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    Counter culture

    By Lorraine Courtney Political art is often charged with achieving the impossible: producing real, tangible change. Artists don’t pass laws or have a finger on the button, so what can they possibly do to influence governments or dislodge the structures of power? Will they ever save the world through ideas, objects and images alone? ‘Counter Culture’ is a play trying to do this. The play was first launched by the Fishamble Show-in-a-Bag scheme for the Dublin Fringe in 2013, and has toured widely in Ireland ever since. It’s a hilarious yet hard-hitting social realist fairytale, that’s set in the fictional Macken’s Department Store in Dublin on the busiest day of the year: a snowy 8th December. It’s also the day management decide to introduce zero hours contracts for their workers. The murky world of life on zero-hours contracts hit the headlines here with the recent strike in Dunnes Stores and we learned what it is like not to know how big next week’s pay cheque is going to be – or if they will receive one at all. Katie O’Kelly was inspired by an old photograph though. “I came across a picture. It was of my Granny, on strike, holding a placard outside Clery’s in Dublin in 1983. She worked there for over 30 years. She was campaigning for better pay and conditions for workers, and the right to form their own union. It was a side of my granny I had never known about, and it all seemed so different to the world of retail that I knew, where employees were treated almost like replaceable commodities”. And so O’Kelly flings her audience into the world of fashion retail, a web of hangers, sales targets and bunions, where the workers realise they as disposable as the fashion they sell. O’Kelly begins and ends her multi-character journey as a personified snowflake who flutters about and alights in the palm of the outstretched hand of Jim Larkin’s statue. This is the story of four employees (and a few other transitory characters) on a normal working day. It’s skillfully if a touch schematically done, and energetically performed by O’Kelly, who manages effortless transitions between the protagonists. We meet Gemma, a heavily pregnant young woman who is not allowed to sit down during her long shift in the bedding section, and her frail grandmother, Bridie, who has never missed a day’s work at Macken’s since she started out working there at just eighteen. “Amidst all the chaos of contracts and consumerism, at the core of ‘Counter Culture’ is the personal story of a granny and granddaughter, and their journey together through the day in Macken’s when zero-hours contracts are brought in. I think it’s important that the central two characters are female, as the majority of retail workers affected by zero and low-hour contracts are women, and their story should be told”. Through this kaleidoscopic story of inequity in the modern workplace, nostalgia, bribery, struggle, and half hope, told with the utmost industriousness by the pitch-perfect O’Kelly, the plot brims to the point of overflow for such a short play. The storytelling is not always successful. The characters (and this production) seem trapped on a roundelay, turning in ever decreasing circles. It is indulgent in its way – it could run at less than the apportioned time without losing anything. Yet O’Kelly’s baggy, blackly hilarious script is marked by a great joy in writing and a love of her characters. She imbues it with a beautifully watchable rhythm that only flags a little. Still Donal O’Kelly’s direction is taut and there are beautiful scenes like the brilliantly imaginative use of an empty metal clothes-rack. O’Kelly believes ‘Counter Culture’ can make a real impact this year in Edinburgh – the biggest international theatre window in the world, and focus attention on the issue of decent working conditions. It could. This enjoyable piece of agitprop makes no apologies for doing so. You see the truly political artist can insinuate and subtly subvert opinion without sledgehammer sermons, engaging the public consciousness on a deeper level and infiltrating the lifeblood of culture. Politics in art is still possible; in this age of apathy is vital. •

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    Siteserv in the media.

    By Gerard Cunningham and Michael Smith. The agendas and non-agendas associated with Ireland’s most powerful media owner, Denis O’Brien, are so complex that Village decided to try to bring some loose science to bear from a survey of newspaper coverage and front pages. The latest round of the Siteserv story broke on 19 April when Ministerial briefing notes, prepared by officials at the Department of Finance were released to Catherine Murphy TD, and printed in the Sunday Times, revealing concerns within the department that “a large number of transactions were poorly executed” by state-owned IBRC (Irish Bank Resolution Corporation, formerly Anglo Irish Bank and Irish Nationwide Building Society). The reserved Irish Times took two days to get stuck in to the issue but in the subsequent two weeks published 50 articles about Siteserv, mostly by its business correspondents. Independent newspapers, in which Denis O’Brien holds a 29.9% stake deemed ‘uncontrolling’, printed just 21 in the same period, only eight of which were in its business pages. On Sunday 26 April, the Sunday Times, which had set the ball rolling the previous week with “State memo slams IBRC Siteserv deal’ led now with “Share trades spike before Siteserv deal”, reporting a potentially incendiary “sharp rise” in shares traded in the days before IBRC received bids for the company. “State should probe AIB and Nama write-offs”, the Sunday Business Post blared across eight columns in a twin-deck headline, reporting Mike Aynsley’s call to widen the inquiry into debt write-offs beyond Siteserv and IBRC, part of an extended interview they carried with the enraged former IBRC boss. The Post also revealed “big business names” who benefited from debt writedowns from the former Anglo bank, including Denis O’Brien, TV3, and Sean Quinn’s family. The Irish Times doesn’t publish on Sundays, but the previous day’s Weekend Edition was still demurely on the shelves as the Sundays paraded their biases. It led with “IBRC declined to appoint senior civil servant to board, says Dukes”. Only the Sunday Independent failed to lead with the story, preferring to go with promised pay rises for public sector workers based on briefings from unnamed “senior cabinet sources” and a “senior minister” in the lead-up to the Spring Statement. Siteserv did make the Independent’s front page, but below the fold, in a somewhat tangential story headlined “Revealed: Dukes wanted to oust Noonan’s man in IBRC”. Between the covers, the Irish Times and Sunday Independent each devoted a full page to the story, while the Sunday Business Post spread its Aynsley interview over two pages. In a column dealing with the latest opinion poll results, Pat Rabbitte wondered if the Siteserv story might have contributed to the government’s declining numbers. The Sunday Independent inside followed the theme of its front-page story, concentrating on the rift between IBRC and the Department of Finance. The Irish Times also has a opinion column on the subject (two if you include Stephen Collins’ article, which really centred on the Oireachtas banking inquiry). The Sunday Times carried a full page of coverage on page 8, and another on the Dukes story. The Sunday Times capped off its coverage with an editorial drawing a line back to the Moriarty tribunal, framing the story pointedly around the long-term relationship between Denis O’Brien and Fine Gael, and the need for care from the Taoiseach. There is a maxim in politics, coined by British Labour party director of communications Alastair Campbell, that “no minister can survive beyond a two-week feeding frenzy in the press”. Two of the three Sunday broadsheets – the Sunday Times and Sunday Business Post – led with Siteserv related stories for the second week on 3 May. The Sunday Times’ “Noonan kept in dark about Siteserv deal” again seemed particularly toxic to IBRC and its indulgence of O’Brien. The Sunday Independent opted for the Lenihan family’s ongoing efforts to protect Brian Lenihan’s reputation. Maeve Sheehan had another Siteserv story on page 6, though it was double-edged with a sense that the pursuit of the Siteserv issue was prejudicing the possibility of IBRC getting a deal with the Quinn family, even though that might perhaps be in the public interest. The article also drew attention to the added conflict for KPMG , the accountancy firm appointed to review all major IBRC discounted sales including Siteserv, by virtue of KPMG having been paid €18,548 fees by Siteserv after it was liquidated. The business section, even firebrand TD Shane Ross whom radio comedian Oliver Callan has been ridiculing for his long-standing awareness of where his bread is buttered, again failed to advance the scandal, though it did print a self-justifying interview with Alan Dukes, who downplayed it and feels he is being made a scapegoat. The inquiry ensures this issue will run. It is fortunate for Noonan that it is not a minister who is the object of this particular feeding frenzy. Some organs appear more fired up by Siteserv than others. It will be interesting to hear how RTé, which was really very slow off the mark on the issue, and the Business Post, state their agendas in defending imminent proceedings from O’Brien who claims there is no public interest in publishing  private details of his banking arrangements with IBRC. Faced with accumulating antagonism, it may be fortunate for Mr O’Brien that the newspaper group he owns but does not control seems protective of him. •

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    Barristers’ Code allows them to act despite conflicts of interest.

    By Michael Smith. I remember 25 years ago attending a lecture on ethics for barristers in the King’s Inns (motto Nolumus Mutari 1541 – ‘we don’t want to be changed 1541’). An eminent (though aren’t they all?) senior counsel and ‘bencher’ (don’t ask!) was batting for the Bar Council. A student asked why a second-level teacher could not practise at the bar when a third-level teacher could. “Oh, That’s easy”, senior counsel intoned. “That’s because it’s always been the way”. That issue has now been fudged. The 2004 Code of Conduct for Barristers provides that: “Barristers are excluded from occupations which conflict with the duties contained in the Code of Conduct”. Forfend the devil-by-day, burger-flipper-after-dark apocalypse. And the Code also recognises conflicts of interest. Though not for barristers: “3.2 (a) If a Barrister forms the view that a conflict of interest has arisen between a client and the solicitor who has instructed the Barrister on behalf of that client, the Barrister must provide advice for the client stating the nature of the Barrister’s concerns and recommending that the client instruct a different solicitor”. This is code for: solicitors are the junior profession and it is important that our learned friends have the Code-mandated right to draw attention to any deviance especially a conflict of interest. Why, such a conflict might draw opprobrium on the solicitor’s counsel! Naturally it’s necessary then for the Code to spell out what a conflict of interest could involve: “For the purposes of these rules cases involving a ‘conflict of interest’ include but are not limited to: (i) 
any case where, by reason of any act or omission of a Barrister’s instructing Solicitor, in the view of the Barrister, the Barrister’s client may have suffered or may potentially suffer any loss, damage or detriment; and (ii) 
any case where, to the knowledge of a Barrister, the Barrister’s instructing solicitor has failed, within an appropriate period, to comply with the instructions of his client, whether or not those instructions conform with any advice of the Barrister”. So, a definition of conflict of interest, in a Code for Barristers, that focuses on conflicts of interest for solicitors. But surely there’s a provision elsewhere dealing with a situation where a learned friend takes a brief for a new client and then discovers that he’s already representing someone else who wants precisely the opposite of what the new client wants? I wrote to the Bar Council asking: “Can you please advise me whether the Bar Council code of conduct precludes a barrister taking a case where he or she has a conflict of interest and, if not, why not. Does the absence of such a provision reflect on the integrity or intelligence of the profession?”. The Director of the Bar Council, Ciara Murphy replied promptly: “Your query was referred to the professional practices committee which deals with such matters. Please find below the section of the Code of Conduct relating to conflict of interest. 2.14 Having regard to the anticipated length and complexity of a case and having regard to their other professional commitments and the provisions of this Code of Conduct Barristers are bound to accept instructions in any case in the field in which they profess to practice (having regard to their experience and seniority) subject to the Payment of a proper professional fee. A Barrister may be justified in refusing to accept instructions where a conflict of interest arises or is likely to arise or where they possess relevant or confidential information or where there are other special circumstances. It is important to appreciate that conflict of interest covers numerous potential issues and situations and many questions of degree. It can therefore require that difficult judgments be made. It is extremely unwise to generalise on the subject or to come to conclusions about particular cases without full information and careful and objective analysis. This committee advises barristers on such matters on a regular basis, often following a query or objection from a particular party or witness, but can only do so with all relevant information”. Fine. A Barrister may refuse a brief where s/he has a conflict of interest. But it is not required. Any lawyer will tell you this is providing for a right when what is required is a duty. In 2015 self-regulated barristers allow themselves to accept instructions where they have a conflict of interest. The rule should be: “A Barrister must not take a case where s/he has a conflict of interest in circumstances where it would a) be improper or b) be prejudicial, unless all clients give informed consent”. The equivalent ‘handbook’ for barristers and England and Wales outlines the standard as you would expect: “C21 – You must not accept instructions to act in a particular matter if: There is a conflict of interest between the prospective client and one or more of your former or existing clients in respect of the particular matter unless all of the clients who have an interest in the particular matter give their informed consent to your acting in such circumstances; or…”. Subsequently, as an afterthought, a further email arrived from the Bar Council’s Press Officer, Jeanne McDonagh. It cited other provisions but of course could not cite any reference to a preclusion on acting ‘where s/he has a conflict of interest in circumstances where it would a) be improper or b) be prejudicial, unless all clients give informed consent”. She cited the following: “3.11 Barristers ought not to accept instructions if they would be embarrassed in the discharge of their duties because they have previously advised on or drawn pleadings for another client on the same matter or appeared for another person who is or was connected with the same matter, or assisted another Barrister in the discharge of such duties, as envisaged by paragraph 7.6, or they are in possession of material information entrusted to them by another client and it would be prejudicial to that client’s interests or there is any other

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    Pure Love and the Loss of Shame.

    Coming from a country where there are no plans for marriage equality and stances toward gay unions are stifling, the mobilisation of supporters for marriage equality in Ireland has been humbling.

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    Trichet: Franco-Banco-anchor

    Ireland, Euro area Governance et l’art de mentir: Past, Present and Futur Jean-Claude Trichet Institute of International and European Affaires   Dear Members of the Parliament Irlandais, It is for me an immense plaisir and a great honneur to be here, today, with what passes for the élite of your country, at this place where I deign to assert above all my primacy and the  supremacy of the institution I love – over your national sovereignty. First and foremost I want not to apologise for anything, indeed to offrir some counter-factuals that challenge the facts as you all know them. In particulier I will try out some Banco-Franco porcies that you will not be able to disprove primarily because l’homme who really knows their details – Brian Lehihan – “Brian” – is not here to shout “lie”. After that I wish to patronisingly (in fact I prefer the term ‘patrician’ to the confusingly French ‘patron’) acknowledge the major achievements made by your country. I will not mention the augmentation in  your debt-to GDP rate from 25% to 114% between 2007 and now, nor le fait que GNP is still below what it was in 2008. I will instead loftily refer to how Irlande returned to market financing well before the end of the programme in end-2013. The stability of the banking system has been largely restauré. And, most importantly, since 2014 the economy has been recovering at an impressive vitesse, to the benefit of the Irish people about whom I know nothing and care less. Or in terms that they understand: nous nous en fichons. You will be familiar with the story of the tourist in a remote area in Ireland who asks a local for directions to Dublin. The local man replies: “Well, if I were you, I wouldn’t start from here”. When the crisis started in mid-2007 many policymakers had the very same feeling as that local man. More importantly this is a story which reflects my disdain for your little country and my general tin ear to all things local. When I have ever thought of your country, it has always been that little man in a remote area, without a clue about anything. A forelock tugger of the sort that even stereotypes long ago binned. From my perspective as President of the ECB, I remember clearly the huge uncertainty. Had central banks across the globe not come together to chart a course the outcome could have been a repeat of the 1930s. I have no awareness that in fact the economic outcome was indeed worse in your country than during the Great Depression. The crisis revealed major deficiencies in governance for the Euro, ranging from the refusal by some Member States to comply with the Stability and Growth Pact to a benign neglect of major divergences in competitiveness, from the absence of a crisis resolution framework to the lack of a banking union. Neverthess I want brazenly to deny the realité that a central bank like the ECB was always responsable for maintaining economic stability as it implicitly acknowledged with its actions after the onset of the crisis.Your Nyberg and Honohan reports are most notable for not blaming anyone, an Irish concern with which you will not be surpris to entendre that I am bien confortable. These reports document well the deficiencies in national banking regulation and supervision during the boom years, quand financial stability risques were underestimés. And, let moi remind you, at the time the ECB had no responsabilité at all for banking supervision or macro-prudential policies in Member Etats. This changed only after the crisis. The so-called “principle based approche” to supervision assumed implicitly that banks would control their risk taking. Burgeoning credit growth and the consequent expansion of banks’ balance sheets, giving rise to highly concentrés exposures to the construction industrie and property sector, should have sounded the alarm, even for you gombeens. Mais ah non! Fuelling this expansion was an unsustainable bank funding model. Credit croissance was financed increasingly by the wholesale marché, which provided the funding scope for the loan-to-deposit ratio of certain major banques to reach levels of 200 percent by 2007. But it is also important to note that the guarantee was introduit by the Irish Government, without any coordination with the ECB and the other European partners. The ECB, shortly after the fact, was critical of some aspects of the guarantee, as can be inferred by reading our legal opinions at the temps. There is no end to the preciousness I bring to bear in drawing attention to this. As we know, the garantie triggered later an intense negative spiral between the banking secteur and the sovereign. The so-called “CIFS cliff” – the wave of debt maturing in September 2010 issued under the guarantee – confirmed Ireland’s loss of access to sovereign markets. Combined with other factors, such as the ever-worsening fiscal position, the Irish government was confronted with no alternative but to ask for official support. I am absolument ready to forget that in Autumn 2010 I told Brian he could sting his unsecured, unguaranteed bondholders only to illegally withdraw the offer when I realised the effect that would have on banks from countries that actually matter.  And take it from me I will not be referring to my ‘gun to the head’ letter to Brian Lenihan of 19 November 2010, stating that the Bank could only autorise further liquidity funding assistance to Irish banks if it received a commitment in writing from the Irish Government that it would send a request for financial support. At the same time, it should not be overlooked that, over the period 2009-11, the holders of subordinated debt issued by Irish banks incurred burden-sharing in the order of €14 billion. In the same vein, shareholders’ write-downs exceeded €29 billion. As such, the private investors in the Irish banking system endured considerable losses. The crise that befell Ireland after 2007, and the hardship that it caused for so many peuple,

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    Blame Big Food and Pharma.

    By Frank Armstrong. You know you are in trouble when the Minister for Health boasts about taking out health insurance although the Programme for Government stipulates a “universal, single-tiered health service, which guarantees access based on need, not income”. In his cheery way Leo Varadakar was effectively admitting that the provision of public health care will remain unfit for purpose and that the poor are not enjoying the same level of treatment as the rich. If his British counterpart were to make the same declaration there would be an outcry over the denigration of a national institution, the (national) health service. No-one seems to care that those who cannot afford medical insurance (otherwise known as the poor), are going to be subjected to inferior treatment in two tier Ireland. But Ireland’s Left is bedevilled by petty squabbles and attachment to nationalist aggrandisement. Moreover, the media are uninterested (the principal shareholder of Independent News and Media recently acquired a private hospital). The commodification of healthcare may also have sinister consequences even for those who can afford it. Put simply: if a private client doesn’t get sick then the medical professional doesn’t earn a living. Treatment of disease becomes the raison d’etre of the system. What motivation is there for the doctor to prevent disease by advocating the kind of lifestyle changes that promote health before they encounter a medical professional? And Big Pharma just wants to sell medicines. That is not to impugn the reputations of individual doctors, nor to question the validity of evidence-based medicine, although the work of Ben Goldacre has shown just how corrupt the system can be. Of course it goes beyond Big Pharma and their sinister machinations. It extends to Big Food and all its wretched emanations. We know that large companies actually work to engender compulsive eating. Quite how our laws permit this is staggering. Big Tobacco is getting its comeuppance but we have a long way to go before Big Food executives are hauled before the courts. In Ireland the Big Food lobby has been highly successful in telling people that without consuming meat and dairy we’ll collapse with anaemia and osteoporosis. This is achieved through extensive lobbying, skilled manipulation of media, and the funding of studies and conferences where evidence-based methods are manipulated to draw favourable conclusions. Most startling has been the success of the dairy industry in promoting baby cow food as necessary for preventing osteoporosis. This ignores that humanity domesticated cattle less than ten thousand years ago. Clearly we have not evolved a dependence in such a short time, and in any case most of humanity is still lactose intolerant: the independent Harvard School of Public Health argue that there are better sources of calcium especially green leafy vegetables. Also occluded from most of the Irish population is the firm evidence from most long-term epidemiological studies (from Okinawa to China and on to the Mediterranean) which show that predominantly plant-based diets rich in wholegrains and vegetables promote longevity and reduce disease risk. Sadly the medical community in Ireland which should be making nutritional arguments are structurally deterred from doing so. Often it’s easily ridiculed practitioners of complementary medicine that are putting these points across. And so the health of the Irish population deteriorates and we may be reaching a point where, despite advances in vaccinations and life-saving antibiotics (notwithstanding their overuse) today’s parents will enjoy greater life expectancies than their children. This, at least, was the finding of one recent US study and Ireland seems to be converging with US norms. At least many educated people are finding out about the beneficial effects of dietary change for themselves, but those without the educational capability (another sector underpinned by inequality) many are unable to untangle the cacophony of nutritional advice. Obesity is now, paradoxically, linked to food poverty. Across the water some months ago a Tory peer by the delicious name of Gayle Hunnicutt got into a spot of bother when she suggested that those availing of food banks simply had poor cookery skills. “We have lost a lot of our cookery skills. Poor people do not know how to cook” Hunnicutt said. “I had a large bowl of porridge today, which cost 4p. A large bowl of sugary cereals will cost you 25p”. Predictably a wave of revulsion greeted the dame’s remarks, especially drawing attention to how cookery facilities are often lacking in impoverished circumstances. But she does have a point. Poor immigrants arriving in Ireland from countries whose food cultures amount to more than meat and two veg display far greater dietary range and acquaint their children with different flavours at an early stage in their development. Ireland seems to have an even more dysfunctional relationship with food than its nearest neighbour and one UN agency recently predicted that Ireland will soon have the highest rate of obesity in Europe. Of course the origins of obesity are multi-factorial and include: the stress of living in a competitive capitalist society; urban environments unfavourable to walking, cycling and public transport; and the over-use of antibiotics. Nonetheless the absence of a resilient food culture drawing significantly on native crops rather than foodstuffs skillfully marketed by a capitalist system at a relatively advanced post-industrial stage is apparent. The convergence of Irish diets with those of the wider then United Kingdom at the end of the nineteenth century has had a lasting effect. Improvements in diet through the development of alternative agriculture, especially fruit and vegetable cultivation, could help confront the obesity pandemic through the appeal of increased variety, freshness and a reduction in cost. Imbalances in the present system are revealed in the 2011 healthy-eating guidelines of the Food Safety Authority of Ireland (FSAI), which found that foods high in fat and sugar were generally a far cheaper source of calories and that fruits and vegetables were in the most expensive category. Damningly, the report noted that “healthy eating was less affordable for families dependent on social welfare”. The authors identified a need

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    Radio is for old people.

    By Gerard Cunningham. Newspapers have grown used to the idea that they face an existential threat from the digital world, even if they haven’t quite figured out what to do about it.  But for a long time broadcasters, in particular radio,  thought they could be different. The truth is that, behind the chipper periodic press releases trumpeting new listeners which inevitably follow the publication of every new quarterly Joint National Listenership Research (JNLR) survey, radio audiences are being hollowed out. While every radio station promotes its market share (the percentage of listeners who are listening to particular broadcasters) and reach (the percentage of the total population listening to anything), industry boosters have in effect come to an unspoken agreement not to mention minutes listened. And the humbling truth is, the average number of minutes a typical audience member spends listening to radio is in decline. The decline has two aspects. Firstly, like print, radio is becoming a middle-age medium. Over-35s spend over four hours a day (251 minutes) listening to radio, over 100 minutes more than 15-24-year-olds (153 minutes). Even among the wider 15-34 demographic, mean minutes listened is just over three hours (182 minutes). The younger you are, the less likely you are to listen to radio. Secondly, the mean number of minutes spent listening to broadcast radio daily is in decline. This is the case across all age groups, although the decline is more notable among younger listeners. Since November 2009, mean minutes listened across all adults (over-15s) have declined by five minutes, but while over-35s are only down six minutes, numbers among younger cohorts are in double figures: 13 minutes among 15-24s, and 16 minutes among 15-34s. Both audiences had lost more minutes, from a lower initial base. Eventually, those declines will bite into advertising revenues. “Younger people are listening to far fewer minutes per day of radio compared to older people. My radio sources tell me this is a major source of concern, although not one they are much interested in talking about in public”, one industry commentator said. “Similar patterns can also be seen in television. These are increasingly media for old people”. “The really interesting issue is the lack of an RTÉ product for people born between 1986 and 1996. That whole cohort has been abandoned. The only people really making an effort to chase younger audiences are Communicorp. Head of 2FM Dan Healy is trying but he is operating under heavy constraints”. There may be a limit to what can be done, however. The problem extends beyond improving content. There are simply more demands for listeners’ attention, from podcasts and internet radio, to all the other audio, visual and text offerings on mobile, tablet and desktop computer screens. As always, where America leads, the world will follow, and the fortunes of US radio foreshadow what the Irish market can expect in the next five years. There, the majority of news websites now get more traffic from mobile than desktop, and online advertising continues to provide more revenue to newsrooms, but not enough to make up for the losses in print advertising. Unfortunately for news, their share of digital advertising amounts to only $3.5bn, an impressive enough figure, but bear in mind that’s the revenue for all newsrooms. Compared to figures for the Big Five who dominate digital advertising, it is trivial. The entire online advertising market was worth $22bn in 2014, and half of that went to just five companies: Facebook, Google, Yahoo, AOL and Twitter. On mobile screens, the situation is even worse. A slightly different five – Facebook, Google, Twitter, Pandora and Apple – account for almost two thirds of advertising. For radio, the threat isn’t just an audience spending more time reading screens, but that digital competition can eat into its core offering. Streaming services have become more popular, internet radio allows consumers a greater choice of stations not limited by distance, and the success of Serial last year didn’t make it so much a breakout hit as an indicator that podcasting has reached a tipping point with popular audiences. Recent US research shows that the number of Americans who have listened to a podcast within the last 30 days almost doubled to 17% between 2008 and 2015, coinciding with the launch and spread of smartphones. The same research shows 53% of Americans listened to online radio. •

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