, the EPA ends up in the curious – and many would say contradictory – position of having to defend mining activities and interests”. The EPA claims to be a technical rather than political body. Although nominally independent, it derives funding from both government and industry licensing fees. Largely, for now, the EPA generates information for others making decisions, rarely taking preventive or protective action yet, despite its mission statement. If EPA resources are being mobilised for goals besides and perhaps antithetical to environmental protection, the problem of decarbonisation logjams makes more sense. Despite the organisation’s expert teams qualified to be watchdogs and leaders, restrictions mean it may be left to precarious independent researchers to expose truths and demand change. Meanwhile, silent policy affords cover to get rich quick merchants who have no quibbles about inflicting long-lasting environmental ruin. Limits of the EPA The dearth of environmental representatives, including EPA members, on key State Boards, such as Teagasc and the IFA, significantly reduces the chance of changing the business-as-usual narrative. Given the crisis unfolding before us, every policy and decision made across the public-private spectrum should be subject to environmental impact analysis. Conflicting considerations of consequences for wildlife are illustrated by the ESB’s plans for hydroelectricity, and laying of astroturf pitches around Dublin. While the EPA can assess toxicity levels and air quality, for example, it is limited in uncovering the potential health implications of its assessments: “Any research, studies or investigations into the risk or health implications associated with exposure…is a public health matter and so it would be dealt with by public health officials or researchers in this area, which is not within the remit of our organisation”. The problems continue underwater too. Earth scarring by mining on land is more visible than the rapidly spreading technology of sea mining. This industry is already inflicting environmental damage. Interfering with water routes interferes with biodiversity. Offshore wind farms are not exempt from negative impacts on ocean life either. According to a 2019 OECD report on pharmaceutical residues in freshwater: “Laboratory and field tests show traces of oral contraceptives causing the feminisation of fish and amphibians, and residues of psychiatric drugs altering fish behaviour…[and] antimicrobial resistance”. A 2022 paper for the Society of Environmental Toxicology and Chemistry Journal reinforces these points: “Overall, the results show that API (active pharmaceutical ingredients) pollution is a global problem that is likely negatively affecting the health of the world’s rivers. To meet the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals, work is urgently needed to tackle the problem and bring concentrations down to an acceptable level”.  Crayfish studies illustrate biodiversity imbalances caused. Levels of carcinogenic chemicals in drinking water are raising concerns too. Researchers have discovered microscopic plastic particles in the fats and lungs of two-thirds of the marine mammals in a study of ocean microplastics. Challenges mutate and multiply. The Environment of the Future? With transnational corporations outgrowing countries, the structural governance

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    Councillor’s son found double-dipping in rental market

    By Conor O’Carroll The son of a Sligo County Councillor and former Cathaoirleach has been found advertising a property on Daft.ie to students during the week and to tourists on Airbnb during the weekend. James Clarke, son of Independent Councillor Michael Clarke, advertised the property last week on both sites before quickly removing the listings as it began to attract interest online. The advertisement features one room with three bunk beds and another with two bunk beds, with two further rooms with double beds bringing the total capacity to between 12-14 students. For €400 each per month, the students would be required to vacate the house at 12pm every Friday to make way for the Airbnb bookings, before being permitted to return to the property at 4pm on Sundays. Village confirmed that the property did not have planning permission by geo-locating the property from images online and cross-referencing with Sligo County Council’s planning files. This property is just one of Clarke’s, with a further two properties listed on Airbnb in Sligo. One of these, which he “co-hosts” with his mother, Siobhan Fallon, has been converted from Fallon’s hairdressing salon. The property has been split into three separate listings on Airbnb, with guests able to book the upstairs apartment, the downstairs apartment, or the entire property. At the end of last year, Fallon received retention planning permission for a change of use to short-term letting despite falling within the rent pressure zone. Sligo County Council has ultimate responsibility for planning permission and decides each application on a case-by-case basis. However, official government guidance to local authorities on providing short-term letting planning permission states that “the planning authority will consider whether the property is situated within a rent pressure zone, an area experiencing high rent inflation and whether there is a sufficient supply of rental properties available for longer-term rental in the area”. It continues, “in areas of high housing demand it is unlikely that permission would be granted”. At the time of writing, there are just two properties available to rent in Sligo Town on Daft.ie, compared to over 60 on Airbnb. Sligo County Council did not respond to a request for comment. Clarke’s other property, another apartment in Sligo Town, is also available on Airbnb. No short-term letting planning permission is available for the address provided on Sligo County Council’s website. Clarke also did not respond to a request for comment and all his properties have since been removed from Airbnb.

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    Questions remain over Kathryn Thomas’ car brand connections despite Rose success

    By Conor O’Carroll At the midway point of the Rose of Tralee competition, the decision to break tradition and appoint Kathryn Thomas as co-host alongside Dáithí Ó Sé looks to be a success. Taking turns interviewing each Rose, Thomas and Ó Sé eased through the first night without any gaffs or wayward comments and facilitated open discussions of autism and the additional challenges the competition brings for those with ADHD. Thomas’ calm performance has prompted some to suggest her name for the now-vacant RTÉ Radio One show previously occupied by Ryan Tubridy. Much like Tubridy, however, Thomas has a close relationship with many car brands, leaving the door open to suggestions of editorial influence over the prominent radio show. There was some surprise when Thomas, also a Noel Kelly Management client, was announced as co-host of this year’s Rose of Tralee following her poorly timed announcement of her latest brand deal with Peugeot. In her Instagram post, released on the same day as RTÉ revealed Ryan Tubridy’s top-up payments, Thomas is pictured standing next to a new Peugeot 408, valued at between €40,000 to €53,000. This also wasn’t the first time the presenter of RTÉ’s ‘Operation Transformation’, formerly of ‘Rapid’ and ‘No Frontiers’ has received cars from manufacturers, having previously held lucrative brand ambassadorships with Audi and Land Rover Jaguar. Her relationship with Audi dates back to at least 2012 when she promoted the brand across social media and attended its sponsored events and showroom openings. In return for this, she received a convertible Audi A5, a car she described as her favourite accessory and praised for its Alcantara seats. After her stint with Audi, Thomas moved up to a more luxurious brand, partnering with Land Rover. As part of this partnership, Thomas received a Range Rover Evoque Plug-in Hybrid and later took part in a controversial greenwashing campaign that was criticised by the Advertising Standards Authority for Ireland (ASAI). In a now-deleted sponsored advertorial published by the Irish Times in 2021, Thomas promoted the SUV for its sustainability and zero emissions when driving in electric mode. The advertisement was part of a series of articles that drew criticism from the ASAI for not producing evidence that driving a Land Rover SUV would lead to a more sustainable lifestyle. RTÉ did not respond to questions asking whether Thomas had received permission from RTÉ management to enter into these brand partnerships. However, they did state that “RTÉ is expediting the establishment of its Register of Interests for staff and contractors, in consultation with the TUG [Trade Union Group]. The terms of reference for the register are being developed. In addition, Acting Deputy DG Adrian Lynch has written to all relevant line managers in RTÉ seeking clarification on any potential breaches of RTÉ’s journalism and content guidelines and meetings are underway”. Noel Kelly Management did not respond to a request for comment on Thomas’ behalf. The Rose of Tralee itself is intertwined with car brand sponsorship, with the website prominently featuring a competition to win a 232 Kia Ceed GT Line. Perhaps then it’s little wonder that Kathryn Thomas is very comfortable presenting it.

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    Intransigent militarist or republican icon? Conor Lenihan reviews ‘Liam Lynch: To Declare a Republic’ by Gerard Shannon.

    Liam Lynch, a republican martyr-ic0n, is the subject of a timely new biography in this, the hundredth anniversary of the ending of Ireland’s civil war. Lynch’s first biography by Florrie O’Donoghue is lyrical and incisive, being the work of a friend and comrade. Gerard Shannon, with wider access to archival material, has revealed the complexity of Lynch and is not bound to declamation as perhaps are his colleague fighters. Nevertheless in this new bookLynch’s heroism and commitment are not under question.  Lynch, though a strong militarist, was not an extremist in spite of the fact that he is cherished as such by romantic nationalists. The irony is that Lynch only took over as Chief of Staff of the anti-treaty IRA when hardliners like Rory O’Connor and Liam Mellows had been executed. His military leadership and political acumen has been severely criticised, but Lynch was dealt a bad hand of cards. Lynch was at his best as a local commander, something he himself recognised when offered a promotion to a senior position in the GHQ Staff of the IRA – by rightly refusing it. He got on well with both Collins and Mulcahy but knew his limitations. It was Lynch’s military mindset, as well as that of others, and the execution of anti-treaty fighters that spiralled the conflict into a bitter dispute of recrimination and tit-for-tat atrocities His leadership in the War of Independence was spectacular. The highlights include a raid for arms on Fermoy barracks and the high-profile kidnap of General Lucas at the height of the disturbances in 1920. Lucas paid the rare compliment to Lynch and his men on his release stating he had been “treated as a gentleman by gentlemen”. The propaganda value to the IRA was enormous and greatly resented by Lucas’ superiors. The picture of Lynch that emerges throughout is one of deep asceticism, ruthlessness and a military disregard for civil authority. Similar to other IRA men like Todd Andrews, he saw the actions of Sinn Féin and the Dáil as “ancillary” to the military campaign and taking the fight to the enemy. Lynch was a strong advocate of reprisal and the simple but effective strategy of burning the big homes of the Anglo-Irish unionists when the humble shops and cottages of his own were destroyed by the British military.  It was Lynch’s military mindset, as well as others, and the execution of anti-treaty fighters that spiralled the conflict into a bitter dispute of recrimination and tit-for-tat atrocities. Luminaries like Collins, Brugha, Harry Boland and Lynch made the ultimate sacrifice. The bitterness engendered left a long legacy in the country’s political system. None of this can be laid at Lynch’s door. In fact, it was British insistence on implementation of the letter of the treaty and the suppression of the Four Courts garrison that drove the sides apart. Intemperate language from De Valera escalated the debate at the beginning but, for the most part, he was marginal in the civil war campaign, his advice largely ignored while the army types retained control.  The death of Lynch allowed De Valera to wind down the conflict through his ally and proxy Frank Aiken who issued the IRA order to “dump” arms. This was only done when it became clear that the Free State government was not going to offer peace terms.  Viewed from the current day distance the whole episode looks like pointless and prolonged violence, despite the efforts by Florrie O’Donoghue and IRA Commander Tom Barry to broker peace. It seems a miracle, even today, that the British did not re-enter the country and impose order. That they didn’t is testimony to the guerilla fighters like Lynch and Barry who inflicted brutal blows on their British adversaries.  The lesson from the life of Lynch is the perils of setting off a violent conflict where there is no clear political imperative and where due political authority is not in charge. Thankfully this was a lesson learnt by Martin McGuinness and Gerry Adams in their own efforts to reach both a ceasefire in IRA activity and a workable settlement. The parallels between Michael Collins and Martin McGuinness are striking. Both were militarists who were prepared to reach a settlement that fell far short of their strategic goals or ideal. Both saw the deals they signed as transitionary in character rather than a final settlement. McGuinness and the later Sinn Féin leadership had time and scope to ensure that they did not fall foul of a republican backlash from within their own ranks.  The picture of Lynch that emerges throughout is one of deep asceticism, ruthlessness and a military disregard for civil authority Collins and Lynch were fighting a much more potent enemy – a British Empire still at its military and diplomatic height. The electoral mandate given to Collins proved decisive from a moral perspective during the civil war. Martin McGuinness benefitted from an extreme war weariness on the British side and a catastrophic shrinkage of British influence on the world stage.  If ever there is proof that peace is always better than war, the tragedy and circumstances of the Irish Civil War is a glaring example. If the commemorations and ceremonies on the centenary seem subdued and without satisfaction there is good reason for it. It was a nadir in Irish history. Conor Lenihan is a former Fianna Fáil Minister

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    Opinion: Use of depleted uranium in Ukraine ignores environmental & health consequences

    By Caroline Hurley Military authorities increasingly try to categorise armaments containing depleted uranium (DU) as conventional, despite epidemics of cancers and genetic mutations following their use in Iraq and elsewhere. These arms use nuclear waste and take advantage of the dense weight and flammability of uranium, primarily to penetrate tank metal, of the likes of Leopard 2. Massive stores of DU are now held in the Netherlands (Almelo), Germany (Lingen) and the UK, since the cessation of arrangements to send nuclear waste to Russia for dumping. An estimated one million tons of the poison had been produced in the world by 2016. Re-use for genocidal ecocidal destruction is a highly questionable recycling choice, showing up the entire nuclear industry as a redundant albatross. DU features in radioactive shielding and in aircraft, forklifts, and boat keels for weight. The National Crime Prevention Office oversees a small number of high-activity field sources in Ireland e.g. radioactive material to sterilise medical equipment, and radiography, which requires secure transport in solid containers. Nuclear-powered marine vessels, and vessels carrying nuclear material or other radiation-emitting materials, are expressly prohibited from entering an Irish harbour without prior dispensation, under Section 52 of the Harbours Act 1996. In contrast, the aerosol powder released on impact and combustion of DU munitions can potentially contaminate wide areas, depending on weather, and result in the inhalation of radioactive nanoparticles. Since uranium 238 has a half-life of 4.5 billion years, any harms spreading worldwide are cumulative. Health conditions like those observed after the Chernobyl accident have been noted since the first use of DU weapons in 1991. Survivors of bombings in Iraq, Bosnia, Somalia, Serbia, Syria, the Lebanon and Afghanistan share far higher rates of cancer, deformities, blood diseases and other symptoms than the military personnel who struck them. Overburdened health and social services struggle to cope, no matter how NGOs try patching things up. Will that be Ukraine’s fate? Abandoning compassion is the ultimate crime against the biosphere’s endangered future The WHO/IAEA Agreement (WHA12-40) of 28 May 1959, giving the IAEA power of veto over WHO’s activities. Similar “agreements” constrain other UN agencies. Rather than being independent, the IAEA’s objective to promote nuclear power is enshrined in its constitution, requiring the WHO to remain subservient in matters of radiation and health. This conflict of interest may prejudice decisions. Research on tissue damage from low-level radiation by John Gofman, and Helen Caldicott’s consciousness-raising about related diseases, garnered official opprobrium. UN brush-offs ring hollow e.g. “The results of the radiological assessments conducted by IAEA in cooperation with UNEP and WHO provide the basis for public reassurance”. An international campaign calls for WHO to be independent of the nuclear lobby. Disquiet about WHO governance extends to other areas, including pandemic management, power imbalances, and funder influence. Top-down WHO regulatory controls being drafted are failing to please everybody. DU releases mainly alpha radiation, which wreaks havoc on internal organs. The EPA does not monitor for DU in the environment but focuses on radioactivity sources normally delivering the highest radiation doses to members of the Irish public – namely, exposure to radon gas, medical exposures, cosmic radiation, terrestrial gamma radiation (which includes natural uranium), radioactivity in food and drinking water and occupational exposures. Atmospheric radioactivity due to depleted uranium is not a significant source of exposure to members of the Irish public when compared to those mentioned above, according to the EPA, while accepting that Uranium 238 has a half-life of 4.5 billion years and emits alpha radiation not routinely monitored. The EPA reports no evidence from Ukraine of nuclear weapon use or power plant leaks (yet) and points out that DU is less radioactive than natural uranium, is used commercially, and DU weapons are not nuclear. But the absence of evidence is not evidence of absence. Instead, emerging reports of harm should spur further studies, as the inbuilt societal systemic response. During the Iraq war, German (Bavarian), Austrian and Swiss scientists detected traces of DU in air and soil samples. Conversely, no testing means no information and silent risk. Since DU’s first military deployment, the trend of rising cancer rates among young people worldwide is attracting attention. After more than 15 tons of uranium bombs were dropped on Yugoslavia in 1999, over 4,000 citizens of Serbia, including Kosovo and Metohija, are suing NATO for causing their cancers. 400 have already died. More than 30,000 people are now diagnosed with cancer each year, compared to fewer than 7,000 cases before 1999. Blood analysis shows 500 times more metal than normal. Healthcare services are already being stripped back and exploited for profit. Entities like Physicians for Social Responsibility, and SHAPE are trying to reverse this trend. The Nuclear Information and Resource Service (NIRS) collates facts and updates. Other nuclear watch organisations include ICAN, the UN’s Unfold Zero, Arms Control Association, Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, and World Beyond War. The International Coalition to Ban Uranium Weapons focuses primarily on DU usage in war, “since its residuals prolong the war into an indefinite time. The aim of the coalition is to ban DU weapons, eliminate the environmental damage caused by uranium weapons, help the victims, and prevent future damage from such weapons and actions”. UN inertia persists as member states refuse to comply with principles, but credible evidence and expert warnings mount. Primum non Nocere (first, do no harm)? 2022 research recognises that “Uranium contamination has become a nonnegligible global health problem” about which understanding is “still at a preliminary stage”. However, the US EPA clearly warns that DU is a “serious health hazard”. Britain has admitted sending DU weapons to Ukraine, while Europe goes along with the ammunition-as-solution fantasy by obligingly arranging more arms production, which only builds momentum towards more wars. Where are the leaders who care more for life than for economics? Similar warnings from parties such as the IPPNW, and the Organization of Doctors for the Prevention of Nuclear War, are gathering. A lawyer for 400 sick Italian soldiers exposed to DU cautioned Britain to “think about the risks and the consequences”

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    Varadkar appoints eighth special adviser days before Dáil recess

    By Conor O’Carroll The Government has announced the appointment of a new special adviser to the Taoiseach, Leo Varadkar, just days before the Dáil adjourned until mid-September for the summer break. The appointment order is dated 11 July and was included in the 14 July edition of Iris Oifigiúil – Ireland’s official public record – however, it is only today that it has been confirmed as Jim D’Arcy. He will join the nine special advisers currently employed by the Department of An Taoiseach – seven by the Taoiseach and two by Chief Whip and Fine Gael TD Hildegarde Naughton. Ordinarily, the number of special advisers a Minister can have is limited to two, though this rule does not apply to the Taoiseach, Tánaiste or leader of any political party. As a result, An Tánaiste, Micheál Martin, has five special advisers, while Eamon Ryan has eight – two of which are employed on a job-share basis. The appointment of special advisers requires Government approval and the order confirming their appointment is published as a statutory instrument. The appointment order states that D’Arcy’s role has been effective from 16 January 2023, meaning 191 days have elapsed since his appointment and the release of the statutory instrument. This is the longest delay in announcement for the current crop of special advisers, but this practice isn’t unusual. Following the rotation of the Taoiseach in December last year, Ministers were required to re-appoint their special advisers. Analysis of each statutory instrument released since then shows that on average 94 days elapse between appointment and public notification. Noel Byrne’s appointment as special adviser to Fianna Fáil TD and Minister of State Anne Rabbitte on 21 December 2022 was signed by the Taoiseach on 4 May 2023, 66 days after he had left the post on 28 February. In total, fifteen of the 55 appointments were not officially announced until over 100 days after their start date as listed on the order. A further 23 announcements came more than 90 days after the appointment. The shortest gap between appointment and the statutory instrument being signed was 38 days, when Fiona Campbell was appointed as special adviser to Fine Gael TD and Minister for State Neale Richmond. Just ten appointment orders were signed within 60 days of the position being filled. A spokesperson for the Department of the Taoiseach stated “it is common for there to be a delay between the effective date of appointment and the making of the Order given the practicalities involved”. No response was offered when clarity was sought as to what these practicalities entailed. Further discrepancies arise when these statutory instruments are compared to the list of special advisers published by the government. The appointment order of Patrick Cluskey and Fiach Kelly as special advisers to the Taoiseach was signed on 16 May 2023 – 151 days after their appointment – but neither official appears in the list of special advisers published by the government. Responding to a parliamentary question submitted by Independent TD Violet-Anne Wynne earlier this month, Minister for Justice Helen McEntee confirmed that both were employed at the Department of Justice as her special advisers. The spokesperson for the Department of the Taoiseach continued, “The addition of the two advisers to the Department of the Taoiseach was a temporary measure due to the arrangements for maternity leave for Minister McEntee. The omission of the names of the two advisers from the list published by the Department of Public Expenditure, NDP Delivery & Reform was an oversight and the list will be updated in due course”. Despite the list purporting to be accurate as of 11 July, Jim D’Arcy too is not on the list, at the time of writing. The total salaries of those employed by the various Ministers and Ministers of State comes to just over €5 million, though this figure does not include Patrick Cluskey, Fiach Kelly or the Taoiseach’s latest appointment. It also does not include any incremental increases earned over time or the 2% pay rise received by civil servants as part of the 2023 public sector pay increase applied from March 2023. The salaries range from €51,679 (as part of a job share arrangement) to €195,137, though the two highest earners – Deirdre Gillane (€195,137) and Brian Murphy (€185,350) – have voluntarily returned an unknown amount of their salary. Alan Ahearne, special adviser to An Tánaiste Micheál Martin, does not receive any salary as he is on part-time secondment from NUIG. Of the 50 special advisers to receive a salary, 35 earn in excess of €100,000. It is as yet unclear how much the Taoiseach’s latest appointment will earn.

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    Ireland allows unlawful exploitation of the most vulnerable: international student Deliveroo and Just Eat riders.

    Fast-food delivery companies Deliveroo and Just Eat are dependent in Ireland on illegal labour that exploits international students who risk deportation by working for them. By J Vivian Cooke. The liveried bicyclists who zip past, delivering fast food, are probably working illegally. The fast-food delivery platforms operating in Ireland such as Deliveroo and Just Eat are so dependent on illegal labour to effect deliveries that flouting Irish immigration and employment law is at the very heart of their business model. These companies are aware of the practices, but, rather than enforce compliance with existing law, and, for that matter, the terms of their own service contracts, Deliveroo, in particular, in a remarkable manifestation of arrogance, has actually lobbied intensively to have Irish employment law changed. Many of the problems with the gig economy are well rehearsed: exploitative rates of pay; widespread tax non-compliance; dangerous working conditions; and a lack of the social protections that are due to most other workers. The platform companies actively avoid their responsibilities to their workers by categorising riders as self-employed. This categorisation has been challenged across Europe with varying degrees of success as differences in national legislation make the self-employment categorisation valid in some countries (UK and Ireland), but unlawful in others (Spain, Italy and the Netherlands). However, Stamp 2 visa holders – students from non-EU/EEA countries attending approved full-time English-language or third-level courses – are only allowed to engage in casual employment for less than 20 hours per week during college terms and for no more than 40 hours per week outside of college terms. Their visa conditions are explicit: they are not permitted to engage in business or trade. It is illegal for Stamp 2 visa holders to be self-employed. The inescapable logic of the fast-food delivery platforms insisting that their riders are self-employed is that Stamp 2 visa holders cannot legally be Deliveroo, Just Eat or UberEats riders. Deliveroo, for one, acknowledges as much in a series of documents released to Village Magazine under a Freedom of Information request. In May 2021, Deliveroo’s Country Manager, Paddy Quinlan, wrote to the Minister responsible, Leo Varadkar, looking to change international students’ working permissions because “It is increasingly clear that the law prohibiting Stamp 2 visa holders from being self-employed has presented a significant challenge for international students”. When Deliveroo CEO, Will Shu, met Varadkar later that month, these illegal work practices were one of the items that featured prominently on their agenda; while the Department of Enterprise’s records show that, at a further meeting about the topic with Minister Damien English on 18 October 2021, “They [Deliveroo] also indicated that they had contacted the Minister for Justice regarding limitations imposed regarding working hours under certain visa permission categories”. The inescapable logic of the fast-food delivery platforms insistence that their riders are self-employed is that Stamp 2 visa holders cannot legally be Uber Eats, Deliveroo or Just Eat riders Yet the use of illegal labour in the industry is widespread and is facilitated by how Deliveroo designs and operates its rider Apps. Prospective platform riders must produce documents confirming their identity and their legal entitlement to work before they are accepted as riders. However, lacking the requisite permissions and paperwork, Stamp 2 visa holders cannot sign up to be riders using their own identities. However, a feature of Deliveroo and Just Eat’s rider Apps is that approved riders are allowed to use their profiles to appoint another person to complete the account holder’s deliveries. Nevertheless, neither Just Eat nor Deliveroo asks to see or check the substitute riders’ documents when profile owners substitute them. Instead, Deliveroo warns its account holders that “When working with a substitute it’s your responsibility to check they have valid right to work in Ireland. This includes a valid Irish or EU passport, or the relevant visas. There are often conditions to working with visas, for example, people on Stamp 2 (student) visas are not eligible to work with Deliveroo”. Hypocritically it notes the gravity of breaking immigration law: “Failing to carry out Right to Work checks can be considered a criminal offence with sanctions of up to 5 years of imprisonment and a fine up to €250,000, it eschews all responsibility for addressing the consequences”. This is one of the most cynical policies Village has seen. Within the tightly knit foreign-student community sometimes it is a matter of using a qualifying friend’s or relation’s profile. However, for many others, a shadow market has arisen in which valid profile owners unlawfully rent out their Deliveroo or Just Eat rider profiles to migrants who are not legally permitted to undertake self-employed work and charge them up to €100 per week for the privilege of working in miserable conditions for miserly fees. Deliveroo self-servingly facilitates this illegal practice by allowing account holders to change the details of the receiving bank account into which rider fees are remitted. This allows fees to be paid directly into the substitute riders’ bank accounts. However, some profile owners insist that substitute riders’ fees are paid to the profile owner’s bank account and sometimes the fees earned are withheld from the substitute. In such situations, the rider has very little recourse as reporting the theft exposes them to the risk of being deported for breaching the conditions of their visa. Moreover, Deliveroo’s sign-up page for riders on its Irish website is available in English and in Portuguese. Pointedly, the version of the Portuguese translation offered is the Brazilian vernacular rather than the European version. Only a very small proportion of Brazilians resident in Ireland have the legal entitlement to engage in self-employed work. The choice of vernacular offered is consistent with what Quinlan noted: “is a significant desire among Stamp 2 visa holders for work as Deliveroo riders”. There can be no doubt that the practice is endemic. It is not possible to quantify precisely the extent of the practice because participants are predictably reluctant to admit that they work in breach of their visa conditions. Indeed,

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